Journal articles on the topic 'Corporate culture - Singapore'

Using a data set on 107 large Chinese firms, I examine inter-firm connectedness in Singapore. The analysis shows that firms in Singapore exhibit different levels of networking activities. Chinese firms that are owned by family have huge assets, good financial standing and are at the centre of business networks in Singapore. Big Chinese firms interlock with one another under the influence of Chinese business culture that stresses the importance of reputation and family ownership in networking activities. Personalism is a useful framework for gaining a good understanding of inter-firm relations in East and Southeast Asia.

The contributions of business and innovative organizations have made their influence felt in the history of commercial enterprise. From Henry Ford of Ford Motors and Bill Gates of Microsoft to Sim Wong Hoo of Creative Technology, creativity has been the lifeblood of commercial culture. Such organizations may take numerous forms – private or public, commercial or non-commercial, corporate or non-corporate – but, to a great degree, their lifeblood must be seen to be creativity in some form. This paper examines the phenomenon of creativity in business and innovative organizations and looks at the implications for industry–education cooperation. In the latter context the author examines some successful firms in Singapore, whose creative ideas have worked, and analyses the ways in which higher education in Singapore is responding to the need to encourage entrepreneurship and creativity within business organizations.

The objective of this paper is to understand the extent of inter-locking directorates among mainland Chinese companies listed on the Singapore Exchange (SGX). This study also seeks to understand if these mainland Chinese companies were different from those Chinese companies in Singapore in terms of the social network structure of its board of directors. It has been well known and indeed as part of the Chinese culture, the concept of quanxi or social networking is important. However, in the context of corporate governance, the concern is if too many directors are interlocked, will the concept of quanxi be counterproductive in the practice of attaining high standards of governance of the listed companies.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to motivate by the desire to better understand the interplay between cultural perceptions, both at the national and the organizational levels, and leadership effectiveness in corporate communication practice. In doing so, the research presented in this paper systematically compared views on communication leadership from senior communication executives in two different national cultures: England and Singapore. Design/methodology/approach – A series of in-depth interviews with the same interview guide were carried out in two leading cities of selected cultures (London and Singapore). A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit participants for this study. Finally, 20 senior communication executives (n=11 in London and n=9 in Singapore) participated in this study. All interviews ranged from 60 to 90 minutes and were recorded and fully transcribed. Findings – Results suggest that communication executives believe that communication leadership should be treated as a multi-faceted influencing and learning process. Results also reveal that effective leadership qualities go beyond the national cultural boundaries. A more convergent view emerged on communication leadership. Practical implications – Communication executives should definitely tailor their leadership initiatives to fit the different cultural mechanisms that underlie organizational structures across cultures. Although the author agrees that communication strategies should place a great emphasis on the social dimension of cultural values in a given society, leadership initiatives, and actions should also be carried out to embrace the organizational structure and culture. Originality/value – The study provides insights into the impact of cultural orientations on the effectiveness of communication leadership. It is important and unique to confirm that organizational culture inserts a more profound influence on the application of leadership skills if compared to the national cultures.

Review of: Michael D. Barr and Zlatko Skrbis, Constructing Singapore; Elitism, ethnicity and the nation-building project. Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2008, xiii + 304 pp. ISBN 978877694028, price GBP 50.00 (hardback); 9788776940294, GBP 16.99 (paperback). Marleen Dieleman, The rhythm of strategy; A corporate biography of the Salim Group of Indonesia. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2007, 205 pp. [ICAS Publications Series, Monograph 1.] ISBN 9789053560334. Price: EUR 29.50 (paperback). Kristina Goransson, The binding tie; Chinese intergenerational relations in modern Singapore. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009, x + 191 pp. ISBN 9780824832599, price USD 57.00 (hardback); 9780824833527, USD 26.00 (paperback). Chang-Yau Hoon, Chinese identity in post-Suharto Indonesia; Culture, politics and media. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2008, xi + 230 pp. ISBN 9781845192686. Price: GBP 49.95 (hardback). Leo Suryadinata, Understanding the ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007, x + 310 pp. ISBN 9789812304377. Price: USD 21.90 (paperback). Sikko Visscher, The business of politics and ethnicity; A history of the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Singapore: NUS Press, 2007, xviii + 372 pp. ISBN 97899713657. Price: USD 32.00 (paperback). Voon Phin Keong (ed.), Malaysian Chinese and nation-building; Before Merdeka and fifty years after. Vol. 2. Kuala Lumpur: Centre for Malaysian Chinese Studies, 2008. ISBN 9789833808066 (hardback); 9789833908059 (paperback).

