Journal articles on the topic 'Coptic art – Egypt'

During the past thirty years the production of two-dimensional images designed to be used in religion has flourished in the Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt. After generations with little or negligible activity, enterprising ateliers can today be found all over the country.' Many of them are strategically placed in influential convents and monasteries and at important educational institutions. In this production of art, the Section of Coptic Art at the Higher Institute of Coptic Studies in Abbasiya in Cairo occupies a leading position. Under the direction of Professor Isaac Fanous Youssef the section is attempting to develop a Coptic iconography and style — which the Coptic Orthodox Church does not have. Images of Christ, Mary, and the saints are central in Coptic cultic life, but there is a traditional openness to all kinds of styles and the dominant ones are European and Byzantinesque, well-known in both Western and Eastern Christianity. Also other artists are engaged in developing an especially Coptic iconography and style, but Isaac Fanous and his pupils have received the greater attention and also have the support of official church authorities. The primary aim given for images in Coptic religion is that of being tools for communicating with and partaking of the Holy World.' The focus of this paper is on the usages and functions which the images have in Coptic life, in particular how they serve the construction of ethnic consciousness and cohesion of the Copts. Coptic identity is an important issue for the Copts. The images in question are included in a conscious effort to formulate and mediate who the Copts are. Through choice of themes, composition of motifs, and style, the images impart Coptic self-conception.

This text presents to the academic public two so-far unpublished pieces from the collection of Coptic textiles housed at the Museum of Applied Art in Belgrade. The aim of this text is to identify the motifs represented on them, as well as to propose a possible iconographic and iconological reading of their imagery. Both pieces of Coptic textile presented here display a number of iconographic subjects typical of Late Antique Egypt such as the Dionysiac thiasus and other subjects related to Dionysos - vines, lions, panthers and other animals, as well as the so-called Coptic horseman. They are typical of the visual idiom which survived from the classical period into Late Antique Coptic Egypt and was taking on new meanings in the context of religious and cultural syncretism.

The present state of the Coptic Orthodox Church in America could not have been imagined fifty years ago. As an integral part of the Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt, the young archdiocese in America evolved from non-existence to a formidable 151 parishes, two monasteries, three seminaries and many benevolent, educational and media organisations. Waves of immigration from Egypt brought not only Copts, but also a wealth of Coptic art, music, architecture, literature and spirituality. These treasures are being preserved and promoted by the immigrants and the second generation; in the homes, churches and community centers; and also at American universities via programs of Coptic studies. This article covers the above topics and discusses a few of the challenges that come with immigration and assimilation, especially when the community desires to maintain the depth and versatility of an ancient religious culture.

Abstract In the current situation, when the majority of the planet is urged to tolerate and accept, to promote peace and respect for other people and theyr choices, and culture, our fellow men in Egypt, Coptic Christians are fighting an unprecedented struggle against oppressors who demolish their churches and try to destroy their faith. Although we are far away physically, we cannot remain indifferent to what is happening to the cultural heritage they are trying to keep alive. This article reminds us of the wonderful artistic treasures found in Coptic culture.

A representative selection of Roman and Coptic textiles is used to compare the radiocarbon dating results with the chronology proposed by art historians. In some cases, the comparison was made on individual objects, but in other cases, groups of stylistically and/or technologically related textiles were compared. In the case of the latter, the interquartile range was calculated. The results of this comparison show that some individual samples and groups are dated older than expected, while for another group the opposite is the case. One group was matching well with the presumed period as a whole, but not on the basis of the individual pieces. The analyses showed the necessity of 14C dating to obtain a more accurate dating of Coptic textiles.

The study of Coptic history usually brings to mind gnostic texts, remote monastic enclaves, archeological ruins, conflicts with Byzantium, or a long-forgotten language. Until recently, a disproportionate focus on early Christianity has bound Copts to an ancient and seemingly timeless heritage, which explains the dearth of critical examinations on Coptic life from the Islamic conquests to the early modern period. In general, Coptic experiences after 641 have been overshadowed by other themes in Egyptian history writing, in particular political and military changes. Although the latter are as relevant for a better understanding of the Coptic past, they have been predominately examined from the perspective of the Muslim majority, exclusive of Coptic concerns, perspectives, and beliefs. Only in recent years has scholarship on Copts begun to expand. Scholars have drawn from fields such as papyrology, gender studies, art history, and law in pursuit of a more comprehensive historical narrative. We are increasingly encouraged to evaluate the Coptic experience not only as a missing cog in Egyptian historiography but also as one that complicates canonical studies of postconquest Egypt and enriches our understanding of Middle Eastern history in general.

