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1

Wasak, Sebastian. "Structure constrains in Polish and English adjectival synthetic compounds." Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW) 6 (December 30, 2020): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/lingbaw.11839.

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The subject matter of this paper is the external syntax of adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish (e.g. czasochłonny, ciepłolubny, opiniotwórczy, etc.) and English (life-giving, sleep-inducing, far-reaching, etc.). The primary objective of the study is to determine whether -ny/-czy/-ły compounds in Polish and adjectival -ing compounds in English, whose heads appear to be derived from verbs, are deverbal in the sense of Distributed Morphology; that is, whether their external syntax points to the presence of complex verbal structure in their syntactic representation. It is shown that adjectival synthetic compounds in Polish and English behave in a way typical of underived adjectives, being unrestricted in the predicative position and allowing degree modification with very; as such they are not deverbal in the morphosyntactic sense with their syntactic representation lacking the functional heads vP and VoiceP found in deverbal structures. The limited productivity of adjectival synthetic compounds further contributes to their non-eventive status.
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2

Krasnova, Elena. "PECULIARITIES OF COPULATIVE COMPOUNDS IN THE DANISH LANGUAGE." Scandinavian Philology 15, no. 1 (2017): 24–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu21.2017.103.

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3

MURPHY, VICTORIA A., and ELENA NICOLADIS. "When answer-phone makes a difference in children's acquisition of English compounds." Journal of Child Language 33, no. 3 (2006): 677–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030500090600746x.

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Over the course of acquiring deverbal compounds like truck driver, English-speaking children pass through a stage when they produce ungrammatical compounds like drive-truck. These errors have been attributed to canonical phrasal ordering (Clark, Hecht & Mulford, 1986). In this study, we compared British and Canadian children's compound production. Both dialects have the same phrasal ordering but some different lexical items (e.g. answer-phone exists only in British English). If influenced by these lexical differences, British children would produce more ungrammatical Verb–Object (VO) compounds in trying to produce the more complex deverbal (Object–Verb-er) than the Canadian children. 36 British children between the ages of 3;6 and 5;6 and 36 age-matched Canadian children were asked to produce novel compounds (like sun juggler). The British children produced more ungrammatical compounds and fewer grammatical compounds than the Canadian children. We argue that children's errors in deverbal compounds may be due in part to competing lexical structures.
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4

Nicoladis, Elena. "Acquisition of deverbal compounds by French-speaking preschoolers." Mental Lexicon 2, no. 1 (2007): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.2.1.06nic.

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Children’s creation of novel words is thought to be guided by several variables of their language(s), including the simplicity and frequency of required morphology and/or target structure (Clark, 1993). This study documents children’s acquisition of French deverbal Verb–Object compounds (e.g., lave-vaisselle ‘wash-dishes’ meaning dishwasher). Research from previous studies suggests that simple infrequent forms such as these will be acquired later (i.e., around 5 years). 34 monolingual French-speaking children between 3 and 5 years produced and indicated their understanding of novel deverbal compounds. The children’s vocabulary size was more strongly positively related to their production and comprehension of novel compounds than age. In comprehension, children often misinterpreted the Object of novel compounds as the subject of the action in the Verb. These results confirm that this simple infrequent form is acquired late.
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5

LARDIERE, DONNA, and BONNIE D. SCHWARTZ. "Feature-marking in the L2 development of deverbal compounds." Journal of Linguistics 33, no. 2 (1997): 327–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226797006518.

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This study focuses on the development of complex word formation in L2 acquisition. We examine experimentally elicited data on English deverbal synthetic compounding (such as toe-painter) by native Spanish speakers and conclude that: (a) development proceeds in stages which clearly reflect UG-constrained L1 influence; (b) nontargetlike productions (e.g. painter-toes) show attempts to spell out the grammatical features associated with functional categories in deverbal compounding; though nontargetlike, they are nonetheless consistent with the compound's required feature-marking; (c) such attempts implicate the early existence in the Interlanguage of those functional heads and their projections in the (lexical) syntax; i.e., the absence of the correct phonological form cannot be taken to imply lack of knowledge of morphosyntactic features and their corresponding phrase structure.
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6

Barbosa, Poliana Goncalves, and Elena Nicoladis. "Deverbal compound comprehension in preschool children." Mental Lexicon 11, no. 1 (2016): 94–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ml.11.1.05bar.

