Journal articles on the topic 'Copie privée'

RésuméUne enquête sur les pratiques de lecture dans le monde byzantin fait apparaître une grande continuité avec celles de l’époque gréco-romaine. On lit en général à haute voix. Écriture et lecture des livres sont entièrement dissociées, l’une de ces opérations étant manuelle et rémunérée, l’autre purement intellectuelle. La lecture est une activité essentiellement privée, circonscrite à la sphère domestique; il existe des « cercles de lecture » où les ouvrages littéraires sont lus et présentés en avantpremière. En revanche, il n’y a pas de lecture à l’intérieur des monastères, car les moines ne connaissent qu’un tout petit nombre de textes et ne pratiquent bien souvent que le psautier. Le haut Moyen Âge occidental présente un panorama profondément différent: la lecture est habituellement silencieuse ou murmurée. La lecture privée chez les laïcs est un phénomène rare, car les livres sont lus dans les institutions ecclésiastiques: évêchés et monastères. Il n’existe, par ailleurs, aucun hiatus entre lire et écrire, puisque la copie des textes pieux concourt elle-même à l’instruction chrétienne. Ces différences très marquées ont leur source dans des facteurs qui relèvent à la fois de l’anthropologie et de l’histoire culturelle, voire de la pratique quotidienne.

Résumé Une enquête sur les pratiques de lecture dans le monde byzantin fait apparaître une grande continuité avec celles de l’époque gréco-romaine. On lit en général à haute voix. Écriture et lecture des livres sont entièrement dissociées, l’une de ces opérations étant manuelle et rémunérée, l’autre purement intellectuelle. La lecture est une activité essentiellement privée, circonscrite à la sphère domestique; il existe des « cercles de lecture » où les ouvrages littéraires sont lus et présentés en avantpremière. En revanche, il n’y a pas de lecture à l’intérieur des monastères, car les moines ne connaissent qu’un tout petit nombre de textes et ne pratiquent bien souvent que le psautier. Le haut Moyen Âge occidental présente un panorama profondément différent: la lecture est habituellement silencieuse ou murmurée. La lecture privée chez les laïcs est un phénomène rare, car les livres sont lus dans les institutions ecclésiastiques: évêchés et monastères. Il n’existe, par ailleurs, aucun hiatus entre lire et écrire, puisque la copie des textes pieux concourt elle-même à l’instruction chrétienne. Ces différences très marquées ont leur source dans des facteurs qui relèvent à la fois de l’anthropologie et de l’histoire culturelle, voire de la pratique quotidienne.

Cet article étudie les statuts et les enjeux de l’archive dans le cas particulier de la réécriture faite par Jacques Roubaud, dans le recueil Quelque chose noir (1986), du Journal (1984) d’Alix Cléo Roubaud, son épouse, décédée en 1983. Nous analyserons ce diptyque en nous intéressant à l’effet de répétition produit par le dispositif intertextuel, et surtout aux libertés prises par le poète à l’intérieur de cette copia (déplacements sémantiques, grammaticaux ou syntaxiques). Nous tenterons d’observer comment le travail de deuil et la réorganisation de la mémoire privée, intime, visent à une réinvention de formes appartenant à la tradition, notamment celle du tombeau poétique et, plus généralement, celle du poème lyrique, en ce qui a trait à la représentation et à la récitation. Enfin, nous montrerons comment ce travail sur l’archive convoque de manière paradoxale une pensée à la fois de la disparition et de l’inscription, qui s’accorde aux thèses roubaldiennes sur la création poétique et la mémoire.

Le Bustân al-Azhâr fî Manâqib Zimzim al-Akhyâr wa Ma'dan al-Anwâr Sidi Ahmad b. Yûsuf al-Râchidî al-Nasab wa'l-Dâr de Muhammad b. Muh. al-Sabbâgh al-Qal'î est sans doute la Vie de saint la plus célèbre au Maghreb. Ses copies manuscrites se comptent par dizaine dans les bibliothèques publiques et privées. Nous-même avons eu accès à quatre copies différentes. En Algérie, sa popularité est telle qu'il est la seule Vie de saint à avoir eu droit au privilège de l'édition imprimée en 1927. Cette édition du Bustân est, toutefois, si rare que seules quelques bibliothèques privées en possèdent des exemplaires. La Bibliothèque Nationale d'Alger, par exemple, qui possède deux copies manuscrites du Bustân ne dispose pas de cette édition.

In 1831 in London, two formidable women met: Mary Prince, an ex-slave from Bermuda, who had crossed the Atlantic to a qualified freedom, and Susanna Strickland, an English writer. The narrative that emerged from this meeting was The History of Mary Prince, which played a role in the fight for slave emancipation in the British Empire. Prince disappeared once the battle was won, while Strickland emigrated to Upper Canada and, as Susanna Moodie, became an often quoted 19th century Canadian writer. Prince dictated, Strickland copied, and the whole was lightly edited by Thomas Pringle, the anti-slavery publisher at whose house the meeting took place.This is the standard account. In contesting this version, the paper aims to reinstate Moodie as co-creator of the collaborative Mary Prince text by considering multiple accounts of the meeting with Prince and to place the work in the context of Moodie’s pre- and post-emigration oeuvre on both sides of the Atlantic.

What happens to tone when a form is reduplicated in a tone language? In Marantz's (1982) model of reduplication, it is only segmental melody that is copied from the base. This approach predicts that no tones of the base will appear on the reduplicant. In other models, the whole base is copied, including prosody (Steriade 1988; McCarthy & Prince 1988, forthcoming). This approach predicts that the tone of the base will always appear on the reduplicant, i.e. there will be ‘transfer’ of the tone (Clements 1985).

The article is devoted to the study of three ceremonial portraits of Prince Peter Lvovich Wittgenstein, a general of the Russian army and the richest landowner in Belarus in the 19th century. Most of ceremonial portraits of 19th century military men were perished in the whirlwind of wars and revolutions of the 20th century. Finding each such work, even outside our country, is of great interest.The prince’s maternal ancestors were representatives of the most famous aristocratic family in the history of Belarus. His father was the son of a Russian field marshal, hero of the war with Napoleon. Prince Peter did not leave children, all of his portraits are now outside Belarus about the descendants of his sister and brother.The paintings were revealed by the author himself, have not been studied before.The earliest portrait dates from the 1850s. and represents the prince in the uniform of a junior officer of the Horse Guards Regiment. The author’s name is not known, there is a copy of J. N. Bernhardt. The next portrait was painted by an unknown artist around 1864. The latest portrait represents a prince in a general’s uniform, completed by the Austrian artist Z. L’Alleman in 1888 after the death of his hero. Two copies of this portrait are also kept in private collections of his descendants.The article presents descriptions of portraits and their copies, analysis of the history of creation and existence in the context of the prince’s biography and his iconography, through the prism of the Russian and European tradition of writing ceremonial portraits of government officials.

Le manuscrit du Coran dit « de la Nourrice » est l'un des plus célèbres de la collection de Kairouan, maintenant conservée au Musée des arts islamiques de Raqqada. Son origine est exceptionnellement bien connue grâce à un texte qui équivaut à un colophon et donne la date d'achèvement en ramadan 410/janvier 1020—ou légèrement plus tôt. Les dimensions remarquables de cette copie (environ 445x300 mm), sa calligraphie spectaculaire et son enluminure frappent l'imagination. Près de 2000 feuillets ont été préservés et une étude détaillée sera nécessaire pour comprendre cet important épisode de la calligraphie et de l'art du livre dans l'Ifriqiya ziride. Le présent article représente une première étape dans cette direction et montre que différents copistes et/ou enlumineurs ont été impliqués dans la réalisation de cet exemplaire en soixante volumes. Il tente de replacer ce superbe manuscrit dans le contexte de son époque. [The so-called ‘Qur'an of the Nurse’ is one of the most famous manuscripts from the Qayrawān collection, now in the Museum of Islamic arts in Raqqada. Its provenance is exceptionally well documented, with the equivalent of a colophon giving the date of completion in Ramaḍān 410/January 1020 or slightly before. The outstanding size of the copy (c. 445x300 mm), and its dramatic calligraphy and illumination capture the imagination. About 2,000 folios have survived and a full study of the manuscript is required in order to understand this important episode of calligraphy and art of the book in Zirid Ifriqiyya. The present paper is a first step towards this goal and shows that various copyists and/or illuminators have been involved in the production of the sixty-volume set. It tries to put this magnificent manuscript into the context of this period.]

Dans la tradition humorale, l’enfant est porté vers la mélancolie parce qu’influençable. Comme il croît, il se meut, il s’émeut. La mélancolie de l’enfant se nomme néoténie : elle est causée par la « prématuration spécifique de la naissance chez l’homme », comme le rappelle Jacques Lacan. Mélancolique en raison du jeu de sa forme, l’enfant est ouvert au temps : il est la figure instable de ce qu’on devine être plus tard le même et autrement. On ne s’intéressera donc pas à l’enfant en tant qu’il serait l’objet d’une nostalgie du temps passé, mais plutôt à l’enfant comme à la Mélancolie même, son emblème, sa figure et son mouvement. On appellera « enfant » quelque chose comme le manque à être. Ce sera aussi, l’enfant, une figure en formation, le mouvement vers l’accomplissement. Ce pourrait être la figura d’Auerbach, la promesse d’une incarnation — image, photographie ou roman. Ce sera, ici, l’enfant présenté dans les photographies et les récits du Roland Barthes par Roland Barthes. Reléguée aux limbes de l’oeuvre, cette figure semble avoir échappé au regard critique. Bien qu’il soit mineur, l’enfant a pourtant portée théorique. On voudra, dans le présent article, se pencher sur l’enfant et sa mélancolie, sur le désir d’être formé, sur l’exigence de la copie et sur la photographie.

Abstract The article opens with a discussion of the Italian and Italianate concertos that Johann Sebastian Bach transcribed for the organ and harpsichord (bwv592–96, bwv972–87). Hans-Joachim Schulze has suggested that Bach encountered these Italian instrumental works as a result of a trip by Prince Johann Ernst of Saxe-Weimar to the Netherlands. This article suggests an alternative route for Bach to have gained copies of Italian concertos, namely via the Halle and Leipzig bookseller Adam Christoph Sellius. He traded in sheet music published by Estienne Roger in Amsterdam and also in French printed music, probably imported through his contacts in the Netherlands.