Abstract This paper studies Coptic communal identity in early Islamic Egypt by analyzing two hagiographical narratives from the Christian Copto-Arabic text The History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria. The narratives relate incidents of sacred images that become ‘aggressive’ when they retaliate against insults. Although the relation between religious violence and sacred art has merited much scholarly attention, the focus is usually on humans as the aggressors and sacred art as the victim. The reverse is scarcer, and its rarity means we miss an opportunity to rethink such narratives as communicative modes of rhetoric to be contextually interpreted. Here I argue that these aggressive sacred images were tools of power within a polemic religious discourse aimed at proclaiming divine truth, undergirding it with supernatural power, and ultimately shaping Coptic communal identity around this discourse.

Egyptian heritage is known to be a result of many great civilizations. With various traditional elements and special features that add prominence to its cultural aspects, it carries magnificent aesthetic values and visual forms. Nonetheless, and due to the different nature of the cities and provinces in Egypt, styles and features in each region have taken different paths. For instance, Ancient Egyptians influenced some areas while others were more affected by Islamic or Coptic civilizations. Some regions were preserved in Nubian folk art heritage form. In the past, the country had a clear and unique identity that reflected its characteristics, environmental benefits and socio-cultural attributes. However, today the identity is faded and is nearly completely wiped by Western notions erasing our ideas, identities, and thoughts. This study focuses on the elements of heritage, their impact on people and the way these elements inspire interior architecture, form and psychology.This study aims to discern the elements of heritage and identify the character and special criteria of each civilization such as the Ancient Egyptian, Islamic and Nubian folk art heritage with special references and clarifications as to the criteria of reviving the traditional identity in contemporary interior design. This study will also include an analysis of user preferences in relation to discussed features.

Synthesis means intermarriage and compatibility between more than one raw material in a single artwork. Interacting with its various properties and sources to reach a balance between expressive and technical aspects within the framework of the technical and technical capabilities of that raw material. By adding raw materials, they are woven with textured structures or by the new method developed through the art of gluing or collage and the art of assembly through deletion and addition within the scope of plastic treatments of the textile surface or by using both the traditional and the new method combined to merge between Woven materials and added media on the surface of the artwork. The research deals with synthesis through the ages (the ancient Egyptian - Coptic - Islamic - popular) and some schools of modern art (Cubism - Dada - Pop Art) and some pioneers in plastic art in Egypt (Munir Kanaan - Ahmed Nawar - Farghali Abdul Hafeez - Zainab Sabra). Research Problem: - To what extent can the aesthetic and plastic values ​​be benefited from the different treatments of natural and synthetic textile materials for the concept of synthesis? Research Aims: - Revealing the aesthetic, plastic, and artistic values ​​of the synthesis method throughout the ages to find new approaches to teaching manual fabric. - Create innovative aesthetic values ​​and formulations on the surface of the tissue sphere. The current research provides a program consisting of 3 teaching entrances that depend on a number of key and sub-concepts proposed for the concept of synthesis through art education. Keywords: The Aesthetic - Plastic Values - The Concept of Synthesis – Variables of Material and designing - Hanging Textile

The article deals with the history of relations between Gregory Lukyanov, Russian Egyptologist and antiquarian, and his colleagues from the Kondakov Archaeological Institute in Prague in the 1930s. The article is based on materials from Czech archives (Archives of the Art History Institute of the Czech Academy of Sciences and the collection of manuscripts of the Slavonic Library in Prague). The author of this work reveals the unknown page of the history of scientific communications in the midst of the Russian emigration, shows the existence of intellectual contacts between the «Russian Czechoslovakia» and «Russian Egypt». The article is devoted to the analysis of the internal contacts of Gregory Lukyanov, the motives of his professional activity abroad, the basic directions of his cooperation with colleagues from Prague and attempts to create there a collection of Coptic textiles and to publish its catalogue, which unfortunately failed. For the first time, the history of translation of «The Poem of Pentawer» by Lukyanov and attempts of publication of its Russian translation have been described. The author reveals the various contradictions between Gregory Lukyanov and his Prague colleagues that arose in the process of scientific communication.