Abstrak National University of Singapore dan Universitas Gadjah Mada termasuk dalam sepuluh universitas terbaik di Asia Tenggara (ASEAN). CSR menjadi sangat penting untuk universitas di ASEAN karena merupakan tujuan utama membangun komunitas ASEAN dalam bidang sosio-kultur atau yang disebut sebagai ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC). Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penerapan tata cara pelaporan Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) untuk National University of Singapore dan Universitas Gadjah Mada yang sebelumnya belum pernah dibuat dan dipublikasikan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah content analysis untuk situs konten website, berita, artikel, annual report, dan informasi terkait CSR Universitas periode 2010-2014. Standar ISO 26000 digunakan sebagai alat pengukuran dan menjadi framework untuk membentuk sebuah laporan kegiatan CSR yang terintegrasi. Hasil dalam penelitian ini berupa kerangka laporan CSR dari kedua universitas. Kata kunci: Pelaporan CSR Universitas, CSR Universitas, ISO 26000, ASEAN. Abstract Both the university is among the top ten best universities in Southeast Asia (ASEAN). CSR is very important for universities in ASEAN as an ultimate goal of establishing an ASEAN Community in the field of socio-culture, or the so-called ASEAN SocioCultural Community (ASCC). The purpose of this paper is to determine the application of the reporting procedures of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) for the National University of Singapore and the University of Gadjah Mada that has not previously been made and published. The method used is content analysis for website content sites, news, articles, annual reports, and information related to CSR University 2010-2014. ISO 26000 standard is used as a measurement tool and become a framework to establish an integrated CSR activity report. The findings of the study represent as CSR Reporting Framework for this universities. Keywords: CSR Reporting for University, University – CSR, ISO 26000, ASEAN

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between corporate governance and company performance and how a board’s ethical commitment can influence this relationship. Prior studies documented mixed evidence on the corporate governance and corporate performance relationship, which can be due to the influence of a board’s ethical commitment and will shape the corporate governance mechanism in the company and, in turn, influence performance. Design/methodology/approach This study collected data for two years, i.e. 2013 and 2014, from the biggest 500 Malaysian companies listed in the stock exchange. Corporate governance is measured based on the requirements of the Malaysian Code of Corporate Governance (MCCG), while a board’s ethical commitment is measured based on the MCCG and various international best practices. Corporate performance is measured based on return on equity, return on assets, net profit margin, market-to-book value and TobinQ. Findings A board’s ethical commitment was found to be significant in increasing the strength of the relationship between corporate governance and corporate performance. The findings are robust to the alternative performance measurements and lagged one-year corporate performance. Research limitations/implications This paper provides further evidence on the importance of ethical practices to improve corporate environment and, hence, sustain a company’s performance. This study, however, was conducted on only large companies with a limited data collection period. Practical implications This study provides an indicator that the policymaker and regulatory authorities need to double their efforts in promoting and encouraging a board of directors to take a bold step in improving its ethical culture. Shareholders and investors need to use their power and rights to demand the company to improve their governance and ethical practices. Originality/value This study is original, as it measures a board’s ethical commitment from various sources of local and international best practices such as Malaysia, Australia, Canada, Norway, South Korea, Singapore, Sweden, Turkey, the UK and the USA. It also contributes to the literature and theoretical understanding of the interaction between a board’s ethical commitment and corporate governance on corporate performance, particularly in developing countries like Malaysia, which is scarce in the literature.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reframe the role and function of perceived “bad English” in an international business (IB) context to illustrate that “bad English” could in fact facilitate cross-cultural communication in individuals who do not have English as first language. Design/methodology/approach This study uses the Bakhtinian concept of heteroglossia as a theoretical framework. For the method of analysis, applied linguistics is used in particular through the lens of systemic functional linguistics (SFL) as discourse analysis method to analyze transcribed interview texts. Data collection is via long interviews with 33 top level managers in Swedish managed organizations in Singapore offices. Findings The study illustrates, through respondent interviews and discourse analysis, that perceived “bad English” could help facilitate communication across cultures in a cross-cultural working context. The study also shows how different individuals, depending on personal experience and cultural background, employ different means to navigate and manage language differences at work. Research limitations/implications The findings confirm a Baktinian perspective of language as a heteroglot, where individual identities and understanding of context at work including work behavior are an amalgamation of collected experiences. While many individuals who do not have English as mother tongue might feel embarrassed by their poor English, this study shows that there are many Englishes existing in different working contexts. This study has a limited sample of respondents, pertaining to Swedish and Singaporean top managers in Swedish managed organizations in Singapore. Practical implications This study could be useful for multinational corporations that are interested in strategically managing their corporate language policies, taking into account cognitive differences or cultural identities in different offices worldwide. Social implications At a social level, Bakhtin’s language as a heteroglot brings to awareness that at any one time, while individuals are drawn to identify with their dominant (national) culture and language, in effect, with increased contact with other cultures in working environments, both language and cultural identities shift and evolve with the workplace. Originality/value This study contributes to the growing language in IB research. The novelty in this study is the employment of a Bakhtinian perspective and specifically the employment of SFL as a method of data analysis.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to identify those resources and capabilities that enable national award-winning organizations to generate value to their stakeholders and provide evidence to institutions holding business excellence model (BEM)-based programs of how dynamic capabilities theory can enhance excellence models. Design/methodology/approach Qualitative research based on systematic review and content analysis. Findings Empirical evidence supports that BEMs should consider the resource-based view and dynamic capabilities perspective as a basis for their continuous improvement. These theoretical perspectives consider resources and capabilities for the successful execution of the strategic plan and for a faster response to environmental changes through dynamic capabilities. Research limitations/implications The study is based on a systematic review and content analysis of evidence submitted by three national quality awards from Europe, Singapore and Mexico. This research should be extended to other national quality award companies, and their customers’ and suppliers’ insights should be considered. Practical implications Regardless of corporate sector, organizations must recognize that visionary leadership is vital to their management models; a strategic plan and competent staff to execute the model are also of great importance. In addition, institutions holding BEM-based programs should evaluate incorporating dimensions related to dynamic capabilities and emphasize those strongly related to national culture. Originality/value Few studies in the BEMs literature have conducted resources and capabilities analysis from a multi-country perspective.