The author analyzed the collections of descendants of the marshal prince Piotr Wittgenstein in which the artifacts connected with this historic figure are stored. Special attention is paid to lifetime portraits of the prince and also their copies. Some of works are attributed and dated, historical circumstances of their creation are specified. In 1834 the marshal has last time visited St. Petersburg. The author connects with this event the emergence of several works of art which weren’t earlier known to experts. The most interesting ones among them are works of the French artist A. Ladurner. The article shows the actions of marshal’s descendants for promoting and memorilization of his personality. For the first time the materials from the Central archive Hohenlohe in Neunstein (Germany) are published. On the basis of these documents the author speaks about history of one marshal’s portrait which was transferred in 1892 to the regiment bearing his name. The marshal’s granddaughter princess Maria Hohenlohe became the initiator of writing of a portrait and its transfer. The author of the article associates such a rich iconography of P. Wittgenstein with the manifestation of his personal cult in families of his descendants.

Marina ChistiakovaArchaic Features in the Synaxaria of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania The article discusses some archaic features of Old Church Slavonic Synaxarion preserved in the relatively recent copies (15th–17th cc.) created and used in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (University Library of the Catholic University of Lublin, nr. 198, 1584; Library of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 13.8.2, second half of the 16th c.; Vernadsky National Scientific Library of Ukraine, Kiev’s St. Sophia Cathedral collection, 273c/131, 1480’s; St. Michael’s Golden-Domed Monastery collection, nr. 529, 1480’s –1490’s et al.). These include the story about a transfer of relics (finger of the right arm) of John the Baptist from Constantinople to Kiev during the reign of Vladimir Monomakh (1113–1125); not expanded by didactic appeals patericon stories; a special version of the Tale of the murder of the Prince Gleb (4.IX) and some other features.

ABSTRACTIn October 1799 Beethoven delivered manuscript copies of three new quartets (Op. 18 Nos 1–3) to Prince Lobkowitz. The following year, however, he revised Nos 1 and 2, writing a new slow movement for No. 2 in which little of the original material was retained. The original slow movement was discarded and is now lost, but many sketches for it survive in the sketchbook Grasnick 2. Although these sketches seem disjointed and fragmentary, they represent all seventy-four bars of a complete movement, with some lower parts also indicated for more than half the bars, enabling the movement to be reconstructed in much detail. This lost movement is of great interest, with some striking imitation and modulations in the two contrasting episodes, and an ending that reconciles the opening theme with the stormy second section. The movement is of particular importance since no other lost works completed by Beethoven that are of such substance are known from such a late date.

The article analyses the lexical substitutions in Apocrysys polemic tractate by Krystofor Filalet, printed in the year 1598 or 1599, in the Ostrog printing house owned by Great Prince of Ostrog. It is the translation of the Polish version of Apocrysys printed in 1597 in O. Rodeckyi’s printing house. The copies of this old printed work in the ”ruska mova” („the Ruthenian language”), kept at the V.I. Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine and at the Vilnius University Library, were compared. In the old printed texts, translation of words was proposed with the help of notes on the page margins. Lexical substitutions are analyzed in the context, their fi xation in the contemporary dictionaries and historical lexicographical papers is indicated. Notably, the substitutions of Latinisms and, occasionally, Polonisms prevail. Church Slavonic and bookish Ukrainian elements appear instead. It was concluded that text substitutions in the Apocrysys may have other translation and explanation in dictionaries of that time, or are not recorded in them at all.

The paper focuses on the name of the barbarian warlord that appears in the Slavic and (recently discovered) Armenian versions of the Life of St. Stephen of Sougdaia as Бравлинъ and Պրաւլիս /Praulis/, respectively. These forms seem to point to Πραῦλις or Μπραῦλις in the lost Greek Vorlage. None of the previous attempts at constructing an etymology of the name—Slavic бран(ъ)ливъ (Russian copies of the Life), Swedish Bråvalla (G. Vernadsky, N. Belyaev, and O. Pritsak), Indo-Aryan *pravlīn(а)- (O. Trubachev), Spanish Braulio (V. Vasilievsky), or Gothic *Bra(h)vila (N. Ganina)—may be considered satisfactory. Having revisited the historical and linguistic arguments, we suggest that the name given to the barbarian prince humbled by the miracle of St. Stephen in the Greek text of the Life represented, in fact, good Greek: Πραΰλιος or Πραῦλις (from πραΰς ‘mild, humble’); furthermore, we suggest that the positional voicing of Π- > Μπ- [b] in Late Middle Greek might account for the initial Б-/Պ- (West Armenian [b]) of the attested forms.

The King Abdulaziz Foundation for Research and Archives (KAFRA) (Arabic title: Darat al-Malik Abdulaziz) was established in 1972 with the aim of preserving the history of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, along with its geography, literature, thought, and architecture. The Foundation is an independent academic establishment governed by a board of directors, chaired by HRH Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud. Its funds are based on project returns, investment activities, government funds, and private donations. Its major sections are: Saudi History Archives, Oral History Center, Information Center, Research Department, Female Center, Ad-darah Journal, the Library, King Abdulaziz Memorial Exhibition Hall, Muraba Palace, and the Royal Family History Center.During its twenty-nine years of existence, the King Abdulaziz Foundation has collected and preserved huge quantities of historical source materials: documents, manuscripts, books, magazines, photographs, sketches, paintings, films, and oral traditions. The Foundation is keen to collect, classify, and preserve historical documents in both original and duplicate forms. It has collected, as well as copied from, various archives and research centers outside the Kingdom.

L’autore compie una rassegna anzitutto delle metodiche che vengono ricomprese sotto le denominazioni di genomica funzionale e proteomica, ne illustra l’applicazione per la migliore conoscenza delle malattie poligenichemultifattoriali e pertanto complesse a larga diffusione (più dell’1% della popolazione adulta) e causa di elevata morbillità e mortalità. Le possibilità offerte dei DNA-microarrays nell’analisi dei polimorfismi dei nucleotidi, correlate alle potenzialità offerte dai supporti bioinformatici, caratterizzano la genetica che ha fatto seguito al sequenziamento del DNA, consentendo l’analisi dei “profili di espressione genica”.Lo sviluppo delle moderne tecniche di indagine sulle proteine permette, a sua volta, di riconoscere le proteine che sono correlate a stati morbosi attraverso loro livelli di espressione alterati se confrontati con quelli provenienti da soggetti sani. Queste linee di ricerca, appena al loro inizio, offrono certamente positivi giudizi se valutate sotto il profilo della conoscenza scientifica, ma non sono prive di rischi e riserve sotto il profilo etico. L’autore ne esamina i vari aspetti che riguardano sia la singola persona che la comunità: se - in casi ben circoscritti - possono stimolare comportamenti favorevoli alla prevenzione di malattie ad insorgenza tardiva, sono da paventarsi - sul piano culturale - forme di riduzionismo di natura sociobiologica, pericoli di discriminazione e soprattutto - in epoca prenatale - espressioni ancora più estese di quell’eugenismo che caratterizza negativamente la società contemporanea.

This article continues the publication of tablets from the library of the temple of Šamaš at Sippar begun in volume 52 of this journal. Presented here are the library's copies of two texts which have in common the fact that they are not what they purport to be: Maništūšu's cruciform monument, and a literary letter of Samsu-iluna. Both texts are clearly fictitious compositions which postdate their supposed royal authors by a long time. Their purpose was apparently to supply evidence of historical precedent. The invented evidence which these documents present as fact would be intended to substantiate or advance the claims of those who wrote them. While both tablets are duplicates of known texts, each adds to a greater or lesser degree to our knowledge of these texts, not least by filling lacunae and by confirming or rebutting the restorations of previous editors.The identification of a tablet from niche 8 B as a duplicate of the last column of a large Neo-Babylonian exercise tablet from Ur allows this text to be properly identified for the first time. It is one of several royal letters in Akkadian, some apparently genuine, others certainly bogus, which entered the scribal tradition and survive in late copies. This example purports to be from Samsu-iluna, the son and successor of Hammurapi of Babylon, to Enlil-nādin-šumi, a man whose several titles identify him as a very senior figure, and apparently a royal prince. As is the case with the Cruciform Inscription of Maništūšu, anachronisms in the text mark the composition out as later than it purports to be. Following the formulae which name the letter's addressee and sender the text itself opens with the phrase umma ana narê, an expression that also appears in a probably genuine letter of Nebuchadnezzar I.

This paper analyses from historical and legal points of view, military articles enacted for militias stationed in the colonies of Virginia, Massachusetts, Connecticut and Maryland. All the studied articles were drafted by selecting legal norms from model military articles and introducing minor stylistic changes. Colonists from Virginia took advantage of Sweden’s Gustav II Adolph’s articles of 1621, those from Massachusetts – articles drafted for the Parliamentarian Army by Robert Devereux in 1642 while in Maryland, Prince Rupert’s Articles of 1672 served as a model. The example of Connecticut shows that once a version of regulations for militias had been published, it was eagerly copied by neighbouring colonies. Curiously enough – an observation that has not been made in the literature so far – the Swedish military regulations of Gustav II Adolph were made use of outside Europe. This only bears out the claim that military expertise fl owed freely in the times of ‘military revolutions’. A new type of source concerning military law, namely militia articles, needs to be distinguished; one marked by conciseness, for it only laid down absolutely necessary regulations that could be enforced in ad hoc formed militias.

Résumé Si dans la vulgate de l’histoire de l’Occident musulman médiéval les Berbères apparaissent comme une composante majeure tant sur le plan politique que militaire, il n’en va pas de même de leurs langues. Cet article se propose de revenir sur cette lacune en appréhendant la question de l’islamisation et de l’étatisation des sociétés du Maghreb sous les empires almoravide et almohade à travers le prisme de la langue berbère. En effet, contrairement à l’Orient qui vit quasiment disparaître les langues autochtones copte et syriaque, peu de Maghrébins étaient capables de lire et de parler l’arabe avant les XIIe et XIIIe siècles. Or le berbère servit de support à l’islamisation non seulement au Maghreb mais également en Afrique subsaharienne et fut à ce titre couché par écrit. Toujours dans la même logique, les Almohades se dotèrent d’une langue sacrée propre qui était la langue berbère des Maṣmūda à laquelle ils agrégèrent bon nombre de termes arabes, essentiellement puisés dans le champ lexical religieux. Cette langue en vertu d’une tradition prophétique (ḥadiṯh) ne fut pas appelée « langue berbère » mais « langue occidentale » ; les Almohades-Berbères cherchaient ainsi à se doter d’un idiome qui soit l’expression du message sacré.

