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Journal articles on the topic 'Corbyn, jeremy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Fuchs, Christian. "Red Scare 2.0." Journal of Language and Politics 15, no. 4 (2016): 369–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15.4.01fuc.

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Abstract This paper asks: How has Jeremy Corbyn been framed in discourses on Twitter in an ideological manner and how have such ideological discourses been challenged? It uses ideology critique as method for the investigation of tweets mentioning Jeremy Corbyn that were collected during the final phase of the Labour Party’s 2015 leadership election. The analysis shows how user-generated ideology portrays Jeremy Corbyn by creating discourse topics focused on general scapegoating, the economy, foreign politics, culture and authoritarianism.

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2

Marlière, Philippe. "Jeremy Corbyn : généalogie d’un succès." Les Temps Modernes 692, no. 1 (2017): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ltm.692.0052.

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Dixon, Keith. "Jeremy Corbyn, peut-il survivre ?" Recherches Internationales 109, no. 1 (2017): 133–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rint.2017.1601.

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4

Hayrapetyan, Zara. "Jeremy Corbyn’s Manipulative Tactics in His Manifesto Launch Speech." Armenian Folia Anglistika 16, no. 2 (22) (2020): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/afa/2020.16.2.030.

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The present article is directed to explore, find out and interpret the manipulative intentions of Jeremy Corbyn in his pre-election manifesto launch speech in 2019. The aim of the present investigation lies in a careful and extensive study of manipulative techniques and tactics in the said article to be able to understand and interpret Mr. Corbyn’s hidden and covert intentions correctly and precisely. We used different linguistic methods for the analyses of the research, such as discourse analyses, linguo-stylistic, syntactic, and pragmatic methods of analysis. All these helped us to thoroughl

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5

Chalier, Jonathan. "La société bienveillante de Jeremy Corbyn." Esprit Décmbr, no. 12 (2015): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.1512.0127.

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Wainwright, Hilary. "The Remarkable Rise of Jeremy Corbyn." New Labor Forum 27, no. 3 (2018): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1095796018791151.

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7

Wieciech, Tomasz. "Dysfunkcyjne przywództwo Jeremy’ego Corbyna." Politeja 19, no. 5(80) (2023): 177–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.80.09.

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JEREMY CORBYN’S DYSFUNCTIONAL LEADERSHIP Jeremy Corbyn’s tenure at the helm of the Labour Party was exceptional for number of reasons. He was the first Labour leader elected directly by party members and supporters. Leftwing rebel, Corbyn had not spent a single day in frontbenches during his more than three decades long parliamentary career, until he took the top spot. Elected against the wishes of party establishment, he found himself in constant opposition with the parliamentary party. This unresolvable conflict both defined and doomed his leadership. This article looks at Jeremy Corbyn’s te

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8

Crines, Andrew S. "Reforming Labour: The Leadership of Jeremy Corbyn." Political Insight 6, no. 3 (2015): 4–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-9066.12105.

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9

Ewing, KD. "Jeremy Corbyn and the Law of Democracy." King's Law Journal 28, no. 2 (2017): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09615768.2017.1363541.

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10

Connor Johnson. "What should we make of Jeremy Corbyn?" Socialist Lawyer, no. 71 (2015): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.71.0009.

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11

Cammaerts, Bart, Brooks DeCillia, and João Carlos Magalhães. "Journalistic transgressions in the representation of Jeremy Corbyn: From watchdog to attackdog." Journalism 21, no. 2 (2017): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917734055.

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This research critically assesses the press coverage of Jeremy Corbyn during his leadership bid and subsequent first months as the leader of the United Kingdom’s Labour Party. A content analysis ( n = 812) found that the British press offered a distorted and overly antagonistic view of the long-serving MP. Corbyn is often denied a voice and news organisations tended to prize anti-Corbyn sources over favourable ones. Much of the coverage is decidedly scornful and ridicules the leader of the opposition. This analysis also tests a set of normative conceptions of the media in a democracy. In view

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12

Richet, Isabelle. "Manifeste de Jeremy Corbyn pour la démocratie numérique." Pouvoirs 164, no. 1 (2018): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pouv.164.0149.

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13

Richards, Steve. "Leadership, Loyalty and the Rise of Jeremy Corbyn." Political Quarterly 87, no. 1 (2016): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12221.