This article explores the changing iconography of martyrdom in Coptic religious icons in recent decades, with particular emphasis on the years that followed the 2011 Tahrir revolution and its role in articulating a more contentious version of Coptic identity vis-à-vis the Muslim majority in Egypt. The authors analyse the iconographical and iconological symbolism of the work of leading artists belonging to the so-called neo-Coptic school, focusing specifically on Victor Fakhoury’s icon of The Martyrs of Maspero and the interaction between Christian and Pharaonic imagery in his ‘New Martyrs’ series. The article argues that the presence of Pharaonic imagery in icons that portray episodes of collective martyrdom is designed to make the martyrs appear as true Egyptians. This portrayal, in turn, reinforces the so-called ‘sons of Egypt’ narrative – the suggestion that Copts are the direct descendants of ancient Egyptians and that they have a strong claim to Egyptian-ness. As such, these icons reflect an increasingly explicit attempt by the Coptic community to frame its identity in opposition to the Muslim majority and, in the process, to contest the content and meaning of Egyptian nationalism during a (failed) democratization process.

This paper discusses the results from recent archaeological investigations at the Monastery of St Antony in Egypt, including the remains of a number of building phases predating the current church, locally produced pottery, and manuscript fragments written in Coptic, Arabic, Hebrew, and Ge’ez.

The paper presents extant texts narrating about St. Moses the Ethiopian or the Black written in Greek, Coptic, Ge?ez, Syrian, Arabic and Old Church Slavonic and reviews the cult of the saint connected to the Baramus Monastery in the Scetis Desert or the Nitrian Desert. His preserved images in Egypt, Palestine, Byzantium, and in the countries whose churches used various recensions of the Old Church Slavonic language are listed. The final part of the study proposes some conclusions on his cult and representation.

Abstract The so-called ‘Leiden Manuscript’, the collection of Turkic and Mongolic glossaries titled Kitāb Majmūʿ Turjumān Turkī wa-ʿAjamī wa-Muğalī wa-Fārsī, has a yet undeciphered inscription on f. 75b. In this article, the author identifies the script of the inscription as a type of Coptic cursive numerals called ḥurūf al-zimām, which was primarily in use in Egypt for accounting purposes. The consecutive numbers and multiples of 10 and 100 in the inscription may indicate that they were written for practicing numerical letters by someone who had nothing to do with the creation or the copying of the manuscript. The use of zimām numerals in the inscription indicates that the manuscript may have existed in Egypt, and this strengthens the theory advanced by M.Th. Houtsma that the manuscript was created there. Yemen is another possible place of origin of the manuscript due to the close relationship of the Rasūlid dynasty with the Mamlūk sultanate and the fact that some documents with zimām numerals have been found there.

Censorship decisions on cinematic works in Egypt have been characterized by their inconsistency due to the intentional lack of definition of what would constitute a threat to politics, religion and morality. Such fluidity has forced filmmakers to practise self-censorship and deterred them from tackling Coptic problems for fear of igniting sectarianism, as censorship would claim. This article shows the role of public opinion during the period of political instability and aspiration for freedom after the 25 January 2011 Egyptian Revolution in facilitating the approval of the controversial script of Amr Salama’s Excuse My French (2014), which deals with the issue of discrimination against minority Copts in public schools, after five rejections by the censors.

We are privileged to offer a summary of the massive campaign of excavation and survey conducted by the author and his team from Japan in northern Egypt and the neighbouring coast of Sinai. Over the last few years they have excavated a large sector of al-Fustat (the early Islamic settlement on the outskirts of modern Cairo), mapped the early Christian monastery at Wadi al-Tur (sixth–twelfth century AD), recorded early Islamic rock inscriptions on Mt Naqus eighth–twentieth century AD), mapped the port and mosque at Raya (originating in the sixth–twelfth or thirteenth century AD) and investigated on a large scale the fourteenth–twentieth-century sequence at al-Kilani (al-Tur). Among the objects unearthed at al-Kilani were 4000 fragments of manuscripts. The work is throwing new light on early Islam, its development of social and commercial networks, and its relation with Christian, Coptic and Byzantine cultures.