<p>Le problème de la distinction entre les documents authentiques et les faux fut posé au 17e siècle en Allemagne et en France, pour des raisons politiques et sociales: en France, en raison de la lutte des rois contre les revendications des nobles; en Allemagne, à cause des contestations de droit civil. Mais c'est dans les milieux des Acta Sanctorum à la deuxième moitié de ce siècle que l'on a commencé à faire dans les archives des couvents des recherches systématiques sur l'authenticité des documents, en vue de l'édition des Vies des saints. La recherché dans ce domaine du moine jésuite Daniel vo Papenbroeck (1659), la première du genre, fut importante, quoique incomplète et avec des critères souvent inexacts. Le bénédictin Jean Mabillon en 1675 a corrigé et complété cette recherche avec une rigoureuse méthode scientifique: dans son grande oeuvre De re diplomatica (1681) il a formulé des règles fondamentales pour l'étude critique des documents, mettant ainsi les bases de la Diplomatique en tant que science à part. Selon l'opinion généralement admise, on considère comme faux les documents dont les éléments ne correspondent pas aux données historiques et diplomatiques. La falsification des documents est un phénomène diachronique concernant des affaires ecclésiastiques, publiques ou privées. Au Moyen Âge, à Byzance et aux pays Balkaniques, les faux n'étaient pas rares et leur nombre s'augmenta à l'époque de la domination ottomane.</p>Objectif de la falsification des documents est principalement la revendication des biens (fonciers ou revenus) et des privilèges, exemptions fiscales ou subventions, et d'autres objets d'intérêt surtout économique. Le temps de leur falsification a une grande importance pour la recherche, car il peut fournir d'éléments utiles pour le motif de cette entreprise. Le faussaire ne rédige jamais en entier son document, mais au contraire, afin de lui donner une apparence d'authenticité, il copie un ou plusieurs documents authentiques antérieurs, dont le contenu concorde plus ou moins à son sujet. Ainsi quelquefois le faux a l'aspect d'une copie - authentifiée, philologique ou figurée -, ce qui crée dans certains cas des difficultés à la recherche (cf. Actes de Chilandar, n. éd., No 37). <p>Critères de fausseté sont certains éléments de forme et de fond: tells le papier (p. ex. les filigranes), l'encre, l'emploi anormal du sceau et l'écriture; la structure et l'enregistrement; Vintitulatio et la phrase finale des actes impériaux; les fautes d'orthographe, de syntaxe et d'expression, surtout pour les documents de la chancellerie impériale; l'emploi inexact de termes, de titres, d'institutions et de données prosopographiques et numismatiques ne correspondant pas à la réalité historique; enfin, la discordance des éléments chronologiques qui constitue la faute la plus fréquente. Pour tous ces cas nous citons d'exemples caractéristiques. Quand le faussaire a comme modèle un seul document authentique, il le copie d'habitude presque mot à mot, tâchant de remplacer les éléments spéciaux de son modèle par ceux qui correspondent à son objet. Il combine parfois les éléments des plusieurs documents authentiques. Dans certains cas la fabrication du faux se fait par étapes, surtout quand son modèle est en mauvais état ou bien qu'il n'existe pas un modèle propre à la circonstance (cf. Actes de Docheiariou, app. III).</p> <p>Parmi les méthodes les plus caractéristiques que le faussaire emploie pour donner une apparence d'authenticité à son faux, nous notons celle où l'on fait ratifier le document falsifié par une autorité, ecclésiastique d'habitude, qui, ne connaissant pas les critères d'authenticité, le certifie, de bonne foi, ou plus encore il le fait introduire dans son propre document. Tel fut le cas du faux chrysobulle de Manuel II Paléologue (1407), en faveur du couvent de Kastamonitou, fabriqué au 16e siècle et ratifié par le patriarche Jéremie II en 1579, qui l'a fait introduire dans son gramma dont une copie confirmée par l'Hiéra Koinotès du Mont Athos fut par la suite ratifiée par le patriarche Callinique IV vers 1803 (Actes de Kastamonitou, Ιγ). Mais le cas le plus frappant est celui des deux faux chrysobulles en faveur du couvent de Xéropotamou, attribués l'un à l'empereur Théodose II (427), conservé en "copie conforme" (ίσον άπαράλλακτον) du métropolite d'Adrinople Nicéphore (1774-1780), et l'autre à Romain 1er Lécapène (924) (!!); tous les deux, pleins de fautes diplomatiques et d'anachronismes historiques, furent fabriqués probablement à la première moitié du 18e siècle, pour soutenir l'ancienneté du couvent et certifier la possession précieuse d'un morceau de la Sainte Croix. Le faux de Romain 1er fut traduit en valaque (déjà en 1759), italien, latin et français (Actes de Xéropotamou, Ια et Iß). Nos recherches nous ont permis de soutenir que ce faux fut employé par les moines de Xéropotamou pour leur quête (ζητεία) surtout aux Principautés Danubiennes (depuis 1761) au profit de leur couvent qui se trouvait alors en grande pénurie; ce qui explique le motif de la fabrication et de la traduction en valaque.</p> <p>En terminant, nous signalons que la plupart de documents faux dont la date falsifiée se rapporte à Byzance ou aux pays Balkaniques sont fabriqués durant la domination ottomane, quand la situation politique et économique ainsi que les cadres administratifs avaient totalement changés et que les couvents et autres fondations avaient perdu leur revenus et leurs privilèges. Le fait que les autorités d'alors ignoraient les critères d'authenticité des documents facilitait cette entreprise.</p> <p>Nous signalons enfin que les documents falsifiés, tout en étant faux du point devue diplomatique, ont une certaine valeur en tant que sources historiques, car il peuvent, sous certaines conditions, nous fournir des renseignements utiles, diplomatiques et historiques.</p><p> </p><br />

The purpose of this paper is to analyze V.A. Panovs activities. He was one of the early representatives of Slavophilism. His biography is of great interest in the context of the Russian social thought history. The author characterizes V.A. Panovs main activities in scientific, editorial and publishing fields. The author also shows his cooperation with N.V. Gogol. It is shown that the most important aspect of V.A. Panovs activities was his work on two editions of the Slavophil anthology The Moscow literary and scientific collection. This edition brought together almost all prominent representatives of this social thought and caused a considerable resonance. The authors use of the Ulyanovsk Region state archive materials helped to portray the personality of the landowner Panov in his family history. The copies of charters, studied by the author, show that the consolidation of the economic positions of the Panovs family in the Volga region dates back to the 17th century. This process was associated with the active participation of V.A. Panovs ancestors in the fighting on the side of the Tsardom of Muscovy against the Polish Prince Vladislav during the Russo-Turkish war 1672-1681. V.A. Panov owned lands in three provinces (Simbirsk province, Penza province, and Nizhny Novgorod province). A notable fact of his economic activity was his participation in the holding of a special land survey.

Following his trip to Orenburg, Pushkin wrote to V. Perovsky attaching four copies of his History of Pugachev’s Revolt [Istoriya Pugachevskogo bunta], asking him to forward those to ‘Dahl, Pokotilov, and that hunter who likes to compare woodcocks with Wallenstein or the Caesar’.This hunter’s identity has long since been revealed by V. Dahl in his Notes on Pushkin [Zapiski o Pushkine]: it is K. Artyukhov, director of the Orenburg-based Neplyuev military school, who once played host to Pushkin in his bathhouse and entertained him with a dialogue about woodcocks (Waldschnepfe) - gamebirds who proudly fly towards the deadly lead, wings spread widely. In Pushkin’s pun, the dying woodcock is likened to the Caesar in his composure, and to Wallenstein in his final gesture, according to Artyukhov’s impression. In Europe and Russia, the memory of A. von Wallenstein was revived after F. Schiller’s trilogy (1799). The prince apparently spread his arms and offered his unprotected chest to the murderer’s halberd. A similar description is provided by Schiller, but in his History of the Thirty Years’ War, rather than in his play Wallenstein’s Death. This history was missing from Pushkin’s library, although he may have found out about the prince’s final gesture elsewhere.Pushkin’s pun is unique in its two-layer structure: the phonetic likeness reaches into a non-verbal, pantomimic level. In addition, the quip and the final phrase in the letter provide an example of metered prose.

The phenomenon of Russskaya Pravda (Russian Justice) has been the subject of numerous studies. However, until now there has not been any exhaustively complete description of the judicial system of Ancient Russia due to scarcity of authentic sources.An analysis of the provisions of the most well-known copies of Russkaya Pravda (Russian Justice) and available research have resulted in making a number of statements.The system of justice in Ancient Russia was multisystematic in character and consisted of 4 relatively independent systems: communal, patrimonial, ecclesiastical and princely. The system under consideration had developed as a result of preservation of tribal elements and social stratification, active political genesis and Christianization. The organization of government, including the judicial system, was based on the principle of suzerainty-vassalage, i.e. the persons involved in the administration of justice were servants of the Prince who delegated judicial power to them. The competence of judicial officials was diversified according to the subject matter, territorial and personal criteria. In the system of powers of judicial officials, the powers to charge fees and fines and to impose penalties were the most important. Under Russkaya Pravda (Russian Justice) the system of judicial officials represents a kind of matrix underlying the subsequent institutionalization of judicial bodies.The complex of powers of officials dealing with pre-trial preparation of cases and enforcement of judgments proves that, despite the unity of the procedure for resolving all types of “grievances,” the law-maker distinguished civil and criminal disputes.

A kohitsugire is a paper fragment from an old manuscript written mainly in the Heian and Kamakura periods. Although they contain significant information for historical, literary, and paleographical study, because of their antique handwriting and description of historical incidents, there are many copies and counterfeits written several centuries later. In this study, radiocarbon ages of kohitsugire were measured by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS). On the kohitsugire attributed to the famous calligraphists in the Kamakura period (Fujiwara no Sadaie and Prince Munetaka), 14C dating indicated that they were not genuine and should be excluded from the materials for study of the calligraphists. Calibrated 14C ages of the kohitsugire attributed to Fujiwara no Yukinari indicated the middle Heian period. This calligraphy was written on Tobikumogami paper, which has a billowing cloud pattern decorated with indigo-blue-dyed fiber. Although it was commonly accepted that the Tobikumogami is peculiar to the middle 11th to early 12th century, the results from 14C dating also suggested that the origin of the Tobikumogami would date back to the last of the 10th or the early 11th century, when Fujiwara no Yukinari flourished as a calligraphist. Calibrated 14C ages of the kohitsugire attributed to Nijo Tameuji and Reizei Tamesuke showed that they are fragments of old manuscripts describing lost tales and were written in the 13th–14th century. Consequently, 14C dating clarified the existence of ancient tales which had been unknown and indicated their worth as a material for the study of classical Japanese literature.