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When English-speaking children first attempt to produce deverbal compound words (like muffin maker), they often misorder the noun and the verb (e.g., make-muffin, maker muffin, or making-muffin). The purpose of the present studies was to test Usage-based and Distributional Morphology-based explanations of children’s errors. In Study 1, we compared three to four-year old children’s interpretations of Verb-Noun (e.g., push-ball) to Verb-erNoun (e.g., pusher-ball). In Study 2, we compared three- to five-year old children’s interpretations of Verb-erNoun (e.g., pusher-ball) to Noun-Verb-er (e.g., ball pusher). Results from both studies suggest that while preschool children’s understanding of deverbal compounds is still developing, they already show some sensitivity to word ordering within compounds. We argue that these results are interpretable within Usage-based approaches.
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7

DITRICH, Tamara. "Syntagms Constructed with Coordinative Particles in Ṛgveda 1.1 –1.50". Acta Linguistica Asiatica 2, № 1 (2012): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.2.1.45-60.

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In the Ṛgveda, several types of syntactic construction expressing a coordinative or copulative relationship occur: dvandva compounds, copulative asyndeta, elliptic duals, and syntagms constructed with coordinative particles. This article investigates the role of coordinative particles in the first fifty hymns of the Ṛgveda, focusing in particular on the most frequently used particle ca and comparing its use to other copulative conjunctions attested in the text, especially where ca is used twice (i.e. ca … ca) and the particle utá. The article investigates how coordination is expressed between two words and aims to identify differences in the usage of coordinative particles if the words coordinated are theonyms or non-theonyms. By examining how two words coordinated with particles occur elsewhere in other coordinative constructions, the article demonstrates that research into coordinative constructions in Vedic ought to pay special attention to the specific grammatical and linguistic features of theonyms.
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8

Brisard, Frank, Eva Laarman, and Elena Nicoladis. "Clausal order and the acquisition of Dutch deverbal compounds." Morphology 18, no. 2 (2008): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11525-009-9127-8.

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9

Bauer, Laurie. "Co-Compounds in Germanic." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 22, no. 3 (2010): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542709990274.

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Co-compounds (sometimes termed “copulative compounds”) are com-pounds whose elements are of equivalent status and which can be glossed as having coordinated meaning (usually linked by and, but occasionally, in some languages, by or). There are several distin-guishable kinds of co-compounds, including dvandvas, appositional compounds, co-participant compounds, and so on (Wälchli 2005, Bauer 2008a). These were not available in early Germanic. Accordingly, co-compounds in modern Germanic languages are innovations, and it is scarcely surprising to see that there is much agreement about the types that are available. However, this apparent unity hides a host of differ-ences across languages. This paper focuses on the differences between Danish, English, and German in the use of co-compounds.*
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10

NICOLADIS, ELENA. "Cross-linguistic transfer in deverbal compounds of preschool bilingual children." Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 6, no. 1 (2003): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1366728903001019.

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11

홍승아, Jong Sup Jun, and Sun-Young Lee. "Effects of morpho-syntax on British and American children's acquisition of deverbal compounds." Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics 14, no. 2 (2014): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15738/kjell.14.2.201406.169.

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12

Bloch-Trojnar, Maria. "Simple Event nominals with Argument Structure? – Evidence from Irish deverbal nominalizations1." Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation 4, no. 2 (2020): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwjw.2020.02.08.

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Abstract Deverbal nominals in Irish support Grimshaw’s (1990) tripartite division into complex event (CE-), simple event (SE-) and result nominals (R-nominals). Irish nominals are ambiguous only between the SE- and R-status. There are no CE-nominals containing the AspP layer in their structure. SE-nominals (also found in Light Verb Constructions) are number-neutral and incapable of pluralizing and are represented as [nP[vP[Root]]]. R-nominals are devoid of the vP layer and behave like ordinary nouns. The Irish data point to v as the layer introducing event implications and the vP or PPs as the functional heads introducing the internal argument (Alexiadou and Schäfer 2011). Event denoting nominals in Irish can license the internal argument but aspectual modification and external argument licensing are not possible (cf. synthetic compounds in Greek (Alexiadou 2017)), which means that, counter to Borer (2013), the licensing of Argument Structure need not follow from the presence of the AspP layer.
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13

Werner, Martina, Veronika Mattes, and Katharina Korecky-Kröll. "The development of synthetic compounds in German: Relating diachrony with L1 acquisition." Word Structure 13, no. 2 (2020): 166–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2020.0166.