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14

Stevenson, David, Sara Selwood, Charlotte Bonham-Carter, Mafalda Dâmaso, and James Doeser. "Four observations onThe Arts(2015) by Jeremy Corbyn." Cultural Trends 25, no. 1 (2015): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09548963.2015.1111705.

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15

Staples-Butler, Jack. "Did a Corbyn-led Government Pose an “Existential Threat to Jewish Life” in the United Kingdom?" Spring 2020 3, no. 3.1 (2020): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca/3.1.47.

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The 2019 General Election was preceded by several years of anxiety within the UK Jewish community and outside it, that the UK Labour Party and its leader Jeremy Corbyn posed an “Existential Threat” to British Jews and their community. As the debate over Labour and antisemitism focused on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the treatment of Jews within Labour, the activities of prominent Labour figures, and the Labour Party’s institutional response, the exact nature of an “Existential Threat” to British Jews and how it would manifest under a Corbyn-led government has been difficult to quantify. T

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16

Teubert, Wolfgang. "A mural that helped to bring down Jeremy Corbyn." Language and Dialogue 11, no. 2 (2021): 300–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ld.00097.teu.

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Abstract In the 2017 elections, the Labour party under Jeremy Corbyn did much better than expected, in spite of being denounced by the established British media for its radical anti-capitalist agenda. To turn the tables, the media then shifted their attack from this political programme to Corbyn’s alleged blindness towards antisemitic manifestations. The resulting loss of sympathy with voters cost Labour dearly in the 2019 elections and brought his leadership to an end. As key evidence for his moral failure to tackle the antisemitism issue, the media cited, in a barrage of pieces, his 2012 com

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17

Crines, Andrew. "Transforming Labour: The ‘New’ Labour Leadership of Jeremy Corbyn." Political Insight 8, no. 2 (2017): 26–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2041905817726903.

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18

Walthéry, Pierre. "Jeremy Corbyn et le Parti travailliste : une drôle de paix." Mouvements 89, no. 1 (2017): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/mouv.089.0142.

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Koptyaeva, Natal'ya Nikolaevna, and Elizaveta Vladimirovna Shustrova. "REPRESENTATION OF JEREMY CORBYN IN BRITISH POLITICAL CARTOONS: ZOOMORPHIC METAPHOR." Политическая лингвистика, no. 5 (2021): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/1999-2629_2021_05_05.

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20

Ramm, Benjamin. "The Left’s Jewish Problem: Jeremy Corbyn, Israel and Anti-Semitism." Jewish Quarterly 63, no. 4 (2016): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0449010x.2016.1270517.

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21

Wagner, Leslie. "The Left's Jewish Problem: Jeremy Corbyn, Israel and Anti-Semitism." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 11, no. 1 (2017): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2017.1320738.

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22

Mueller, Frank, Andrea Whittle, and Gyuzel Gadelshina. "The discursive construction of authenticity: The case of Jeremy Corbyn." Discourse, Context & Media 31 (October 2019): 100324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2019.100324.

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Mukhortov, Denis S., and Elizaveta A. Zhovner. "Linking Word Use and Personality Characteristics: A Contrastive Study into Parliamentary Communications of Labour Leaders Jeremy Corbyn and Keir Starmer." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 14, no. 1 (2023): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2023-14-1-53-69.

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Over the past thirty years, Russian linguistic studies have noted terminological heterogeneity in the concepts of “jazykovaja lichnost” and “kommunikativnaja lichnost”, literally “linguistic personality” and “communicative personality”, however, in the field of political communication, due to the inextricable connection of political discourse with the socio-cultural, historical, or political context that constructs it, their differentiation was observed rather than interchangeability. This research seeks to characterise “kommunikativnaja lichnost”, a key concept in linguopersonology. The evide

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24

Koptyaeva, Natal'ya Nikolaevna. "LINGUISTIC AND GRAPHIC MEANS OF DISCREDITING JEREMY CORBYN IN INTERNET MEMES." Политическая лингвистика, no. 6 (2019): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/pl19-06-09.

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25

Jefferis, Steve. "A relational map of politics, the media and the public: Cognitive Analytic Therapy and contextual reformulation." Clinical Psychology Forum 1, no. 293 (2017): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpscpf.2017.1.293.36.