Various phenomena involving the interaction of reduplication and phonology have been brought to bear on evaluating parallel versus serial theories of phonology. In Base-Reduplicant (BR) Correspondence Theory ( McCarthy and Prince 1995 ), implemented in the classic parallel version of Optimality Theory (P-OT; Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004 ), the mapping from the underlying representation to the surface output is direct, without intermediate stages. In P-OT, the candidate-generating function GEN can simultaneously introduce multiple changes to the input. In contrast, the theory of Serial Template Satisfaction (STS; McCarthy, Kimper, and Mullin (MKM) 2012 ) is an approach to reduplication couched within Harmonic Serialism ( McCarthy 2000 et seq .), a version of OT with serial evaluation that includes intermediate levels of structure. In Harmonic Serialism, GEN is restricted to making no more than one change at each derivational step, a property known as gradualness. An argument put forth in favor of STS is that it does not admit a number of reduplicative patterns that MKM claim are unattested, which are otherwise predicted by BR Correspondence Theory in P-OT ( MKM 2012:225 ). Among these are patterns formerly interpreted as overapplication, backcopying, and underapplication. While such patterns previously served as arguments for BR Correspondence Theory ( McCarthy and Prince 1995 , 1999 ), MKM reexamine those cases and conclude that they do not provide solid evidence against a serial approach. Among the remaining patterns, coda-skipping reduplication and derivational lookahead appear to offer the strongest arguments in favor of STS. These are the two patterns for which the parallel and serial versions of OT make quite distinct predictions. However, recent studies have called the status of arguments involving both patterns into question. Zukoff (2017) shows that STS does not actually exclude coda-skipping reduplication, because certain mechanics that STS employs to account for attested partial onset skipping would predict coda skipping. Adler and Zymet (2017) identify a reduplication pattern in Maragoli that poses a type of lookahead problem for STS: the ordering of reduplication and hiatus-driven glide formation depends on lookahead to the surface form of the reduplicant, which favors a simple onset. In light of the ongoing discussion on these issues, this squib focuses on another kind of lookahead effect in reduplication where the amount of material copied would depend on a subsequent phonological change in the setting of a serial evaluation. Due to the stepwise gradual change in Harmonic Serialism, STS predicts that lookahead effects are not possible, while the potential for multiple, simultaneous changes in P-OT predicts that they exist. In this squib, we argue that a reduplicative affixation in Mbe instantiates a lookahead effect—specifically, one that closely resembles a hypothetical pattern that MKM identify as a problem for STS, were it to be attested. Furthermore, the variation in reduplicant size is arguably a case of “simple-syllable reduplication,” a pattern claimed not to be predicted by STS. This reduplicative pattern in Mbe is straightforwardly accounted for in P-OT. However, in STS the pattern cannot be understood as a lookahead phenomenon, which gives rise to a treatment with unwanted stipulations and complications. We consider three alternatives in STS involving allomorphy or different templatic approaches, but find shortcomings in each.

The article examines Orikuchi Shinobu’s novella, Shisha no sho [The Book of the Dead] (1939), as a discursively constructed amalgamation of multiple cultural and historical sources. Whereas Orikuchi tends to be considered the exponent of cultural nativism, the novella resists a nationalist impulse of extolling the legend of Taima Mandala and Princess Chūjō (Chūjōhime) as a paragon of the Japanese reception of Buddhism. According to the widely-known legend, Princess Chūjō, a member of the politically powerful Fujiwara clan in the Nara period, had woven in a day the mandala out of lotus threads shortly after completing one thousand copies of Shōsanjyōdo Busshōjukyō (the Amida sutra). Further the legend tells that she was welcomed to the Pure Land by Amida Buddha upon her death at the age of twenty nine. In The Book of the Dead her legendary labor opts out of simple appraisal for her devotional response to Buddhism, as though implicitly refuting the Yamato state’s political advocacy of the religion. In turn, Orikuchi’s modernist revisionism reanimates a spectacle of the antiquity, contextualizing the legend in the socio-political periphery of the Taima village. To this end, the novella calls forth a number of historical episodes, topographical images of the locality, and the transculturation of Buddhism in ancient Japan. Concretely, the narrative interweaves the tragedy of Prince Ōtsu who was executed for the treason plotted against the imperial government, a cult of Mount Futakami (today’s Nijōzan in Nara Prefecture), pre-Buddhist practice of worshipping the Sun, and the formation of Nissōkan in Japan’s early Buddhism. Through the dialogic unity of these motifs, Orikuchi deconstructs the legend of Princess Chūjō and the Taima Mandala, transforming it into a visionary narrative devoid of a single cultural and religious root.

Hegumen Joseph of Volokolamsk’s writings and Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod’s epistles are the bulk of sources for the history of the heresy movement known as the “Judaizers”. However, the subject of relationship between these two accusers of heresy is still not sufficiently studied, and we have no proof of direct contacts between the Volotsk monastery and the Archbishop’s throne. At the same time, using the hagiographical sources about Joseph Volotsky allows us to suggest that these contacts did exist in the form of exchanging letters, and some books at the Volotsk Monastery library, judging by the scribes’ additions, were made at the scriptorium of the Novgorodian throne. The transfer of several works from Novgorod to Volok probably was a decisive factor for hegumen Joseph’s notions of the heresy, and some of the works received had direct influence on his polemic essays against the heretics. The author proposes a hypothesis that the notions of Judaic origins of the heresy were formed as a result of Archbishop Gennady comparing iconolatry practices occurring in Novgorod with the description of iconoclasm from The Epistle of Photios, the Patriarch of Constantinople, to Mikhail, the Prince of Bulgaria. Thus, iconoclasm became one of the main features of the “Judaizers”. But the “Judaizers” themselves did not view their common worshipping practices as heretical. This attitude towards the accusations allowed Archbishop Gennady to also accuse them of involvement with the Messalian heresy. Gennady based his charges on The Old Slavonic Nomocanon paragraphs on Messalians. Probably, the manuscript of this Nomocanon was delivered from Novgorod Archiepiscopal Court to Volokolamsk monastery along with the copies of other “Judaizers”’ writings, found by the archbishop. Some paragraphs on Messalians from the The Old Slavonic Nomocanon brought us to conclusion that they were used by Joseph Volotsky as the main source for his theory of “wise guiles”, which were supposed to reveal heretics.

Iakovos Argeios (ca 1660-1736), dean of the Patriarchal Academy of Constantinople, authored in 1708 a lengthy encomiastic oration in honor of John Constantine Bassaraba Brancoveanu, the prince of Wallachia. This oration remained almost totally unknown to researchers. The main purpose of the present article is to edit this interesting text, in order to give the opportunity to study not only its content but also its connection with the political situation and the educational program of the Patriarchal Academy. It is delivered by three manuscripts, but only one is accessible: cod. Beinecke ms 295 (XVIII ce.), which was cautiously and diligently copied by the Phanariot Scholar Nikolaos Karatzas (1705-1787). Iakovos Argeios taught rhetoric theory and practice, a course that was introductory to the upper course of philosophical studies. As it emerged through the text analysis, the speech is written in the context of the rhetorical lecture and therefore had to implement all the principles of the literary genre of encomium, as mentioned in the handbooks of ancient and contemporary rhetoricians (Hermogenes, Aphthonius and Korydalleus). Yet, there is a basic difference: the present oration is a royal oration, which means that Iakovos had to use additional sources (Menander the Rhetor and Synesius). Furthermore, the existence and the content of the speech allows us to draw conclusions about Bassarava’s involvement in the administration and financial support of the Patriarchal Academy and Iakovos’s political ideas on the ideal ruler, the skills and qualities he must possess in order to exercise effective administration. This oration is not a slavish praise, full of flattery; it is an excellent example of the rhetorical eloquence of the famous Aristotelian professor. Iakovos gives us an ideal picture of Wallachia, as seen through the eyes of Constantinopolitan Greeks: the country of Constantine Bassaraba was the refuge for all the Orthodox.

The arrival of St Augustine in England from Rome in 597 was an event of profound significance, for it marked the beginnings of relations between Rome and Canterbury. To later generations this came to mean relations between the papacy in its universal role, hence the throne of St Peter, and the metropolitical see of Canterbury and the cathedral priory of Christ Church, for the chair of St Augustine was the seat of both a metropolitan and an abbot. The archiepiscopal see and the cathedral priory were inextricably bound in a unique way.Relations with Rome had always been particularly close, both between the archbishops and the pope and between the convent and the pope. The cathedral church of Canterbury was dedicated to the Saviour (Christ Church) as was the papal cathedral of the Lateran. Gregory had sent the pallium to Augustine in sign of his metropolitan rank. There had been correspondence with Rome from the first. In Eadmer's account of the old Anglo-Saxon church, it was built in the Roman fashion, as Bede testifies, imitating the church of the blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, in which the most sacred relics in the whole world are venerated. Even more precisely, the confessio of St Peter was copied at Canterbury. As Eadmer says, ‘From the choir of the singers one went up to the two altars (of Christ and of St Wilfrid) by some steps, since there was a crypt underneath, what the Romans call a confessio, built like the confessio of St Peter.’ (Eadmer had both visited Rome in 1099 and witnessed the fire that destroyed the old cathedral some thirty years before in 1067.) And there, in the confessio, Eadmer goes on to say, Alfege had put the head of St Swithun and there were many other relics. The confessio in St Peter's had been constructed by Pope Gregory the Great and contained the body of the prince of the Apostles and it was in a niche here that the pallia were put before the ceremony of the vesting, close to the body of St Peter. There may be, too, another influence from Rome and old St Peter's on the cathedral at Canterbury. The spiral columns in St Anselm's crypt at Canterbury, which survived the later fire of 1174, and are still standing, were possibly modelled on those that supported St Peter's shrine. These twisted columns were believed to have been brought to Rome from the Temple of Solomon. At the end of the sixth century, possibly due to Gregory the Great, they were arranged to form an iconostasis-like screen before the apostle's shrine. Pope Gregory III in the eighth century had added an outer screen of six similar columns, the present of the Byzantine Exarch, of which five still survive. They are practically the only relics of the old basilica to have been preserved in the new Renaissance St Peter's.