The collection of National Museum of Banat (Timişoara) had two artifacts belonging to the Coptic art, coming from the North-West Egypt. These two pilgrim flasks of Saint Menas were previously published in 1986, but a new interpretation about their provenience and their chronology is necessary, because in the scientific literature the places when the objects were discovered, Dierna (Orşova, Mehedinţi county) and Porolissum (Moigrad, Sălaj county), continued to be mentioned, even the information was uncertain from the beginning. The flasks were made from the white clay, with round shape. One piece had two handles (Inventory Number 6572), but from the second one, the narrow neck and the handles are missing (Inventory Number 36.792). The object no 6572 (Pl.I:1a-b, Pl.II.1a-b) was probably discovered near Orşova, based on the data preserved in the Museum archives. Our researches in the archives revealed a possible donation of the task by Zsigmond Ormós, an important collector, political and cultural leader of Timiş County in the 19th century. Nevertheless, it is no certain prove that the artifact was discovered at Orşova or nearby, but it is possible.If we can find some traces for the task no 6572 about its discovery near Danube, at Orşova, the situation is different for the task no 36.796 (which was published with the inventory number 6573) (Pl. III. 1 a-b, Pl. IV. 1 a-b). The place of discovery remains unknown, because the information published in 1986, that the object was unearthed during the archaeological researches made at Porolissum by Marius Moga (archaeologist and manager of The Museum of Banat between 1945 and 1974) is inaccurate. The archive of Marius Moga sheltered in our museum does not contain any information that the object was discovered during the archaeological researches made in 1949.Most likely, the provenance of ampulla no 36.796 is not Porolissum and the moment when the object arrived in the Museum collection remains unknown. It is possible that the artifact belongs to the collection accumulated before 1918 and the place of discovery could be also near Danube River (Clisura Dunării), like the other ampullasupposed to be discovered near Dierna-Orşova.The chronology of the pilgrim flasks discovered in the archaeological site of Komm el-Dikka (Alexandria, Egypt) dates the two objects from the National Museum of Banat in the third stage of the workshop production in the Abu Mina Monastery, between 610 and 650. Another ampulla belonging to the Brukenthal Museum from Sibiu is dated in the same epoch which was considered wrong as discovered at Apulum (Madgearu 2004, 45, Anderson 2007, 228, fig. 3, 231). In the first publication the only information about the discovery was that the provenience of ampulla could possibly be one of the cities from the former Roman province of Dacia (Moga 2000, 430).In conclusion, the pilgrim flasks of Saint Menas and other Coptic objects, like rush lights, discovered in the Eastern part of the Carpathian Basin, were brought here from the roads started to the Adriatic Sea. The artifacts were not particularly liked with the commerce or pilgrimage, because they could represent gifts given by Christian communities from the North of the Adriatic Sea to the local elites. In this situation, the object could not have a religious meaning that a certain Christian community wanted to have as a proove of its devotion to the Saint Menas cult. In this particularly situation, the ampullae were objects of prestige. In the Iron Gates zone, at Orşova, these objects arrived also from the Adriatic Sea space, but not as gifts, the flasks belonged probably to the pilgrims, maybe merchants or even Byzantine soldiers.