AbstractIndia is having a long-term oriented culture where people are more focused on their future rather than present. Due to this the savings rate in India has always remain at a significant level. India’s savings performance has been quite impressive in a cross-country context. India’s gross domestic savings rate in the recent period is comparable to Indonesia, Thailand and Korea, much lower than that of China, Malaysia and Singapore but much higher than that of many other emerging and advanced economies. India ranked 2nd in terms of gross domestic savings among top 10 economies of the world in the year 2015, just below that of China. The gross domestic savings which stood at around 23 per cent in 1990 has reached around 35 per cent in 2015, well above the world average of 23.5 per cent. Various factors which resulted in an increase in gross domestic savings rate are rapid economic growth, large scale migration of rural population to urban area, Rise in income of government employees after 6th pay commission, persistence of saving habits among households, awareness programs by government and financial institutions etc. Household savings has always remained a major component of gross domestic savings followed by private corporate savings and public sector savings. It was the result of high savings rate that the Indian economy stand strong during the global recession of 2008. During the tenth five year plan i.e. from 2002-2007 the increasing in gross domestic savings was maximum among all. Bank deposits have always remain the most preferred avenue for savings for households. Total deposits in Indian banks crossed Rs100 billion mark in 2017.

Trevor Wilson (ed.); Myanmar’s long road to national reconciliation (Jean A. Berley) Jennifer Lindsay (ed.); Between tongues; Translation and/of/in performance in Asia (Michael Bodden) Volker Grabowsky; Bevölkerung und Staat in Lan Na; Ein Beitrag zur Bevölkerungsgeschichte Südostasiens Peter Boomgaard) Odille Gannier, Cécile Picquoin (eds); Journal de bord d’Etienne Marchand; Le voyage du Solide autour du monde (1790-1792 (H.J.M. Claessen) Arjan van Helmond, Stani Michiels (eds); Jakarta megalopolis; Horizontal and vertical observations (Ben Derudder) Bert Scova Righini; Een leven in twee vaderlanden; Een biografie van Beb Vuijk (Liesbeth Dolk) Gerrit R. Knaap, J.R. van Diessen, W. Leijnse, M.P.B. Ziellemans; Grote Atlas van de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie/ Comprehensive Atlas of the Dutch United East India Company; Volume II: Java en Madoera/Java and Madura (Amrit Gomperts) Nordin Hussin; Trade and society in the Straits of Melaka; Dutch Melaka and English Penang, 1780-1830 (Hans Hägerdal) Wilco van den Heuvel; Biak; Description of an Austronesian language of Papua (Volker Heeschen) Ann L. Appleton; Acts of integration, expressions of faith; Madness, death and ritual in Melanau ontology (Menno Hekker) Amity A. Doolittle; Property and politics in Sabah, Malaysia; Native struggles over land rights (Monica Janowski) Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown; The rise of the corporate economy in Southeast Asia (J. Thomas Lindblad) Dwi Noverini Djenar; Semantic, pragmatic and discourse perspectives of preposition use; A study of Indonesian locatives (Don van Minde) Sherri Brainard, Dietlinde Behrens, A grammar of Yakan (Chandra Nuraini) Dietlinde Behrens; Yakan-English dictionary (Chandra Nuraini) Pierre Lemonnier; Le sabbat des