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The development of synthetic compounds with deverbal heads in German, namely nominalizations with ung (such as Kindererziehung ‘child education’) and the nominalized infinitive (such as Eierlegen ‘laying of eggs’) has not been studied for language acquisition, due to their late emergence and the poor documentation in later acquisition stages. The historical emergence of synthetic compounding has had little attention. Our aim is to bring together both ‘emergence-driven’ perspectives for investigating what formal properties of synthetic compounding can be observed from the perspective of the most frequent nominalization patterns of present-day German for abstract nouns. The theoretical comparison shows that both developments (child language development and the historical development) display an increase in morphological complexity: while both kinds of nominalizations start with simple verbs, prefix and particle verbs follow. In a next step, the nominalization patterns are widened in favor of complex bases.
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14

Lingorska, Mirella. "Mack the Knife and Knife-Black Dorothy Appositional Metaphoric Compounds: A Comparison and Contrast of the Varying Approaches in Sanskrit Treatises on Grammar and Poetics." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 72, no. 2 (2018): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0068.

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Abstract The present article focuses on appositional metaphoric compounds karmadhāraya-rūpaka in Sanskrit. A first section addresses some problems of compound typology in Western works, where appositional compounds have often been identified as copulative dvandva. Following this general analysis there is a section on appositional compounds from the perspective of the classical Sanskrit grammar, in particular the Pāṇinian tradition where the metaphorical aspect has not been explored specifically. The final section deals with the contribution of Sanskrit treatises on poetics to the identification of metaphoric compounds and their differentiation from compound similes. The approach suggested in later texts on poetics seems to be based on syntactical criteria, the ambiguity of the double-head topic, i. e. candra-mukha, a moon-face being specified in the comment. According to this, an appositional compound should be analysed as a simile, if the comment refers to the actual part of the compound, i.e. the subject of the simile, or as a metaphor, if the comment refers to the standard of comparison, thus shifting the focus of the sentence from the actual to the imagined entity.
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15

Gaeta, Livio, and Amir Zeldes. "Between VP and NN." Constructions and Frames 9, no. 1 (2017): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cf.9.1.01gae.

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Abstract This paper is concerned with the classification and analysis of different types of German synthetic compounds headed by deverbal agent nouns in -er, such as Romanleser ‘novel-reader’ or Gedankenleser ‘mind-reader’, where the non-head is seen to saturate an argument of the head lexeme while adhering to the semantic interpretation found in corresponding VPs (e.g. the distinct senses of read in the previous examples). In contrast to several previous approaches, which attempt to explain the relationship between VPs and compounds using a unified mechanism of incorporation or derivation, we argue that different compounding patterns require different analyses and that the respective constructions are to some extent independent of each other. While some compounds are modelled after frequent, familiar VPs and take account of the usage profile of syntactic phrases, other productive sets of compounds extend independently lexicalized schemas with fixed compound heads. To support our analysis we undertake the largest empirical survey of these formations to date, using a broad coverage Web corpus. We suggest several categories of verb-object lexeme pairs to account for our data and formulate an analysis of the facts within the framework of Construction Morphology.
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16

Nóbrega, Vitor A., and Phoevos Panagiotidis. "Headedness and exocentric compounding." Word Structure 13, no. 2 (2020): 211–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2020.0168.

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Semantic headedness typically serves as the primary criterion for compound endocentricity, i.e. whether a compound has a head. The semantic head is often defined as the hyperonym from which the denotation of the compound is derived, with exocentric compounds being those whose denotation is not a subclass of that of their head element. Headedness, so defined, leads us to analyze every non-compositional compound as exocentric. We explore the boundaries between semantic exocentricity and non-compositionality using established diagnostics in order to decide whether a semantic characterization of headedness is valid, and to determine whether exocentricity and non-compositionality coincide. Assuming a syntactic model of morphological combinatorics we show that exocentricity must be defined configurationally, occurring when the structure of a compound modifies an external entity, frequently instantiated by an empty noun. Hence exocentricity is not the absence of a head, but the realization of the compound's head outside its internal structure. Non-compositionality, in turn, derives from how the root of each constituent member of a compound is compositionally or idiosyncratically interpreted. Finally, we put forth a new typological distribution of exocentric compounds, discriminating real exocentric compounds (bahuvrihi and dvandva) from compounds that are commonly, but wrongly, defined as exocentric (e.g. deverbal and de-prepositional compounds).
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17

Werner, Martina. "Three diachronic sources for the development of -erei-based synthetic compounds in German." Word Structure 13, no. 3 (2020): 347–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/word.2020.0175.