To Remember‘The central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenisation and cultural heterogenisation.’ (Appadurai 49)While this statement has been made more than twenty years, it remains more relevant than ever. The current age is one of widespread global migrations and dis-placement. The phenomenon of globalisation is the first and major factor for this newly created shift of ground, of transmigration as defined by its etymological meaning. However, a growing number of migrations also result from social or political oppression and war as we witness the current flow of refugees from Africa or Syria to Europe and with growing momentum, from climate change, the people of Tokelau or Nauru migrating as a result of the rise of sea levels in their South Pacific homeland. Such global migrations lead to an intense co-habitation of various cultures, ethnicities and religions in host societies. In late twentieth century Giddens explains this complexity and discusses how globalisation requires a re-organisation of time and space in social and cultural life of both the host and the migrant (Giddens 14). In the host country, Appadurai terms the physical consequences of this phenomenon as the new ‘ethnoscape’ (Appadurai 51). This fact is particularly relevant to New Zealand, a country that is currently seeing an unprecedented level of immigration from various and numerous ethnic groups which is evidently influencing the makeup of its entire population.For the migrant, according to Xavier & Rosaldo, social life following migration re-establishes itself on two fronts: the first is the pre-modern manner of being present through participation in localised activities at specific locales; the second is about fostering relationships with absent others through media and across the world. These “settings for distanced relations – for relations at a distance, [are] stretched out across time and space” (Xavier & Rosaldo 8). Throughout the world, people in dis-placement reorganise their societies in both of these fronts.Dis-placement is ‘a potentially traumatic event that is collectively experienced" (Norris 128). Disaster and trauma related dis-placement as stressors happen to entire communities, not just individuals, families and neighbourhoods. Members are exposed together and it has been argued, must, therefore, recover together, (Norris 145). On one hand, in the situation of collective trauma some attachment to a new space ‘increases the likelihood that a community as a whole has the will to rebuild’ (Norris 145). On the other, it is suggested that for the individual, place attachment makes the necessary relocation much harder. It is in re-location however that the will to recreate or reproduce will emerge. Indeed part of the recovery in the case of relocation can be the reconstruction of place. The places of past experiences and rituals for meaning are commonly recreated or reproduced as new places of attachment abroad. The will and ability to reimagine and re-materialise (Gupta & Ferguson 70) the lost heritage is motivational and defines resilience.This is something a great deal of communities such as the displaced Coptic community in New Zealand look to achieve, re-constructing a familiar space, where rituals and meaning can reaffirm their ideal existence, the only form of existence they have ever known before relocation. In this instance it is the reconstruction and reinterpretation of a traditional Coptic Orthodox church. Resilience can be examined as a ‘sense of community’, a concept that binds people with shared values. Concern for community and respect for others can transcend the physical and can bind disparate individuals in ways that otherwise might require more formal organisations. It has been noted that trauma due to displacement and relocation can enhance a sense of closeness and stronger belonging (Norris 139). Indeed citizen participation is fundamental to community resilience (Norris 139) and it entails the engagement of community members in formal organisations, including religious congregations (Perkins et al. 2002; Norris 139) and collective gatherings around cultural rituals. However, the displacement also strengthens the emotional ties at the individual level to the homeland, to kinfolk and to the more abstract cultural mores and ideas.Commitment and AttachmentRecalling places of collective events and rituals such as assembly halls and spaces of worship is crucially important for dis-placed communities. The attachment to place exposes the challenges and opportunities for recollecting the spirit of space in the situation of a people abroad. This in turn, raises the question of memory and its representation in re-creating the architectural qualities of the cultural space from its original context. This article offers the employ of visual representation (drawings) as a strategy of recall. To explore these ideas further, the situation of the Egyptian community of Coptic Orthodox faith, relocated, displaced and living ‘abroad’ in New Zealand is being considered. This small community that emigrated to New Zealand firstly in the 1950s then in the 1970s represents in many ways the various ethnicities and religious beliefs found in New Zealand.Rituals and congregations are held in collective spaces and while the attachment to the collective is essential, the question to be addressed here relates to the role of the physical community space in forming or maintaining the attachment to community (Pretty, Chipuer, and Bramston 78). Groups or societies use systems of shared meanings to interpret and make sense of the world. However, shared meanings have traditionally been tied to the idea of a fixed territory (Manzo & Devine-Wright 335, Xavier & Rosaldo 10). Manzo and Perkins further suggest that place attachments provide stability and are integral to self-definitions (335-350). Image by Vioula Said.Stability and self-definition and ultimately identity are in turn, placed in jeopardy with the process of displacement and de-territorilisation. Shared meanings are shifted and potentially lost when the resultant instability occurs. Norris finds that in the strongest cases, individuals, neighbourhoods and communities lose their sense of identity and self-definition when displaced due to the destruction of natural and built environments (Norris 139). This comment is particularly relevant to people who are emigrating to New Zealand as refugees from climate change such as Pasifika or from wars and oppression such as the Coptic community. This loss strengthens the requirement for something greater than just a common space of