Punkt wyjścia artykułu stanowią dwa zbliżone kompozycyjnie obrazy, znajdujące się w kościołach w Pęcicach i Kurdwanowie na Mazowszu. Wzory ikonograficzne obu przedstawień zostały odnalezione w twórczości Carlo Maratty. Temat był tak popularny, ze podejmowany był i realizowany w różnych wersjach: rysunkowej (Louvre), graficznej (przez m.in. Pietera Schencka, Gérarda Edelincka, Francesco Bartolozziego i Johanna Jakoba Frey’a I), a przykłady kompozycji malarskich można odnaleźć w Genui (dzieło samego Carla Maratty), Rzymie (obraz Agostina Mascucci – ucznia Maratty) i w Kanadzie (Victoria). Podobny temat, ale różniący się kompozycyjnie, był podejmowany przez różnych artystów, a oryginał znajduje się w rzymskich Muzeach Kapitolińskich. Kolejne przedstawienie autorstwa Maratty również było powtarzane w grafice (Francesco Bartolozzi). Przykłady malarskich kopii możemy też odnaleźć w Polsce: we Włocławku i Grochowalsku oraz w klasztorze przy kościele św. Kazimierza w Warszawie. Dwie kolejne wersje (różniące się profilem św. Józefa) zachowały się na terenie województwa lubelskiego. Pierwsza, namalowana przez Kazimierza Wojniakowskiego, znajduje się w ołtarzu głównym kościoła w Włostowicach na przedmieściach Puław. Ze względu na lokalizację, dzieło to powinno być łączone z dworem księcia Czartoryskiego, jednym z najświetniejszych centrów artystycznych w Polsce u schyłku XVIII w. Druga kopia, o niższej wartości artystycznej, znajduje się w parafii w Kurowie. Depictions of the Holy Family Modelled on Carlo Maratta’s Compositions The starting point for this article were two paintings of a very similar composition. They are to be found in two Mazovian churches, one in Pęcice and the other in Kurdwanów. The iconographic origins of both depictions are to be found in Carlo Maratta’s works. The rendering of the subject turned out to be so popular that it bore fruit in numerous versions. It appears as a drawn version (Louvre), and as a graphical version (for example:Pieter Schenck, Gérard Edelinck, Francesco Bartolozzi, and Johann Jakob Frey I). Examples of paintings that repeat these or similar renderings of this subject can be seen in Genoa (a painting by Carlo Maratta himself), Rome (a painting by Agostino Masucci – Maratta’s pupil), and in Canada (Victoria). A similar subject, but of a different compositional arrangement, was undertaken by the same artist, and his original work is housed in the Capitoline Museums, Rome. This second rendering by Carlo Maratta has also been repeated in graphical versions (Francesco Bartolozzi). Examples of his painted copies can also be seen in Poland (Włocławek and Grochowalsk), and at a convent attached to St. Casimir Church in Warsaw. Two other versions, with a different profile of St. Joseph, are to be found in the Lublin Voivodeship. One is at the main altar of a church in Włostowice, a suburb of Puławy, which was painted by Kazimierz Wojniakowski. On account of its location it should be associated with the Prince Czartoryski court, one of the most outstanding artistic centers in Poland of the end of the 18th century. The other copy, of less artistic value, is to be found in the parish church of Kurów.

AbstractThe closeness of a work from Rubens' studio in the English Royal Collection, known as Equestrian Portrait of a Knight of the Golden Fleece (Fig. I, Note 1), to two equestrian portraits painted by Van Dyck during his stay in Genoa, from 1621 to 1626 (Figs. 2, 3, Note 2) has led to the identification of the sitter. A number of other pictures from the circle of Rubens and Van Dyck show horses and/or riders in related poses and the dates on some of them reveal them to have been painted before Van Dyck's portraits. This applies to The Riding School by or after Rubens, which is generally dated 1610-12 (Fig. 4, Note 3), a Paradise Landscape by Jan Brueghel of 1613 (Note 4) and Sight dated 1617 by the same artist (Fig.5, Note 5), which features a horseman known as Archduke Albert. A number of undated paintings inspired by the same model include six supposed to be of Archduke Albert (Notes 6, 10), three by Casper de Crayer (Fig. 6, Note 13) and eguestrian portraits of Louis XIII (Note 14) and Ladislaw IV of Poland. Thus it seems likely that these followers of Rubens', Van Dyck included, based themselves on one and the same equestrian portrait by their teacher. Since Van Dyck almost certainly painted the two equestrian portraits in Genoa during his stay in that city, his model or a replica of it must also have been there between 1621 and 1626. In fact, probably at the request of his patrons (Note 17), he often used models by Rubens, who had worked in Genoa for a time in 1606 (Note 16). However, his two equestrian portraits are not based on the only Genoese one by Rubens now known, that of the Marchese Doria (Fig. 7, Note 18), which is very different and has a liveliness quite, unlike Van Dyck's quiet static compositions. The equestrian portrait in the English Royal Collection was bought by George I in 1723 as a Rubens. The sitter is clad in the Spanish costume of the early 17 th century while the towers in the background could be those of Antwerp (Note 36). The sitter has been identified as the Archduke Albert, but he actually bears no resemblance to other portraits of the Archduke, who was also much older than this at the time of Ruberas' stay in Genoa in 1606. The most likely candidate is Ambrogio Spinola (Note 32) , the statesman and general, of whom both Rubens and Van Dyck painted more than one portrait. Spinola was commander of the Spanish troups in the Southern Netherlands, a friend of Rubens and Knight of the Golden Fleece, and he also came from Genoa, where this portrait could have been painted during a visit he made to the city in 1606 (Notes 33, 34). Stylistically too the portrait seems to fit in with the series of portraits painted by Rubens in Genoa in that year. The physiognomy of the sitter is certainly close to that of the known portraits of Spinola (Figs. 8-1, Note 35), while the details of Spinola's life also support the identification. Spinola (1569-1630), who was Marquis of Sesto and Venafro, belonged to one of the group of closely related, families of bankers who held key positions in Genoa. He arrived in the Netherlands around 1602 at the head of a large and unusually well-trained body of troops. In 1603 he provided funds to prevent a mutiny among the Spanish troups and after his capture of Ostend in 1604 he was appointed second in command to Archduke Albert. He was made a Knight of the Golden Fleece on I March 1605 and in the same year he was put in charge of military finances. From 1606 until his departure for Spain in 1628 he was superintendent of the military treasury and' mayordomo mayor' to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella. After the death of Albert in 1621 he became principal adviser to Isabella and thus the most powerful man in the Spanish Netherlands. His amiable character brought him many friends, even among the ranks of the enemy, notably the Princes Maurice and Frederick Henry, with whom he had a great deal of contact during the Twelve Years Truce. It was probably one of them who bought the Portrait of Spinola by Van Miereveld (Fig. 8). After a disappointing mission to Spain in 1628, Spinola was relieved of his command of the Army of Flanders and put in charge of the Spanish troups in Lombardy. He died in his castle in Piedmont in 1630. During the years 1603-5 and later Spinola made several visits to Madrid, where he will undoubtedly have met the powerful Duke of Lerma and probably also seen the equestrian portrait that Rubens painted of him in 1603 (Fig. 12, Note 39). He must also have known of the portraits Rubens painted in Genoa in 1606, since at least three and probably five of them are of members of the Spinola family, while there survives a letter to Rubens from Paolo Agostino Spinola on the subject of portraits (Note 40). All this makes it likely that Spinola would have had his own Portrait painted too and that Rubens may well have painted his first portrait of the man who was to become his lifelong friend as early as 1606. Although Rubens was sometimes irritated by Spinola's lack of interest in his work (Note 41) , he admired him greatly (Note 42). He cultivated Spinola's friendship after his return to Antwerp in 1608 and will doubtless have introduced Van Dyck to him. Van Dyck later painted more than twenty pictures for the five Spinola palaces (Note 43) in Genoa and his work also became known in Madrid via Spinola and his son-in-law Don Diego Felipez Messia Guzman de Legañes, who owned many works by Van Dyck (Note 44). The presumed equestrian portrait of Spinola was much copied, as were other portraits of him by Rubens. Spinola was admired all over Europe and that may have been why other commanders and princes wanted to have themselves portrayed in the same way. The original or a replica may have hung in Spirtola's palace in Brussels, where the first to have seen it would have been Archduke Albert, which may explain the many equestrian portraits of him by Rubens' followeers which were based on it. Another possibility is that Rubens himself may have painted an equestrian portrait of the Archduke very similar to that of Spinola around 1610, but that this is no longer known. Caspar de Crayer of Brussels, a friend, though not a pupil of Rubens, was also influenced by the Spinola equestrian portrait. Furthermore, when he was invited to paint a set of equestrian portraits for the Huis ten Bosch, he sent the young Antwerp painter Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert to The Hague in his place (Note 46) and it was in this way that Rubens' model came to the Northern Netherlands, where it was copied only once, by Isaac Isacsz. in his equestrian portrait of William the Silent (Note 47). The equestrian portrait of Sigmund III of Poland (Fig. 13), a cousin of Archduke Albert, could also have been painted in Van Dyck's studio in Genoa, which was probably visited by his son Prince Ladislaw in 1624 (Note 48). This picture too still owes much to Rubens' model which Van Dyck used again ten years later for his equestrian portraits of Charles I of England (Fig. 14, Note, 50) and Francisco de Moncada (Note 51).