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Cognitive Analytic Therapy offers a social and relational model of psychological development which is increasingly being used for contextual reformulation: formulations to understand systems, teams, organisations and beyond. The CAT concept of ‘reciprocal roles’ provides an accessible and powerful shorthand to describe repeated patterns of relating, which can be extended to individuals and groups’ experiences of society, culture and institutions, and how these experiences may be reciprocally maintained. The example of politics and the media, and the case of Jeremy Corbyn, is used as an illustr

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26

Honeyman, Victoria. "On the Brink of Greatness or Disaster? The Leadership of Jeremy Corbyn." Political Insight 9, no. 4 (2018): 12–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2041905818815191.

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27

Watts, Jake, and Tim Bale. "Populism as an intra-party phenomenon: The British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (2018): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118806115.

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This article seeks to demonstrate that the concept of populism can help us to understand the dynamics of intra-party politics. This argument is made via a case study of the British Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn, who was elected as its leader in late 2015. Corbynism as a (highly personalistic) political phenomenon has relied, in its resistance to opposition from more moderate MPs to Labour’s leftward turn, upon the idea that the party’s members are ‘the people’. This idea links to notions of the ‘heartland’ members occupy, the elite conspiracy against them and the democratic resolution made

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28

Orrequia-Barea, Aroa, and Encarnación Almazán Ruiz. "Modelling through Modality: (Re)shaping Brexit." ES Review. Spanish Journal of English Studies, no. 42 (November 9, 2021): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24197/ersjes.42.2021.127-153.

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Due to Brexit, the UK has been involved in a continuous political debate between Boris Johnson, the Prime Minister, and Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of the opposition. This paper compares and analyses the modality used in a corpus consisting of their political speeches until Brexit day. Modal verbs are used to express ability, possibility, willingness, certainty, obligation and necessity. Politicians’ choice of certain words can be a useful tool to affect voters’ decisions and modality is a resource which reinforces that influence. The findings show remarkable similarities between both politician

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29

Byrne, Liam. "Visions of the future: political labour’s temporality and socialist objectives in Britain and Australia, 1918–21." Historical Research 93, no. 261 (2020): 503–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa004.

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Abstract This article is a comparative study of political temporality and the concept of the ‘future’ in British Labour and Australian Labor. It deepens knowledge of how Labo(u)r’s political culture has been forged through debates over socialism, focusing on the socialist objectives of 1918 and 1921. As a result, it allows an appreciation of phenomena such as the rise of Jeremy Corbyn and ‘Corbynism’. It is focused around a reading of the major conferences of each party, as sites of power negotiation, debate and ideological creation. These sources are complemented by an extensive reading of la

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30

Koptyaeva, Natal'ya Nikolaevna. "British Mass Media on the Cult of Jeremy Corbyn: Realization of Discreditation Strategy." Политическая лингвистика, no. 2 (2019): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.26170/pl19-02-06.

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31

Whiteley, Paul, Monica Poletti, Paul Webb, and Tim Bale. "Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations 21, no. 1 (2018): 80–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118815408.

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This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many

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32

Almazán Ruiz, Encarnación, and Aroa Orrequia-Barea. "A Corpus Study of Brexit Political Discourse: Exploring Modality through Lexical Modals." Miscelánea: A Journal of English and American Studies 70 (December 16, 2024): 67–92. https://doi.org/10.26754/ojs_misc/mj.20249837.

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This paper aims to analyse the lexical modals used in the political speeches given by Boris Johnson and Jeremy Corbyn during the final months of the Brexit process. This study explores whether lexical choice shows the politicians’ commitment to their constituents, particularly to determine which lexical modals each politician uses and which semantic implication(s) these modals convey. The study is descriptive-interpretative and uses the corpus-assisted discourse studies approach. It contributes to research on modality in the English language by examining parts of speech other than (semi)auxili

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33

Middleton, Alia. "‘For the Many, Not the Few’: Strategising the Campaign Trail at the 2017 UK General Election." Parliamentary Affairs 72, no. 3 (2018): 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy034.

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Abstract During the 2017 general election campaign, the Conservative and Labour leaders toured the country. While Theresa May operated a conventional approach, encapsulated by limited interactions with the public, Jeremy Corbyn participated in public rallies and appeared at music festivals. This article examines the strategic decisions underpinning leader visits in the 2017 campaign trail. It finds that May and Corbyn’s electoral strategies had more in common than at first sight. The article adds to existing studies by using new interview data from local party campaigners to understand visit o

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34

Diamond, Patrick. "Assessing the Performance of UK Opposition Leaders: Jeremy Corbyn’s ‘Straight Talking, Honest Politics’." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (2016): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.567.