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This article investigates the historical development of synthetic compounds with the suffix -erei, such as German Buchleserei ‘book reading’. Synthetic compounding has been attested in older language stages of German, as in Old High German kirihwihî ‘church consecration’ or Middle High German bluotspîunge ‘blood spitting’. In the history of the German language, synthetic compounds are the last step in the development of a nominalizing suffix. Suffixes attach first to simplex bases (such as German Leserei ‘reading’), and only afterwards can they form synthetic compounds with a compound base (such as Bücherleserei ‘reading of books’). The development of verbal synthetic compounding results from three different sources: a) a suffixal pattern based on compound nominals (such as exocentric Freigeist ‘free spirit’ becomes Freigeisterei ‘free spiritedness’), where the pattern develops the ability to nominalize VPs (such as Nichtstuerei ‘doing nothing’); b) root compounds which develop the ability to take a deverbal head suffixed by -erei (such as Venus–Nascherey ‘Venusian nibbling’); and c) low-frequency - erei-compounds which originate from inherited idiomatic compound verbs (such as Ehebrecherei ‘adultery’, lit. ‘marriage-breakery’ > ehebrechen (V) ‘to commit adultery’, lit. ‘to marriage-break’). The paper delineates the three developments for different word formation types which lead to the morphological distribution of present-day German.
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18

Hacken, Pius ten. "The Nature of Compounding." Cadernos de Linguística 2, no. 1 (2021): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25189/2675-4916.2021.v2.n1.id302.

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This paper addresses the question of the definition of compounding from a terminological perspective. In terminology, concepts are defined by a selection of properties shared by prototypical cases. For scientific terminology, the selection is validated by the strength of the theories that can use the definition. It is shown that morphophonological criteria often adduced in the delimitation of compounding are not adequate in a universal definition. In order to come up with a better definition, a two-step procedure is proposed. In the first step, a universal definition is used to determine for constructions in a particular language whether they belong to compounding. In the second step, language-specific properties are used to identify instances of these constructions. A definition is proposed that takes a compound as a word with a binary, headed structure, a relation between the elements that is not determined by compounding and a non-head that is not introduced as an entity in the discourse. The use of this definition is illustrated with a number of constructions in different languages. It is shown that expressions commonly called exocentric and copulative compounds are generally not compounds in this definition, but that some expressions that have been labelled as such are in fact compounds. The two-step procedure demonstrated here for compounding can also be used for other linguistic terms.
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Knittel, Marie Laurence, and Florence Villoing. "Instrument and Means interpretation of deverbal nominals: The role of ambiguous stative verbs in French VN compounding1." Zeitschrift für Wortbildung / Journal of Word Formation 4, no. 2 (2020): 164–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwjw.2020.02.09.

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Abstract This article examines French Verb-Noun compounds with Means value (couvre-pied ‘blanket’, lit. cover-feet), derived from stative bases. It shows that they are generally ambiguous between Means and Instrument reading. The regularity of this double value discards an analysis relying on verbal homonymy, in favor of Rothmayr’s (2009) hypothesis of bi-eventive verbs. We assume that the presence of an agentive as well as a stative component in the verbal bases accounts for the double Means/Instrument value of the VNs studied here. We also examine “pure” Instrument VNs, available with similar verbal bases. We show that the distribution of the Instrument vs. Means/Instrument values relies on the state of the referent of the noun involved in the compound after the event described by the verbal base occurred. A permanent state entails a “pure” Instrument reading, whereas Means/Instrument reading obtains if the state of N is reversible (Fábregas & Marín 2012).
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20

Werner, Martina. "Korpuslinguistische Perspektiven auf die sprachhistorische Entwicklung der nominalisierten Infinitive im Deutschen." Linguistik Online 102, no. 2 (2020): 155–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13092/lo.102.6829.