congregation, something that transcends the physical. The sense of belonging and identity in the complexity of potential cultural heterogenisation is at issue. The role of architecture in dis-placement is thereby brought into question seeking answers to how it should facilitate a space of attachment for resilience, for identity and for belonging.A unity of place and people has long been assumed in the anthropological concept of culture (Gupta & Ferguson: 75). According to Xavier & Rosaldo the historical tendency has been to connect the realm of constructing meaning to the particularities of place (Xavier & Rosaldo 10). Thereby, cultural meanings are intrinsically linked to place. Therefore, place attachment to the reproduced or re-interpreted place is crucially important for dis-placed societies in re-establishing social and cultural content. Architectural spaces are the obvious holders of cultural, social and spiritual content for such enterprises. Hillier suggests that all "architecture is, in essence, the application of speculative and abstract thought to the non-discursive aspects of building, and because it is so, it is also its application to the social and cultural contents of buildings” (Hillier 3).To Re-ImagineAn attempt to reflect the history, stories and the cultural mores of the Coptic community in exile by privileging material and design authenticity, merits attention. An important aspect of the Coptic faith lies within its adherence to symbolism and rituals and strict adherence to the traditional forms and configurations of space may reflect some authenticity of the customary qualities of the space (Said 109). However, the original space is itself in flux, changing with time and environmental conditions; as are the memories of those travelling abroad as they come from different moments in time. Experience has shown that a communities’ will to re-establish social and cultural content through their traditional architecture on new sites has not always resurrected their history and reignited their original spirit. The impact of the new context’s reality on the reproduction or re interpretation of place may not fully enable its entire community’s attachment to it. There are significant implications from the displacement of site that lead to a disassociation from the former architectural language. Consequently there is a cultural imperative for an approach that entails the engagement of community in the re-making of a cultural space before responding to the demands of site. Cultures come into conflict when the new ways of knowing and acting are at odds with the old. Recreating a place without acknowledging these tensions may lead to non-attachment. Facing cultural paradox and searching for authenticity explains in part, the value of intangible heritage and the need to privilege it over its tangible counterpart.Intangible HeritageThe intangible qualities of place and the memory of them are anchors for a dis-placed community to reimagine and re-materialise its lost heritage and to recreate a new place for attachment. This brings about the notion of the authenticity of cultural heritage, it exposes the uncertain value of reconstruction and it exhibits the struggles associated with de-territorilisation in such a process.In dealing with cultural heritage and contemporary conservation practice with today’s wider understanding of the interdisciplinary field of heritage studies, several authors discuss the relevance and applicability of the 1964 Venice Charter on architectural heritage. Glendinning argues that today’s heritage practices exploit the physical remains of the past for useful modern and aesthetic purposes as they are less concerned with the history they once served (Glendinning 3). For example, the act of modernising and restoring a historic museum is counterbalanced by its ancient exhibits thereby highlighting modern progress. Others support this position by arguing that relationships, associations and meanings that contribute to the value of a site should not be dismissed in favour of physical remains (Hill 21). Smith notes that the less tangible approaches struggle to gain leverage within conventional practice, and therefore lack authenticity. This can be evidenced in so many of our reconstructed heritage sites. This leads to the importance of the intangible when dealing with architectural heritage. Image by Vioula Said.In practice, a number of different methods and approaches are employed to safeguard intangible cultural heritage. In order to provide a common platform for considering intangible heritage, UNESCO developed the 2003 ‘Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage’. Rather than simply addressing physical heritage, this convention helped to define the intangible and served to promote its recognition. Intangible cultural heritage is defined as expressions, representations, practices, skills and knowledge that an individual a community or group recognise as their cultural heritage.Safeguarding intangible heritage requires a form of translation, for example, from the oral form into a material form, e.g. archives, inventories, museums and audio or film records. This ‘freezing’ of intangible heritage requires thoughtfulness and care in the choosing of the appropriate methods and materials. At the same time, the ephemeral aspects of intangible heritage make it vulnerable to being absorbed by the typecast cultural models predominant at any particular time. This less tangible characteristic of history and the pivotal role it plays in conveying a dialogue between the past and the present demands alternative methods. At a time when the identity of dis-placed people is in danger of being diminished by dominant host societies, the safeguarding of intangible cultural heritage is critically important in re-establishing social and cultural content.Recent news has shown the destruction of many Coptic churches in Egypt, through fire at increasing rates since 2011 or by bombings such as the ones witnessed in April 2017. For this particular problem of the Coptic Community, the authors propose that visual representation of spiritual spaces may aid in recollecting and re-establishing such heritage. The illustrations in this article present the personal journey of an artist of Egyptian Copt descent drawing from her memories of a place and time within the sphere of religious rituals. As Treib suggests, “Our recollections are situational and spatialised memories; they are memories attached to places and events” (Treib 22). The intertwining of real and imagined memory navigates to define the spirit of place of a lost time