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This article contributes to a burgeoning literature on political leadership, offering an interim assessment of Jeremy Corbyn’s tenure as leader of the UK Labour party. At the time of writing, the candidate of the party’s Left had been leader for a mere seven months. Media commentators and pundits have been critical of Corbyn’s platform and performance, gleefully predicting his imminent demise. On the other hand, the ‘Corbynistas’ who swelled Labour’s ranks in the aftermath of the 2015 defeat have remained steadfast and committed supporters. Their hope is not only that Labour will win the next

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35

Bull, Peter, and Maurice Waddle. "“Let me now answer, very directly, Marie’s question”." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 7, no. 1 (2019): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.00019.bul.

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Abstract Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) in the UK attracts much criticism for the adversarial and occasional aggressive language on display. During his successful campaign for the leadership of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn called for a “new kind of politics” (ITV 2015). One feature of his “new” approach, apparent during his early sessions as Leader of the Opposition, was to include questions to Prime Minister David Cameron sourced from members of the public. Although, subsequently, these “public questions” became less frequent, they provided an opportunity to compare their interactional

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36

Al-Hadrawi, Fatima, and Musaab Al-Khazaali. "Pragma-Rhetorical Strategies in British Parliamentary Argumentative Discourse." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 56 (2023): 574–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2023/v1.i56.12096.

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    This study aims at investigating the pragma-rhetorical structure of argumentative discourse in British Parliament. To achieve this aim, Van Eemeren and Houtlosser’s (2002) model of strategic maneuvering is utilized.     Among the important conclusions the study comes up with are: Both figures, i.e. the Prime Minister and Jeremy Corbyn in British parliament utilize certain pragma-rhetorical strategies either to defend or support their standpoints. Besides, Overstatement extends over the other figures of speech and argumentative appeals i

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37

Bale, Tim. "The Loser Takes It All. Labour and Jeremy Corbyn: A Response to Steve Richards." Political Quarterly 87, no. 1 (2016): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12219.

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38

Bort, Eberhard. "The Annals of the Parish: 2015–2016. From Referendum to Referendum to … Referendum?" Scottish Affairs 26, no. 1 (2017): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2017.0164.

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The two years since the Scottish independence referendum have been a roller-coaster ride, with the SNP picking up close to a hundred thousand new members and triumphing in the 2015 General Election, taking all but three seats in Scotland; with David Cameron winning, against the collective wisdom of the pollsters, a Westminster majority, obliging him to call his promised EU referendum; with the SNP achieving an unprecedented third Holyrood term, but losing their absolute majority; with the Scottish Tories leapfrogging Scottish Labour into second place, usurping the role of ‘official opposition’

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39

Fittall, William. "The Practice and Politics of Establishment." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 24, no. 3 (2022): 332–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x22000357.

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The following words were spoken in the House of Commons 23 years ago: Many people in this country think that it is wrong to have an established Church and that it would be helpful if England followed the example of Scotland and Wales and disestablished its Church, recognising that we are a multicultural, multi-faith society and that no religion or Church should be given pre-eminence over others. Would it not be prudent for the Church Commissioners to do their sums now so that when that democratic day dawns, it will not be such a shock for them? Well, what can one say about that other than, ‘O,

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40

Dorey, Peter. "Jeremy Corbyn confounds his critics: explaining the Labour party’s remarkable resurgence in the 2017 election." British Politics 12, no. 3 (2017): 308–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41293-017-0058-4.

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41

de Miranda, Alvaro. "Class and nation in the age of populism: The forward march of labour restarted?" Soundings 75, no. 75 (2020): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.75.08.2020.

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To portray populism purely as a threat to democracy is to fail to recognise that it expresses widespread feelings of discontent with the current system, which is in systemic crisis. This has expressed itself through both anti-foreigner (nationalist) and anti-elites (class) sentiment. The left needs to focus on a class-based strategy, and to organise in particular among the new working class, which is ethnically diverse and composed mostly of well-educated service workers in London and the large cities. Bernie Sanders and Jeremy Corbyn sought to mobilise these constituencies, as well as their m

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42

Orrequia Barea, Aroa. "Construyendo el Brexit: un análisis comparativo del discurso político durante dicho proceso." Publicaciones de la Asociación Argentina de Humanidades Digitales 1 (December 15, 2020): e001. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/27187470e001.