AbstractOnly a few weeks after seeing the Frans Hals portrait of Jaspar Schade in the 1962 exhibition in Haarlem, the author came upon it again in the home of Mr. and Mrs. Waller in Utrecht (Figs. 1 and 2, Note I). He learnt that this particular painting had been in Mr. Waller's family for nearly a century and that it was a copy of the one now in Prague. The story was that the latter had been sold by Mr. Waller's grandfather Beukerfrom his country-house 'Zandbergen', which he had bought in 1865, to his friend P.E.H. Praetorius, on condition that the latter had a copy painted as a replacement. According to a written statement of 1934 by Mr. Waller's mother, the original by Frans Hals had always been at 'Zandbergen' and there was even a legend that the house would fall down, if it were removed. Her father, who was not interested in paintings according to the statement, had sold it to Praetorius at his request. The family had understood, erroneously as it turns out, that Praetorius had sold it on to Cologne and that it had later gone to America. In testing the truth of all this the author discovered first that the house is marked with the name of 'Den Heer Schade' on a map of the Utrecht area by Bernard de Roij published by Nicolaas Visscher in Amsterdam in 1696 (Fig.3, Note 4). The road on which it stands had been projected in 1652, Schade being one of those who acquired a parcel of land along it in return for laying that portion out, planting it and maintaining it and also building a side road on either side of his plot. Part of the agreement also was that he was exempted from paying taxes for 25 years. Schade (1623-,92), a member of a family of considerable standing, held various high offices in the church and province of Utrecht and was a delegate to the States-General in 1672. He was extremely rich and noted for his extravagant lifestyle, particularly as regards clothes (Notes 12-14). His house passed to his eldest son, who in 1701 left it to his brother-in-law Jacob Noirot. Between the latter, who sold it in 1740, and the Beuker family 'Zandbergen' (Fig. 4) had nine different owners. The museum in Prague acquired the portrait of Jaspar Schade in 1890 from Prince Liechtenstein, who had bought it in Paris on 14 March 1881 at the sale of the collection of John W. Wilson, an Englishman then living in Brussels. A. J. van de Ven tried without success to trace its history before that time (Note 18) and this was also unknown to Seymour Slive, although in his catalogue raisonné of Hals' work he mentions that it was shown at an exhibition of Wilson's collection in Brussels in 1873 (Note 20). In an article of the same year on Wilson's collection in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts Charles Tardieu remarked that Wilson had lived in Holland for thirty years and that his residence was obviously in Haarlem, from where the best pictures in his collection came. In his article on the portrait Van de Ven enlarged on the coals of arms on the frame, which were Schade's eight quarterings, but in an arbitrary order. The director of the Prague museum had told him that the frame was a 19th-century one and that the confusion had arisen during its making. A description of the frame in 1875 reveals that the arms were in their correct place then (Note 25), while the frame of the copy has the same arms in the right order, except that the left and right sides are transposed. Thus the present Prague frame must have been made after 1875, while the copy was presumably made and framed at the time the painting left 'Zandbergen'. John W. Wilson (1815-83) was born in Brussels of Thomas Wilsorz, who moved to Haarlem in 1833 and started a cotton factory there. John lived at Hillegom from 1856 to 1868, but after that moved back to Haarlem for a short time up to, but no later than 1870. He must have been very wealthy, as he also bought a lot of land in the area. How he acquired his collection of paintings is not known, as he appears to have kept it quiet until the exhibition of 1873. The catalogue of this covered 164 pictures; 76 of them, painted by 57 different artists, were of the Dutch School. Five pictures, all authentic, were by Frans Hals (Note 29). P.E.H. Praetorius (1791-1876, Fig.5) was a cousin of Beuker's. He moved from Haarlem to Amsterdam in or before 1829 and spent the rest of his life there. He was a broker and banker, an amateur painter and a great connoisseur of paintings, who played a prominent part in art societies in Amsterdam. He was also a member of the Supervisory Committee of the Rijksmuseum from 1844 and Chairman of its Board of Management from 1852 to 1875 (Note 33). His earliest paintings were copies of 17th-century works and he says in an appendix to his memoirs of 1869 that his last five works, done in 1865 and I 866, included a copy of Frans Hals' portrait of Willem van Heythuyzen. While it is clear that Jaspar Schade was the builder of 'Zandbergen', it is odd that the painting is never mentioned in any of the deeds of sale, detailed though these are. This suggests that it was so firmly fixed in its place - in the downstairs corridor over the door to the salon - as to be regarded as part of the fabric of the house. The price paid by Praetorius for the painting is not known, but he bought it at a period when Frans Hals' reputation had shot upwards again, after a long period of decline. This return to favour emerges clearly from Tardieu's comments, from the records of copyists in the Rijksmuseum (Note 37) and, of course, from Wilson's predilection. No evidence can be found of the painting's passing from Praetorius to Wilson, but the two must have known each other. The identity of the painter of the copy is also unknown. Mrs. Waller's statement mentions J. W. Pieneman, but he can be ruled out, as he died in 1853 and his son Nicolaas in 1860. The most likely candidate at the moment would seem to be Praetorius himself.

Abstract This article explores civic pageantry’s role in detaching King Arthur and aspects of the Arthurian world from the narratives of the medieval tradition by examining the Society of Prince Arthur’s show, a popular event hosted by an archery fraternity in late sixteenth-century London. The processional nature of the Society’s annual show, the account of the Society provided by Richard Mulcaster, and readers’ annotations in copies of Richard Robinson’s The Ancient Order, Societie, and Unitie Laudable of Prince Arthure and his knightly armory of the Round Table (1583) reveal the importance of performance in the early modern reimagining of Arthur and his knights as symbols of civic virtue. The Society’s adaptations of Arthurian characters and the chivalry of the Round Table thus influence both satirical responses to chivalric literature in the period and Edmund Spenser’s presentation of the Arthurian legend in The Faerie Queene (1590).

Adam Smith’s seminal work, The Wealth of Nations, was introduced to Brazilian readers by an autodidatic “economist”, José da Silva Lisboa, at the beginning of the 19th century. The paper intends to reconstruct the reception of Smith’s ideas in Brazil (and Portugal), through the early works of José da Silva Lisboa. He was a remarkable intellectual, liberal by instinct besides a government official, who was largely responsible for the “economic opening” of Brazilian ports to foreign trade (decreed by the Portuguese Regent, Prince D. João, in 1808, at his arrival in Brazil). He was honored with the title of Viscount of Cairu (who became the patron of the Brazilian economists in the 20th century). He translated, incorporated, copied and transformed many Smithian ideas in his books (published in Portugal and Brazil, by Imprensa Régia), adapting them to a colonial economy and a backward agricultural environment. He suggested, among other original features, the existence of a fourth factor of production (besides land, labor and capital): knowledge, which could be considered an anticipation of modern conceptual evolution in economic thinking.

The Spread of Neilos Kabasilas’s Anti-Latin Treaties in Russian Manuscripts in the 17th Century In the 17th century, Neilos Kabasilas’s anti-Latin works, along with Gregory Palamas’s Contro Becco, were considerably widespread in Russia. The first copy was made for Arseniĭ Sukhanov in the 1630s, another copy – supplemented with several polemical texts – was then prepared for the Patriarchal Library. Four manuscripts are associated with the activity of the monks Simon Azar’in, Efrem Kvašnin and Sergij Šelonin, who were in Moscow in the 1640s, and are perhaps related to the question of the religious confession of Prince Valdemar, who was designated to marry the Tsar’s daughter. In mid-seventeenth century another manuscript appeared in Ukraine, marked at that time by the controversies which followed the Union of Brest. In the 1660s, two copies were made in the Solovetskiĭ Monastery. At the end of the century, Archbishop Atanasiĭ Kholmogorskij, involved in the controversy over Christ’s presence in the Eucharist, made further three copies of these works. Four manuscripts from the first half of the eighteenth century testify in their turn to the interest of particular individuals in this collection of texts on the Procession of the Holy Spirit. Rozpowszechnienie antyłacińskich traktatów Nila Kabazylasa w rękopisach ruskich w XVII wieku W XVII wieku antyłacińskie traktaty Nila Kabazylasa, obok Contro Becco Grzegorza Palamasa, były dość dobrze rozpowszechnione na Rusi. Pierwszy odpis został przygotowany przez Arsenija Suchanowa w latach trzydziestych XVII wieku. Drugi wzbogacony o kilka tekstów polemicznych powstał dla biblioteki patriarchalnej. Cztery kolejne rękopisy wiążą się z działalnością przebywających w latach czterdziestych w Moskwie mnichów Simona Azarina, Efrema Kwasznina i Sergija Szelonina i odsyłają prawdopodobnie do sprawy wyznania księcia Waldemara, kandydata na męża dla carskiej córki. W połowie XVII wieku tekst pojawia się na naznaczonych polemikami wyznaniowymi po unii brzeskiej ziemiach ukraińskich. W latach sześćdziesiątych dwa odpisy powstają w Monastyrze Sołowieckim. Pod koniec stulecia, zaangażowany w polemiki wokół obecności Chrystusa w Eucharystii, arcybiskup Atanasy Chołmogorski dokonuje kolejnych trzech odpisów. Cztery odpisy z pierwszej połowy XVIII wieku świadczą natomiast o zainteresowaniu indywidualnych osób zbiorem tekstów o pochodzeniu Ducha Świętego.

Kingdom of Demak is the oldest Islamic kingdom in Java. In addition Bintoro Demak Sultanate is also an area where the pedagn anchored link from various directions. Traders anchored while utilizing Demak as a transit point and peddle copies merchandise. In addition Demak is also supported by geography high potential to develop maritime culture. Even when the days of the kingdom of Demak Duke Unus very advanced, even with the Duke Unus effort that attack invaders to cross the sea, even referred to as Prince maritime. It is sufficient evidence that marine science is already well developed. This research is historical. While the methods used in this research is the method of historical research, consisting of four steps, ie, heuristic, criticism, interpretation and historiography. The results showed that as the maritime kingdom of Demak perform its function as a link and transit between producing spices in eastern Indonesia and the Malacca as a market in western Indonesia. That's why an initiative arising from Demak ruler of Malacca to manggantikan position as a trading center, both nationally and internationally. To realize all this, we intend to occupy Malacca Demak Bintoro advance to expel the Portuguese who has been in power since 1511 AD. The effort was made when in 1511 AD, Demak under the leadership of Duke Unus voyage to Malacca hold together his forces to carry out a massive attack against the Portuguese, although no results.Keywords : Islamic tradition, Maritime, Nusantara

