Relevant bibliographies by topics / Copulative and deverbal compounds

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Academic literature on the topic 'Copulative and deverbal compounds'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Copulative and deverbal compounds"

1

Wasak, Sebastian. "Structure constrains in Polish and English adjectival synthetic compounds." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 6 (December 30, 2020): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.11839.

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The subject matter of this paper is the external syntax of adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish (e.g. czasochłonny, ciepłolubny, opiniotwórczy, etc.) and English (life-giving, sleep-inducing, far-reaching, etc.). The primary objective of the study is to determine whether -ny/-czy/-ły compounds in Polish and adjectival -ing compounds in English, whose heads appear to be derived from verbs, are deverbal in the sense of Distributed Morphology; that is, whether their external syntax points to the presence of complex verbal structure in their syntactic representation. It is shown that adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish and English behave in a way typical of underived adjectives, being unrestricted in the predicative position and allowing degree modification with very; as such they are not deverbal in the morphosyntactic sense with their syntactic representation lacking the functional heads vP and VoiceP found in deverbal structures. The limited productivity of adjectival synthetic compounds further contributes to their non-eventive status.
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Krasnova, Elena. "PECULIARITIES OF COPULATIVE COMPOUNDS IN THE DANISH LANGUAGE." Scandinavian Philology 15, no. 1 (2017): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2017.103.

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3

MURPHY, VICTORIA A., and ELENA NICOLADIS. "When answer-phone makes a difference in children's acquisition of English compounds." Journal of Child Language 33, no. 3 (2006): 677–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500090600746x.

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Over the course of acquiring deverbal compounds like truck driver, English-speaking children pass through a stage when they produce ungrammatical compounds like drive-truck. These errors have been attributed to canonical phrasal ordering (Clark, Hecht & Mulford, 1986). In this study, we compared British and Canadian children's compound production. Both dialects have the same phrasal ordering but some different lexical items (e.g. answer-phone exists only in British English). If influenced by these lexical differences, British children would produce more ungrammatical Verb–Object (VO) compounds in trying to produce the more complex deverbal (Object–Verb-er) than the Canadian children. 36 British children between the ages of 3;6 and 5;6 and 36 age-matched Canadian children were asked to produce novel compounds (like sun juggler). The British children produced more ungrammatical compounds and fewer grammatical compounds than the Canadian children. We argue that children's errors in deverbal compounds may be due in part to competing lexical structures.
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4

Nicoladis, Elena. "Acquisition of deverbal compounds by French-speaking preschoolers." Mental Lexicon 2, no. 1 (2007): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.2.1.06nic.

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Children’s creation of novel words is thought to be guided by several variables of their language(s), including the simplicity and frequency of required morphology and/or target structure (Clark, 1993). This study documents children’s acquisition of French deverbal Verb–Object compounds (e.g., lave-vaisselle ‘wash-dishes’ meaning dishwasher). Research from previous studies suggests that simple infrequent forms such as these will be acquired later (i.e., around 5 years). 34 monolingual French-speaking children between 3 and 5 years produced and indicated their understanding of novel deverbal compounds. The children’s vocabulary size was more strongly positively related to their production and comprehension of novel compounds than age. In comprehension, children often misinterpreted the Object of novel compounds as the subject of the action in the Verb. These results confirm that this simple infrequent form is acquired late.
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5

LARDIERE, DONNA, and BONNIE D. SCHWARTZ. "Feature-marking in the L2 development of deverbal compounds." Journal of Linguistics 33, no. 2 (1997): 327–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006518.

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This study focuses on the development of complex word formation in L2 acquisition. We examine experimentally elicited data on English deverbal synthetic compounding (such as toe-painter) by native Spanish speakers and conclude that: (a) development proceeds in stages which clearly reflect UG-constrained L1 influence; (b) nontargetlike productions (e.g. painter-toes) show attempts to spell out the grammatical features associated with functional categories in deverbal compounding; though nontargetlike, they are nonetheless consistent with the compound's required feature-marking; (c) such attempts implicate the early existence in the Interlanguage of those functional heads and their projections in the (lexical) syntax; i.e., the absence of the correct phonological form cannot be taken to imply lack of knowledge of morphosyntactic features and their corresponding phrase structure.
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6

Barbosa, Poliana Goncalves, and Elena Nicoladis. "Deverbal compound comprehension in preschool children." Mental Lexicon 11, no. 1 (2016): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.11.1.05bar.

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When English-speaking children first attempt to produce deverbal compound words (like muffin maker), they often misorder the noun and the verb (e.g., make-muffin, maker muffin, or making-muffin). The purpose of the present studies was to test Usage-based and Distributional Morphology-based explanations of children’s errors. In Study 1, we compared three to four-year old children’s interpretations of Verb-Noun (e.g., push-ball) to Verb-erNoun (e.g., pusher-ball). In Study 2, we compared three- to five-year old children’s interpretations of Verb-erNoun (e.g., pusher-ball) to Noun-Verb-er (e.g., ball pusher). Results from both studies suggest that while preschool children’s understanding of deverbal compounds is still developing, they already show some sensitivity to word ordering within compounds. We argue that these results are interpretable within Usage-based approaches.
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7

DITRICH, Tamara. "Syntagms Constructed with Coordinative Particles in Ṛgveda 1.1 –1.50". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 2, № 1 (2012): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.2.1.45-60.

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In the Ṛgveda, several types of syntactic construction expressing a coordinative or copulative relationship occur: dvandva compounds, copulative asyndeta, elliptic duals, and syntagms constructed with coordinative particles. This article investigates the role of coordinative particles in the first fifty hymns of the Ṛgveda, focusing in particular on the most frequently used particle ca and comparing its use to other copulative conjunctions attested in the text, especially where ca is used twice (i.e. ca … ca) and the particle utá. The article investigates how coordination is expressed between two words and aims to identify differences in the usage of coordinative particles if the words coordinated are theonyms or non-theonyms. By examining how two words coordinated with particles occur elsewhere in other coordinative constructions, the article demonstrates that research into coordinative constructions in Vedic ought to pay special attention to the specific grammatical and linguistic features of theonyms.
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8

Brisard, Frank, Eva Laarman, and Elena Nicoladis. "Clausal order and the acquisition of Dutch deverbal compounds." Morphology 18, no. 2 (2008): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11525-009-9127-8.

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9

Bauer, Laurie. "Co-Compounds in Germanic." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 22, no. 3 (2010): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542709990274.

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Co-compounds (sometimes termed “copulative compounds”) are com-pounds whose elements are of equivalent status and which can be glossed as having coordinated meaning (usually linked by and, but occasionally, in some languages, by or). There are several distin-guishable kinds of co-compounds, including dvandvas, appositional compounds, co-participant compounds, and so on (Wälchli 2005, Bauer 2008a). These were not available in early Germanic. Accordingly, co-compounds in modern Germanic languages are innovations, and it is scarcely surprising to see that there is much agreement about the types that are available. However, this apparent unity hides a host of differ-ences across languages. This paper focuses on the differences between Danish, English, and German in the use of co-compounds.*
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10

NICOLADIS, ELENA. "Cross-linguistic transfer in deverbal compounds of preschool bilingual children." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 6, no. 1 (2003): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728903001019.

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