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El Brexit comenzó el 23 de junio de 2016 cuando tuvo lugar un referéndum para votar si el Reino Unido abandonaría la Unión Europea o no. Sin embargo, no fue hasta el 31 de enero de 2020 cuando se hizo realidad y el Reino Unido oficialmente dejó de pertenecer a la Unión Europea. Numerosos debates han tenido lugar para alcanzar este acuerdo entre los políticos más importante del país. El principal objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso político de los dos protagonistas de este proceso: Boris Johnson, Primer Ministro, y Jeremy Corbyn, líder de la oposición. El análisis tiene un doble o

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43

Clarke, John. "Building the 'Boris' bloc: angry politics in turbulent times." Soundings 74, no. 74 (2020): 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.74.08.2020.

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The 2019 Conservative election victory has been attributed to different causes: Brexit, Jeremy Corbyn or Labour's loss of the working class. Instead, this article suggests the need to attend to multiple causes, working across widely differing time scales that came together to make this moment. These include the long trajectory of deindustrialisation and financialisation, the British troubles with post-colonialism, and the historical context of the complexities of class in the UK. These underpinned a series of public moods - anger, loss, frustration and popular fiscal realism - that became fert

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44

Waddle, Maurice, Peter Bull, and Jan R. Böhnke. "“He Is Just the Nowhere Man of British Politics”: Personal Attacks in Prime Minister’s Questions." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 38, no. 1 (2018): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x18767472.

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Views from the media, the public, and from inside Parliament have expressed discontent with, reportedly, recent high levels of personally antagonistic behavior in Prime Minister’s Questions. The focus of this study is a fine-grained analysis of language classified as a personal attack. A personal attack coding system was devised, and significant individual differences between Prime Ministers and increases across individual premierships were observed. Of the five Prime Ministers between 1979 and 2016, David Cameron was the most personally aggressive, though a significant decrease followed Jerem

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45

Jefferys, Steve. "Jeremy Corbyn est-il la preuve qu’il existe une vie après la mort pour le travaillisme ?" Savoir/Agir 45, no. 3 (2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/sava.045.0013.

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46

Worth, Owen. "The new left, Jeremy Corbyn and the war of position: a new coherence or further fragmentation?" Globalizations 16, no. 4 (2019): 489–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2018.1558820.

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47

Gilbert, Jeremy. "The End of the Road." South Atlantic Quarterly 120, no. 4 (2021): 879–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-9443434.

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This essay examines the electoral failure of Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party from one specific perspective. Assuming that, as the most thorough subsequent analysis has concluded, there was no way for Labour to hold together its electoral coalition during the 2017–19 Brexit negotiations, it argues that Corbyn’s one electoral chance came at the June 2017 election. Given Labour’s long history of electoral failure, and the specific limitations imposed by the UK electoral system, the essay posits that it was an irrational and catastrophic mistake for Corbyn to reject the offer of an alliance of left-o

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48

Perera, Jessica. "The politics of Generation Grime." Race & Class 60, no. 2 (2018): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818797268.

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In the 2017 UK general election, Grime artists (musicians representing the experience of a young black dispossessed city working class) came out in support of the Labour Party’s radical leader Jeremy Corbyn. The author, drawing on in-depth interviews with Grime experts and leftwing activists and an examination of social media, explains that endorsement in terms of the concept of ‘embedded ethics’ which allows Grime artists to present themselves as authentic social commentators on intersecting forms of poverty, state racism and social exclusion. Using the work of cultural theorists Stuart Hall

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49

Baranyai, Artúr. "Szinekdochális képviselet és a határsértő mozzanat: A populizmuskutatás performatív fordulata Boris Johnson és Jeremy Corbyn esetének tükrében." Metszetek 13, no. 3 (2024): 68–97. https://doi.org/10.18392/metsz/2024/3/4.

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50

Spitz, Derek. "In the House of the Hangman One should not Mention the Noose: Jewish Voice for Labour’s Attack on the Equality and Human Rights Commission." Journal of Contemporary Antisemitism 4, no. 2 (2021): 47–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca.4.2.85.

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Abstract In May 2021 Jewish Voice for Labour (“JVL”) published a combative document entitled How the EHRC Got It So Wrong-Antisemitism and the Labour Party. The document criticises the Equality and Human Rights Commission’s October 2020 Report of its investigation into antisemitism in the Labour Party. The Commission found the Labour Party responsible for antisemitic conduct giving rise to several unlawful acts in breach of the Equality Act 2010. In addition to its legal findings, it also made critical factual findings, identifying a culture of acceptance of antisemitism in the Labour Party,

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