lucioles; Sorcellerie, chamanisme et imaginaire cannibale en Nouvelle-Guinée (Anton Ploeg) Edgar Aleo and others; A voice from many rivers; Central Subanen oral and written literature. Translated and annotated by Felicia Brichoux (Nicole Revel) Joos van Vugt, José Eijt, Marjet Derks (eds); Tempo doeloe, tempo sekarang; Het proces van Indonesianisering in Nederlandse orden en congregaties (Karel Steenbrink) Nancy Eberhardt; Imagining the course of life; Self-transformation in a Shan Buddhist community (Nicholas Tapp) J.C. Smelik, C.M. Hogenstijn, W.J.M. Janssen; A.J. Duymaer van Twist; Gouverneur-Generaal van Nederlands-Indiё (1851-1856) (Gerard Termorshuizen) David Steinberg; Turmoil in Burma; Contested legitimacies in Myanmar (Sean Turnell) Carl A. Trocki; Singapore; Wealth, power and the culture of control (Bryan S. Turner) Matthew Isaac Cohen; The Komedie Stamboel; Popular theatre in colonial Indonesia, 1891-1903 (Holger Warnk) Jörgen Hellman; Ritual fasting on West Java (Robert Wessing) Waruno Mahdi; Malay words and Malay things; Lexical souvenirs from an exotic archipelago in German publications before 1700 (Edwin Wieringa) RECENT PUBLICATIONS Russell Jones, C.D. Grijns, J.W. de Vries, M. Siegers (eds); Loan-words in Indonesian and Malay VERHANDELINGEN 249 Peter Carey: The power of prophecy. Prince Dipanagara and the end of an old order in Java, 1785-1855

Digital services and products are often described as immaterial or virtual. However, they are responsible for a vast amount of environmental damage and destruction. The creation, processing, storage and movement of data relies on extensive natural and finite resources including electricity, water, metals, elements and chemicals as well as the production of human-made materials including plastics and glass; the disposal of these materials can produce toxic waste which is often illegally hidden and shipped around the world to bypass responsibility. Despite clear evidence of the materiality of digital flows, corporate rhetoric artfully acts to conceal the environmental risks and costs of digital flows, while state and international policy and regulation has thus far been unable to produce an effective response. This article seeks to examine the roots of this problem by reviewing the historical global policy discourse on the digital economy. The article is also grounded in Asia – which now accounts for almost half of the world’s Internet users – by looking close up at State policies in the second most economically advanced country in the region: Singapore. The article concludes with a discussion of what needs to happen if states are to reduce the environmental burden of the digital economy and ensure the costs are more justly distributed.

In the situation of globally connected digital economy, changes in organizational structure and smart corporate governance are placing the entrepreneurial structures in the face of unprecedented decisions on building and developing corporate culture. By the method of literature review, desk review on the basis of secondary data is a typical study case on the cultural characteristics of startups in the United States of America (USA), China, Korea, Japan, Singapore and European Union. Based on the experiences from developed countries, some recommendations has been proposed for small business founders in Vietnam. It is expected to contribute an additional perspective on digital business in the era of globalization.