Les crypto-monnaies, comme le Bitcoin ou Ethereum, animent le débat public depuis au moins 10 ans. A leur avènement, les banques centrales se sont montrées pour le moins frileuses. Ainsi, dans un rapport publié en 2013, la Banque centrale européenne (BCE) avertissait que la nature non réglementée de ces monnaies pourrait exposer leurs utilisateurs à des risques élevés. Plusieurs années plus tard, les banquiers centraux reconnaissent maintenant leur potentiel. La Banque d'Angleterre, la Banque centrale suédoise et la BCE étudient toutes intensément la possibilité d'émettre leur propre monnaie numérique (ci-après dénommée «monnaie numérique de banque centrale» ou «central bank digital currencies» en anglais). Cet enthousiasme est-il justifié ? Les banques centrales devraient-elles créer leur propre monnaie numérique ? Ce focus de Regards économiques présente d’abord brièvement ce que sont ces monnaies. Il expose ensuite les raisons justifiant leur éventuelle introduction et détaille finalement les risques qu’elles pourraient poser. Notons tout d’abord que ces monnaies ne sont pas une copie «publique» des crypto-monnaies privées. Les banques centrales rejettent en effet la nature décentralisée et l’absence de gouvernance unifiée du Bitcoin et des crypto-monnaies similaires. Par ailleurs, la nature «numérique» de ces nouvelles monnaies n’est pas vraiment une innovation. La majorité de la masse monétaire prend déjà une forme numérique. A côté de la monnaie «physique» (pièces et billets), la plus grande partie de notre monnaie est constituée de dépôts bancaires privés et de dépôts à la banque centrale (la monnaie de réserve). Pour l'instant, seules les banques et certaines institutions financières ont accès aux réserves de la banque centrale. La véritable innovation au cœur des monnaies numériques de banque centrale serait de donner aux particuliers et aux entreprises la possibilité de détenir de l'argent sous forme de dépôts directement auprès de la banque centrale. En somme, les monnaies numériques de banques centrales, malgré leur nom, ne formeraient pas une nouvelle monnaie, mais plutôt un nouveau moyen de payement, labellisé en euros, et de valeur équivalente à l’euro. Pour quelles raisons une banque centrale pourrait-elle donner cette opportunité à toutes et tous ? Une première raison est liée à la dépendance des banques centrales vis-à-vis du système financier. Le système financier moderne est basé sur une certaine division du travail entre les banques commerciales qui sont chargées de prêter de l'argent au secteur productif, et les banques centrales qui supervisent les premières et tentent d'influencer l'économie par des interventions sur les marchés financiers. Schématiquement, ces dernières tentent de peser sur le comportement des premières de deux manières : soit en modifiant le taux d’intérêt auquel les acteurs financiers peuvent leur emprunter de l’argent, soit via l’achat ou la vente d’actifs financiers. Cela signifie que les banques centrales n'ont qu'une influence indirecte sur l'économie productive et qu'elles dépendent des banques commerciales pour canaliser la politique monétaire. Lors de la crise financière de 2007-2008, par exemple, la dépendance des banques centrales par rapport aux banques commerciales a conduit les premières à injecter des milliards d'euros et de dollars sur les marchés financiers, dans l'espoir que les banques commerciales utilisent cet argent pour des investissements productifs. Or, l’efficacité de ces politiques est loin d’être démontrée. D’aucuns s’effraient que cette situation ne génère des bulles spéculatives et ne privilégie indûment les banques commerciales, sans que ces dernières ne financent l’économie productive à la hauteur des espérances des banquiers centraux. La mise en œuvre de monnaies numériques de banque centrale à grande échelle pourrait modifier radicalement cette situation. Cela offrirait un système de paiement alternatif qui ne serait pas géré par le secteur bancaire commercial. Les citoyens pourraient également choisir de placer leurs économies sur un compte à la banque centrale qui, par définition, serait plus sûr qu’un compte dans une banque commerciale. En outre, l'introduction de ces monnaies réduirait la dépendance des banques centrales vis-à-vis des banques commerciales en permettant aux banques centrales de créditer directement les comptes des citoyens ou des entreprises, sans nécessairement recourir à des intermédiaires bancaires. Par conséquent, l'introduction de ces monnaies pourrait rendre la politique monétaire plus directe et plus simple. A première vue, donc, on pourrait se réjouir de la possibilité de limiter la dépendance des banques centrales par rapport aux banques commerciales. Il convient cependant de considérer plusieurs problèmes importants. Premièrement, si les particuliers et les entreprises décident de considérer leur banque centrale comme leur fournisseur de services bancaires, ne risque-t-on pas de rendre les banques commerciales obsolètes et superflues ? Dans ce cas extrême, ni les citoyens ni les banques centrales n'auraient plus besoin d'intermédiaires pour l’octroi de crédits et l’accueil de dépôts. Les banques commerciales garderaient sans doute le rôle d’intermédiaire sur les marchés financiers, mais manqueraient d'une source de financement appropriée (les dépôts des clients) et perdraient une de leurs principales activités (les prêts). La taille des marchés financiers pourrait se réduire considérablement. Cela pourrait fragiliser la santé économique des banques commerciales et celle des marchés financiers dans leur ensemble. Un deuxième problème concerne l’équilibre des pouvoirs entre gouvernements, banques centrales et banques commerciales. À la suite de la crise financière, les banques centrales ont déjà acquis d'énormes pouvoirs. La BCE a par exemple participé à la Troïka en Grèce et dicté des réformes économiques structurelles dans ce pays. La Réserve fédérale américaine (la Fed), la BCE et la Banque d'Angleterre ont également obtenu des pouvoirs supplémentaires de supervision du système bancaire. Et elles sont toutes intervenues massivement sur les marchés financiers, par l'achat massif d'obligations et de titres. L’introduction de monnaies numériques de banque centrale renforcerait ces tendances et accroîtrait le poids des banques centrales sur les marchés financiers, en leur donnant un accès direct aux comptes des citoyens et des entreprises, et en leur permettant de contourner les acteurs financiers commerciaux. Ce déséquilibre de pouvoir pourrait encore accroître le déficit démocratique dont souffrent les banques centrales. Par ailleurs, les banques centrales, si elles sont amenées à fournir des services bancaires et à alimenter l'économie productive par le crédit, pourraient être entraînées dans d’importants conflits d'intérêts. En effet, ces dernières deviendraient leur propre régulateur. En conclusion, il est certain que les monnaies numériques de banque centrale suscitent un débat intéressant sur le rôle des banques centrales dans le système financier. D’une part, elles pourraient constituer une piste de solution à la dépendance des banques centrales vis-à-vis des marchés financiers. Cependant, elles pourraient également conduire à accroître démesurément les pouvoirs des banques centrales et à fragiliser les marchés financiers en rendant le financement des banques commerciales plus complexe. L’enjeu, en définitive, est le partage du pouvoir financier entre banques commerciales et banques centrales – un débat qui dépasse de loin l’objectif de ce focus, et qu’il ne prétend pas trancher. Pour aller plus loin : Larue, L., Fontan, C. et Sandberg, J. (2020). The promises and perils of Central Bank Digital Currencies. Revue de la Régulation, Numéro 28.