and community.The act of remembering is a societal ritual and in and of itself is part of the globalised world we live in today. The memories lodged in physical places range from incidents of personal biography to the highly refined and extensively interpreted segments of cultural lore (Treib 63). The act of remembering allows for our sense of identity and reflective cultural distinctiveness as well as shaping our present lives from that of our past. To remember is to celebrate or to commemorate the past (Treib 25).Memory has the aptitude to generate resilient links between self and environment, self and culture, as well as self and collective. “Our access to the past is no longer mediated by the account of a witness or a narrator, or by the eye of a photographer. We will not respond to a re-presentation of the historical event, but to a presentation or performance of it” (van Alphen 11). This statement aligns with Smith’s critical analysis of heritage and identity, not as a set of guidelines but as a performance experienced through the imagination, “experienced within a layering of performative qualities that embody remembrance and commemoration and aim to construct a sense of place and understanding within the present”(van Alphen 11). Heritage is hereby investigated as a re-constructed experience; attempting to identify a palette of memory-informed qualities that can be applied to the re-establishing of the heritage lost. Here memory will be defined as Aristotle’s Anamnesis, to identify the capacity to stimulate a range of physical and sensory experiences in the retrieval of heritage that may otherwise be forgotten (Cubitt 75; Huyssen 80). In architectural terms, Anamnesis, refers to the process of retrieval associated with intangible heritage, as a performance aimed at the recovery of memory, experienced through the imagination (Said 143). Unfortunately, when constructing an experience aimed at the recovery of memory, the conditions of a particular moment do not, once passed, move into a state of retirement from which they can be retrieved at a later date. Likewise, the conditions and occurrences of one moment can never be precisely recaptured, Treib describes memory as an interventionist:it magnifies, diminishes, adjusts, darkens, or illuminates places that are no longer extant, transforming the past anew every time it is called to mind, shorn or undesirable reminiscence embellished by wishful thinking, coloured by present concerns. (Treib 188)To remember them, Cubitt argues, we must reconstruct them; “not in the sense of reassembling something that has been taken to pieces and carefully stored, but in the sense of imaginatively configuring something that can no longer have the character of actuality” (Cubitt 77). Image by Vioula Said.Traditionally, history and past events have been put in writing to preserve their memory within the present. However, as argued by Treib, this mode of representation is inherently linear and static; contributing to a flattening of history. Similarly, Nelson states; “I consider how a visual mode of representation – as opposed to textual or oral – helps to shape memory” (Nelson 37). The unflattening of past events can occur by actively engaging with culture and tradition through the mechanism of reconstruction and representation of the intangible heritage (Said 145). As memory becomes crucial in affirming collective identity, place also becomes crucial in anchoring such experience. Interactive exhibition facilitates this act using imagery, interpretation and physical engagement while architectural place gives distinctiveness to cultural products and practices. Architectural space is always intrinsically bound with cultural practice. Appadurai says that where a groups’ past increasingly becomes part of museums, exhibits and collection, its culture becomes less a realm of reproducible practices and more an arena of choices and cultural reproduction (59). When place is shifted (de-territorilisation in migration) the loss of territorial roots brings “an erosion of the cultural distinctiveness of places, a de-territorilisation of identity” (Gupta & Ferguson 68). According to Gupta & Ferguson, “remembered places have …. often served as symbolic anchors of community for dispersed people” (Gupta & Ferguson 69).To Re-MakeIn the context of de-territorialisation the intangible qualities of the original space offer an avenue for the creation and experience of a new space in the spirit of its source. Simply reproducing a traditional building layout in the new territory or recollecting artefacts does not suffice in recalling the essence of place, nor does descriptive writing no matter how compelling. Issues of authenticity and identity underpin both of these strategies. Accepting the historical tendency to reconnect the realm of constructing meaning to the particularities of place requires an investigation on those ‘particularities of place’. Intangible heritage can bridge the problems of being out of one’s country, overseas, or ‘abroad’. While architecture can be as Hillier suggests, “in essence, the application of speculative and abstract thought to the non-discursive aspects of building” (Hillier 3). Architecture should not be reproduced but rather re-constructed as a holder or facilitator of recollection and collective performance. It is within the performance of intangible heritage in the ‘new’ architecture that a sense of belonging, identity and reconnection with home can be experienced abroad. Its visual representation takes centre stage in the process. The situation of the Egyptian community of Coptic faith in New Zealand is here looked at as an illustration. The intangibility of architectural heritage is created through one of the author’s graphic work here presented. Image by Vioula Said.The concept of drawing as an anchor for memory and drawing as a method to inhabit space is exposed and this presents a situation where drawing has an experiential nature in itself.It has been argued that a drawing is simply an image that compresses an entire experience of temporality. Pallasmaa suggests that “every drawing is an excavation into the past and memory of its creator” (Pallasmaa 91). The drawing is considered as a process of both observation and expression, of receiving and giving. The imagined or the remembered space turns real and becomes part of the experiential reality of the viewer and of the image maker. The drawing as a visual representation of the remembered experience within the embrace of an interior space is drawn from the image maker’s personal experience. It is the expression of their own