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Nominalized infinitives (NIs, such as (das) Lachen ‘(the) laughing’, (das) Um-die-Ecke-Wohnen lit. ʻ(the) around-the-corner-living’) are the morphologically most elaborated deverbal nominalization patterns without restrictions in present-day German. However, this was not the case in earlier stages of German. The article reconstructs the steps behind the increase in productivity of the NI since Old High German with the support of historical corpora from Old High, Middle High, Early New High, and present-day German. It will be shown that the increase in productivity is due to an interplay of morphology and syntax. Syntactically, NIs develop from the verbal infinitive together with a syncretism with the pre-Old High German nominal gerund. Morphologically, NIs replace -ung-derived nouns in order to form abstract nouns in Middle High German. In a further step, the morphological complexity of NIs increases, because syntagmata are nominalized, including the emergence of synthetic compounds. In a reverse development taking place from Middle High German onwards, nominalized infinitives can also get result-readings which coincides with pluralizability (such as das Schreiben ‘letter’ – die Schreiben ‘letters’).
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21

Jacobsen, Jr., Willam H. "Basque Copulative Compounds: A Problem in Irreversible Binomials." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 8 (June 25, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v8i0.2025.

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22

Sugioka, Yoko. "Event structure and adjuncts in Japanese deverbal compounds." Journal of Japanese Linguistics 17, no. 1 (2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jjl-2001-0107.

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23

Kilarski, Marcin. "Gender Assignment in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian: A Comparison of the Status of Assignment Criteria." Nordlyd 31, no. 2 (2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.2.

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The paper deals with gender assignment of English loanwords in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian. The following assignment criteria have been analysed: semantic (animate, mass), phonological (number of syllables, homonymy), and morphological (inflection, suffixation, deverbal monosyllables, compounds). Common gender in Danish and Swedish and masculine in Norwegian are overrepresented in comparison with the native lexicon. This is confirmed by discriminant function analysis, which shows that neuter nouns in the three languages and feminine nouns in Norwegian show fewer characteristic features. This analysis has also been used to measure the degree of regularity based on the postulated criteria: the percentage of correctly classified cases (from 67% in Swedish to 68% in Norwegian and 72% in Danish) suggests only a partial regularity in gender assignment. The stronger pull of common or masculine gender is reflected in the contribution of selected assignment rules, particularly in the assignment of animates, where common or masculine nouns constitute 96% of assigned nouns. As regards phonological rules, monosyllables show a slightly better correlation with neuter gender, particularly in Danish. Homonymy is significant for nouns of both genders in Danish, while in Swedish and Norwegian nouns with a native neuter or feminine homonym are more likely to be assigned common or masculine gender. Likewise, most inflectional and derivational assignment rules contribute to the assignment of common or masculine genders, with the exception of zero plurals, Swedish <em>n</em>-plurals, suffixes such as <em>-ment, -ery</em>, deverbal monosyllables in Danish and Norwegian, and compounds whose base appears in the corpus with n. gender. Discriminant function analysis shows that plural inflection has the greatest discriminant power among the postulated criteria. Finally, it is suggested that these tendencies may indicate an ongoing expansion of common and masculine genders in the three Scandinavian languages.
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Xu, Hongzhi, Menghan Jiang, Jingxia Lin, and Chu-Ren Huang. "Light verb variations and varieties of Mandarin Chinese: Comparable corpus driven approaches to grammatical variations." Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, March 20, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cllt-2019-0049.

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AbstractThis article presents a classification and clustering based study to account for the differences among five Chinese light verbs (congshi, gao, jiayi, jinxing, and zuo) as well as their variations in Mainland China Mandarin (ML) and Taiwan Mandarin (TW). Based on 13 linguistic features, both competition and co-development of these light verbs are studied in terms of their distinct and shared collocates. The proposed method discovers significant new grammatical differences in addition to confirming previously reported ones. Most significant discoveries include selectional restrictions differentiating deverbal nominals and event nouns, and degrees of transitivity of VO compounds. We also find that most variations between Mainland China Mandarin and Taiwan Mandarin are in fact differences in tendencies or preferences in contexts of usage of shared grammatical rules.
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25

Zeldes, Amir. "Komposition als Konstruktionsnetzwerk im fortgeschrittenen L2-Deutsch." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 41, no. 2 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2013-0014.

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AbstractCompounding is one of of the most productive and flexible word formation processes in German, yet it represents a challenge for German learners by virtue of its heterogeneous semantics and morphological complexity. This paper examines, on the basis of corpus data, how advanced German learners employ compounding in practice, how learner usage of compounding differs from native usage, and what types of compounds can be distinguished in these respects. The analysis of the data shows that much like their native counterparts, learners acquire very many semantically distinct compounding constructions at all levels of abstraction, which can be described as a hierarchical constructional network. Although advanced learners produce remarkably few formal errors in compound formation it will be shown that compounding occurs significantly more rarely and is used substantially less productively in learner data as compared to native controls, and that learners have added difficulties in the formation of especially deverbal compounds with internal argument structure.
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