The Walt Disney Company has been creating magical fairy tales since the early 1900s and is a trusted brand synonymous with wholesome, family entertainment (Wasko). Over time, this reputation has resulted in the Disney brand’s huge financial growth and influence on audiences worldwide. (Wohlwend). As the largest global media powerhouse in the Western world (Beattie), Disney uses its power and influence to shape the perceptions and ideologies of its audience. In the twenty-first century there has been a proliferation of retellings of Disney fairy tales, and Kilmer suggests that although the mainstream perception is that these new iterations promote gender equity, new cultural awareness around gender stereotypes, and cultural insensitivity, this is illusory. Tangled, for example, was a popular film selling over 10 million DVD copies and positioned as a bold new female fairy tale character; however, academics took issue with this position, writing articles entitled “Race, Gender and the Politics of Hair: Disney’s Tangled Feminist Messages”, “Tangled: A Celebration of White Femininity”, and “Disney’s Tangled: Fun, But Not Feminist”, berating the film for its lack of any true feminist examples or progressiveness (Kilmer). One way to assess the impact of Disney is to look at the use of shape shifting and transformation in the narratives – particularly those that include women and young girls. Research shows that girls and women are often stereotyped and sexualised in the mass media (Smith et al.; Collins), and Disney regularly utilises body modification and metamorphosis within its narratives to emphasise what good and evil ‘look’ like. These magical transformations evoke what Marina Warner refers to as part of the necessary surprise element of the fairy tale, while creating suspense and identity with storylines and characters. In early Disney films such as the 1937 version of Snow White, the queen becomes the witch who brings a poison apple to the princess; and in the 1959 film Sleeping Beauty the ‘bad’ fairy Maleficent shapeshifts into a malevolent dragon. Whilst these ‘good to evil’ (and vice versa) tropes are easily recognised, there are additional transformations that are arguably more problematic than those of the increasingly terrifying monsters or villains. Disney has created what we have coined the ‘princess bubble’, where the physique and behaviour of the leading women in the tales has become a predictor of success and good fortune, and the impression is created of a link between their possession of beauty and the ‘happily-ever-after’ outcome received by the female character. The value, or worth, of a princess is shown within these stories to often increase according to her ability to attract men. For example, in Brave, Queen Elinor showcases the extreme measures taken to ‘present’ her daughter Merida to male suitors. Merida is preened, dressed, and shown how to behave to increase her value to her family, and whilst she manages to persuade them to set aside their patriarchal ideologies in the end, it is clear what is expected from Merida in order to gain male attention. Similarly, Cinderella, Aurora, and Snow White are found to be of high ‘worth’ by the princes on account of their beauty and form. We contend, therefore, that the impression often cast on audiences by Disney princesses emphasises that beauty = worth, no matter how transgressive Disney appears to be on the surface. These princesses are flawlessly beautiful, capable of winning the heart of the prince by triumphing over their less attractive rivals – who are often sisters or other family members. This creates the illusion among young audiences that physical attractiveness is enough to achieve success, and emphasises beauty as the priority above all else. Therefore, the Disney ‘princess bubble’ is highly problematic. It presents a narrow range of acceptability for female characters, offers a distorted view of gender, and serves to further engrain into popular culture a flawed stereotype on how to look and behave that negates a fuller representation of female characters. In addition, Armando Maggi argues that since fairy tales have been passed down through generations, they have become an intrinsic part of many people’s upbringing and are part of a kind of universal imaginary and repository of cultural values. This means that these iconic cultural stories are “unlikely to ever be discarded because they possess both a sentimental value and a moral ‘soundness’” (Rutherford 33), albeit that the lessons to be learnt are at times antiquated and exclusionary in contemporary society. The marketing and promotion of the Disney princess line has resulted in these characters becoming an extremely popular form of media and merchandise for young girls (Coyne et al. 2), and Disney has received great financial benefit from the success of its long history of popular films and merchandise. As a global corporation with influence across multiple entertainment platforms, from its streaming channel to merchandise and theme parks, the gender portrayals therefore impact on culture and, in particular, on how young audiences view gender representation. Therefore, it could be argued that Disney has a social responsibility to ensure that its messages and characters do not skew or become damaging to the psyche of its young audiences who are highly impressionable. When the representation of gender is examined, however, Disney tends to create highly gendered performances in both the early and modern iterations of fairy tales, and the princess characters remain within a narrow range of physical portrayals and agency. The Princess Bubble Although there are twelve official characters within the Disney princess umbrella, plus Elsa and Anna from the Disney Frozen franchise, this article examines the eleven characters who are either born or become royalty through marriage, and exhibit characteristics that could be argued to be the epitome of feminine representation in fairy tales. The characters within this ‘princess bubble’ are Snow White, Cinderella, Aurora, Ariel, Belle, Jasmine, Tiana, Rapunzel, Merida, Elsa, and Anna. The physical appearance of those in the princess bubble also connects to displays around the physical aspects of ethnicity. Nine out of eleven are white skinned, with Jasmine having lightened in skin tone over time, and Tiana now having a tanned look rather than the original dark African American complexion seen in 2009 (Brucculieri). This reinforces an ideology that being white is superior. Every princess in our sample has thick and healthy long hair, the predominant colour being blonde. Their eyes are mostly blue, with only three possessing a dark colour, a factor which reinforces the characteristics and representation of white ethnic groups. Their eyes are also big and bulbous in shape, with large irises and pupils, and extraordinarily long eyelashes that create an almost child-like look of innocence that matches their young age. These princesses have an average age of sixteen years and are always naïve, most without formal education or worldly experience, and they have additional distinctive traits which include poise, elegance and other desired feminine characteristics – like kindness and purity. Ehrenreich and Orenstein note that the physical attributes of the Disney princesses are so evident that the creators have drawn criticism for over-glamorising them, and for their general passiveness and reliance on men for their happiness. Essentially, these women are created in the image of the ultimate male fantasy, where an increased value is placed on the virginal look, followed by a perfect tiny body and an ability to follow basic instructions. The slim bodies of these princesses are disproportionate, and include long necks, demure shoulders, medium- to large-sized perky breasts, with tiny waists, wrists, ankles and feet. Thus, it can be argued that the main theme for those within the princess bubble is their physical body and beauty, and the importance of being attractive to achieve success. The importance of the physical form is so valued that the first blessing given by the fairies to Aurora from Sleeping Beauty is the gift of physical beauty (Rutherford). Furthermore, Tanner et al. argue that the "images of love at first sight in the films encourage the belief that physical appearance is the most important thing", and these fairy tales often reflect a pattern that the prince cannot help but to instantly fall in love with these women because they are so striking. In some instances, like the stories of Cinderella and Snow White, these princesses have not uttered a single word to their prince before these men fall unconditionally and hopelessly in love. Cinderella need only to turn up at the ball as the best dressed (Parks), while Snow White must merely “wait prettily, because someday her prince will come" (Inge) to reestablish her as royalty. Disney emphasises that these princesses win their man solely on the basis that they are the most beautiful girls in the land. In Sleeping Beauty, the prince overhears Aurora’s singing and that sets his heart aflame to the point of refusing to wed the woman chosen for him at birth by the king. Fortunately, she is one and the same person, so the patriarchy survives, but this idea of beauty, and of 'love at first sight', continues to be a central part of Disney movies today, and shows that “Disney Films are vehicles of powerful gender ideologies” (Hairianto). These princesses within the bubble of perfection have priority placed on their physical and sexual beauty (Dietz), formulating a kind of ‘beauty contest motif’. Examples include Gaston, who does not love Belle in Beauty and the Beast, but simply wants her as his trophy wife because he deems her to be the most beautiful girl in the town. Ariel, from The Little Mermaid, looks as if she "was modeled after a slightly anorexic Barbie doll with thin waist and prominent bust. This representation portrays a dangerous model for young women" (Zarranz). The sexualisation of the characters continues as Jasmine has “a delicate nose and small mouth" (Lacroix), with a dress that can be considered as highly sexualised and unsuitable for a girl of sixteen (Lacroix). In Tangled, Rapunzel is held hostage in the tower by Mother Gothel because she is ‘as fragile as a flower’ and needs to be ‘kept safe’ from the harms in the world. But it is her beauty that scares the witch the most, because losing Rapunzel would leave the old woman without her magical anti-aging hair. She uses scare tactics to ensure that Rapunzel remains unseen to the world. These examples are all variations of the beauty theme, as the princesses all fall within narrow and predictable tropes of love at first sight where the woman is rescued and initiated into womanhood by being chosen by a man. Disney’s Progressive Representation? At times Disney’s portrayal of princesses appears illusively progressive, by introducing new and different variations of princesses into the fold – such as Merida in the 2012 film Brave. Unfortunately, this is merely an illusion as the ‘body-perfect’ image remains an all-important ideal to snare a prince. Merida, the young and spirited teenage princess, begins her tale determined not to conform to the desired standards set for a woman of her standing; however, when the time comes for her to be married, there is no negotiating with her mother, the queen, on dress compliance. Merida is clothed against her will to re-identify her in the manner which her parents deem appropriate. Her ability to express her identity and individuality removed, now replaced by a masked version, and thus with the true Merida lost in this transformation, her parents consider Merida to be of renewed merit and benefit to the family. This shows that Disney remains unchanged in its depiction of who may ‘fit’ within the princess bubble, because the rubric is unchanged on how to win the heart of the man. In fact, this film is possibly more troublesome than the rest because it clearly depicts her parents to deem her to be of more value only after her mother has altered her physical appearance. It is only after the total collapse of the royal family that King Fergus has a change of patriarchal heart, and in fact Disney does not portray this rumpled, ripped-sleeved version of the princess in its merchandising campaign. While the fantasy of fairy tales provides enthralling adventures that always end in happiness for the pretty princesses that encounter them, consideration must be given to all those women who have not met the standard and are left in their wake. If women do not conform to the standards of representation, they are presented as outcasts, and happiness eludes them. Cinderella, for example, has two ugly stepsisters, who, no matter how hard they might try, are unable to match her in attractiveness, kindness, or grace. Disney has embraced and not shunned Perrault’s original retelling of the tale, by ensuring that these stepsisters are ugly. They have not been blessed with any attributes whatsoever, and cannot sing, dance, or play music; nor can they sew, cook, clean, or behave respectably. These girls will never find a suitor, let alone a prince, no matter how eager they are to do so. On the physical comparison, Anastasia and Drizella have bodies that are far more rounded and voluptuous, with feet, for example, that are more than double the size of Cinderella’s magical slipper. These women clearly miss the parameters of our princess bubble, emphasising that Disney is continuing to promote dangerous narratives that could potentially harm young audience conceptions of femininity at an important period in their development. Therefore, despite the ‘progressive’ strides made by Disney in response to the vast criticism of their earlier films, the agency afforded to their new generation of princesses does not alter the fact that success comes to those who are beautiful. These beautiful people continue to win every time. Furthermore, Hairianto has found that it is not uncommon for the media to directly or indirectly promote “mental models of how a woman should look, speak and interact with others”, and that Disney uses its pervasive princess influence “to shape perceptions of female identity and desirability. Females are made to measure themselves against the set of values that are meted out by the films” (Hairianto). In the 2017 film Beauty and the Beast, those outside of the princess bubble are seen in the characters of the three maidens from the village who are always trying to look their very best in the hope of attracting Gaston (Rutherford). Gaston is not only disinterested but shows borderline contempt at their glances by permitting his horse to spray mud and dirt all over their fine clothing. They do not meet the beauty standard set, and instead of questioning his cruelty, the audience is left laughing at the horse’s antics. Interestingly, the earlier version of Disney’s Beauty and the Beast portrays these maidens as blonde, slim, and sexy, closely fitting the model of beauty displayed in our princess bubble; however, none match the beauty of Belle, and are therefore deemed inferior. In this manner, Disney is being irresponsible, placing little interest in the psychological ‘safety’ or affect the messages have upon young girls who will never meet these expectations (Ehrenreich; Best and Lowney; Orenstein). Furthermore, bodies are shaped and created by culture. They are central to self-identity, becoming a projection of how we see ourselves. Grosz (xii) argues that our notions of our bodies begin in physicality but are forever shaped by our interactions with social realities and cultural norms. The media are constantly filled with images that “glorify and highlight some kinds of bodies (for example, the young, able-bodied and beautiful) while ignoring or condemning others” (Jones 193), and these influences on gender, ethnicity, sexuality, race, and religion within popular culture therefore play a huge part in identity creation. In Disney films, the princess bubble constantly sings the same song, and “children view these stereotypical roles as the right and only way to behave” (Ewert). In The Princess and the Frog, Tiana’s friend Charlotte is so desperate to ‘catch’ a prince that "she humorously over-applies her makeup and adjusts her ball gown to emphasize her cleavage" (Breaux), but the point is not lost. Additionally, “making sure that girls become worthy of love seems central to Disney’s fairy tale films” (Rutherford 76), and because their fairy tales are so pervasive and popular, young viewers receive a consistent message that being beautiful and having a tiny doll-like body type is paramount. “This can be destructive for developing girls’ views and images of their own bodies, which are not proportioned the way that they see on screen” (Cordwell 21). “The strongly gendered messages present in the resolutions of the movies help to reinforce the desirability of traditional gender conformity” (England et al. 565). Conclusion The princess bubble is a phenomenon that has been seen in Disney’s representation of female characters for decades. Within this bubble there is a narrow range of representation permitted, and attempts to make the characters more progressive have instead resulted in narrow and restrictive constraints, reinforcing dangerous female stereotypes. Kilmer suggests that ultimately these representations fail to break away from “hegemonic assumptions about gender norms, class boundaries, and Caucasian privileging”. Ultimately this presents audiences with strong and persuasive messages about gender performance. Audiences conform their bodies to societal ‘rules’: “as to how we ‘wear’ and ‘use’ our bodies” (Richardson and Locks x), including for example how we should dress, what we should weigh, and how to become popular. In our global hypermediated society, viewers are constantly exposed to princesses and other appropriate bodies. These become internalised ideals and aid in positive and negative thoughts and self-identity, which in turn creates additional pressure on the female body in particular. The seemingly innocent stories with happy outcomes are therefore unrealistic and ultimately excluding of those who cannot or will not ‘fit into the princess bubble’. 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