recollection and not necessarily the precise realityor qualities perceived or remembered by others. This does not suggest that such drawing has a limited value. This article promotes the idea that such visual representation has potentially a shared transformative role. The development of drawings in this realm of intangible heritage exposes the fact that the act of drawing memory may provide an intimate relationship between architecture, past events within the space, the beholder of the memory and eventually the viewer of the drawing. The drawings can be considered a reminder of moments past, and an alternative method to the physical reproduction or preservation of the built form. It is a way to recollect, express and give new value to the understanding of intangible heritage, and constructs meaning.From the development of a personal spatial and intuitive recall to produce visual expressions of a remembered space and time, the image author optimistically seeks others to deeply engage with these images of layered memories. They invite the viewer to re-create their own memory by engaging with the author’s own perception. Simply put, drawings of a personal memory are offered as a convincing representation of intangible heritage and as an authentic expression of the character or essence of place to its audience. This is offered as a method of reconstructing what is re-membered, as a manifestation of symbolic anchor and as a first step towards attachment to place. The relevance of which may be pertinent for people in exile in a foreign land.ReferencesAppadurai, A. “Sovereignty without Territoriality: Notes for a Postnational Geography.” The Geography of Identity. Ed. Patricia Yaeger. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan Press, 1997. 40–58. Brown, R.H., and B. Brown. “The Making of Memory: The Politics of Archives, Libraries and Museum in the Construction of National Consciousness.” History of Human Sciences 11.4 (1993): 17–32.Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge, MA: Harvard UP, 1997.Cubitt, Geoffrey. History and Memory. London: Oxford UP, 2013.Giddens, A. The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford: Stanford UP, 1990.Gupta, A., and J. Ferguson. “Beyond ‘Culture’: Space, Identity, and the Politics of Difference.” Religion and Social Justice for Immigrants. Ed. Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 2006.Glendinning, Miles. The Conservation Movement: A History of Architectural Preservation: Antiquity to Modernity. London: Routledge, 2013.Hill, Jennifer. The Double Dimension: Heritage and Innovation. Canberra: The Royal Australian Institute of Architects, 2004.Hillier, Bill, Space Is the Machine. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge UP, 1996.Huyssen, Andreas. Present Pasts, Urban Palimpsests and the Politics of Memory. Stanford: Stanford UP, 2003.Lira, Sergio, and Rogerio Amoeda. Constructing Intangible Heritage. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, 2010.Manzo, Lynne C., and Douglas Perkins. “Finding Common Ground: The Importance of Place Attachment to Community Participation and Planning.” Journal of Planning Literature 20 (2006): 335–350. Manzo, Lynne C., and Patrick Devine-Wright. Place Attachment: Advances in Theory, Methods and Applications. London: Routledge. 2013.Nelson, Robert S., and Margaret Olin. Monuments and Memory, Made and Unmade. Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 2003.Norris, F.H., S.P. Stevens, B. Pfefferbaum, KF. Wyche, and R.L. Pfefferbaum. “Community Resilience as a Metaphor, Theory, Set of Capacities and Strategy for Disaster Readiness.” American Journal of Community Psychology 41 (2008): 127–150.Perkins, D.D., J. Hughey, and P.W. Speer. “Community Psychology Perspectives on Social Capital Theory and Community Development Practice.” Journal of the Community Development Society 33.1 (2002): 33–52.Pretty, Grace, Heather H. Chipuer, and Paul Bramston. “Sense of Place Amongst Adolescents and Adults in Two Rural Australian Towns: The Discriminating Features of Place Attachment, Sense of Community and Place Dependence in Relation to Place Identity.” Journal of Environmental Psychology 23.3 (2003): 273–87.Said, Vioula. Coptic Ruins Reincarnated. Thesis. Master of Interior Architecture. Victoria University of Wellington, 2014.Smith, Laura Jane. Uses of Heritage. New York: Routledge, 2006.Treib, Marc. Spatial Recall: Memory in Architecture and Landscape. New York: Routledge, 2013.UNESCO. “Text of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Human Heritage.” 2003. 15 Aug. 2017 <http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/en/convention>.Van Alphen, Ernst. Caught by History: Holocaust Effects in Contemporary Art, Literature and Theory. Redwood City, CA: Stanford UP, 1997.Xavier, Jonathan, and Renato Rosaldo. “Thinking the Global.” The Anthropology of Globalisation. Eds. Jonathan Xavier Inda and Renato Rosaldo. Wiley-Blackwell Publishers, Oxford, 2002.

This article explores generational perspectives on homeland-oriented diasporic humanitarianism by minority diasporas. Through a case study of Coptic, Assyrian, and Iraqi Christian charities in the United Kingdom, it compares the motivations for charity-giving of first- and second-generation diaspora members. The first generation has direct life experiences in the homeland, whereas the second generation has indirect knowledge of the ancestral homeland through collective memory. Despite different experiences of the homeland, the article finds that ongoing crises in the homeland serve as trigger events that mobilize both first- and second-generation diaspora members to support members of their community in the Middle East. Generational divergence, however, occurs over the range of charity beneficiaries. The first generation tended to adopt an exclusive approach to humanitarianism by focusing upon homeland-oriented aid solely to Copts, Assyrians, or Iraqi Christians. The second generation, by contrast, was still deeply committed to supporting members of their own community in the Middle East but also maintained an attachment to Egypt or Iraq, as well as to the United Kingdom, that resulted in support for additional causes in the homeland and the United Kingdom. It is the range of recipients of diaspora charity, rather than mobilization to support the community in the homeland, that was impacted by generational differences. The article's findings imply that the second generation of minority diasporas is reshaping diasporic humanitarianism by reacting to their connections with both the homeland and host state when identifying charity beneficiaries.