Introduction Artist: June 2 at 11.26pm:‘To be truly radical is to make hope possible rather than despair convincing.’ - Raymond Williams. (Singaporean Artists’ public Facebook Post) Can the critical arts exist without ‘place’?There is an ongoing debate on ‘place’ and where it begins and ends; on the ways that cities exist in both material and immaterial forms, and thereby, how to locate and understand place as an anchoring point amidst global flows (Massey; Merrifield). This debate extends to the global art- scape, as traditional conceptions of art and art-making attached to place require re-thinking in a paradigm where digital and immaterial networks, symbols and forums both complement and complicate the role that place has traditionally played (Luger, “Singaporean ‘Spaces of Hope?”). The digital art-scape has allowed for art-led provocations, transformations and disturbances to traditional institutions and gatekeepers (see Hartley’s “ Communication, Media, and Cultural Studies” concept of ‘gatekeeper’) of the art world, which often served as elite checkpoints and way-stations to artistic prominence. Still, contradictory and paradoxical questions emerge, since art cannot be divorced of place entirely, and ‘place’ often features as a topic, subject, or site of critical expression for art regardless of material or immaterial form. Critical art is at once place-bound and place-less; anchored to sites even as it transcends them completely.This paper will explore the dualistic tension – and somewhat contradictory relationship – between physical and digital artistic space through the case study of authoritarian Singapore, by focusing on a few examples of art-activists and the way that they have used and manipulated both physical and digital spaces for art-making. These examples draw upon research which took place in Singapore from 2012-2014 and which involved interviews with, and observation of, a selected sample (30) of art-activists (or “artivists”, to use Krischer’s definition). Findings point to a highly co-dependent relationship between physical and digital art places where both offer unique spaces of possibility and limitations. Therefore, place remains essential in art-making, even as digital avenues expand and amplify what critical art-practice can accomplish.Singapore’s Place-Bound and Place-Less Critical Art-Scape The arts in Singapore have a complicated, and often tense relationship with places such as the theatre, the gallery, and the public square. Though there has been a recent push (in the form of funding to arts groups and physical arts infrastructure) to make Singapore more of an arts and cultural destination (see Luger “The Cultural Grassroots and the Authoritarian City”), the Singaporean arts-scape remains bound by restrictions and limitations, and varying degrees of de facto (and de jure) censorship and self-policing. This has opened up spaces for critical art, albeit in sometimes creative and surprising forms. As explained to me by a Singaporean playwright,So they’re [the state] making venues, as well as festival organizers, as well as theatre companies, to …self-police, or self-censor. But for us on the ground, we use that as a way to focus on what we still want to say, and be creative about it, so that we circumvent the [state], with the intention of doing what we want to do. (Research interview, Singaporean playwright)Use of cyber-spaces is one way that artists circumvent repressive state structures. Restrictions on the use of place enliven cyberspace with an emancipatory and potentially transformative potential for the critical arts. Cyber-Singapore has a vocal art-activist network and has allowed some artists (such as the “Sticker Lady”) to gain wide national and even international followings. However, digital space cannot exist without physical place; indeed, the two exist, simultaneously, forming and re-forming each other. The arts cannot ‘happen’ online without a corresponding physical space for incubation, for practice, for human networking.It is important to note that in Singapore, art-led activism (or ‘artivism’) and traditional activism are closely related, and research indicated that activist networks often overlap with the art world. While this may be the case in many places, Singapore’s small geography and the relatively wide-berth given to the arts (as opposed to political activism) make these relationships especially strong. Therefore, many arts-spaces (theatres, galleries, studios) function as activist spaces; and non-art spaces such as public squares and university campuses often host art events and displays. Likewise, many of the artists that I interviewed are either directly, or indirectly, involved in more traditional activism as well.Singapore is an island-nation-city-state with a carefully planned urban fabric, the vast majority of which is state-owned (at least 80 % - resulting from large-scale land transfers from the British in the years surrounding Singapore’s independence in 1965). Though it has a Westminster-style parliamentary system (another colonial vestige), a single ruling party has commanded power for 50 years (the People’s Action Party, or PAP). Despite free elections and a liberal approach toward business, foreign investment and multiculturalism, Singapore retains a labyrinthine geography of government control over free expression, dictated through agencies such as the Censorship Review Committee (CRC); the Media Development Authority (MDA), and the National Arts Council (NAC) which work together in a confusing grid of checks and balances. This has presented a paradoxical and often contradictory approach to the arts and culture in which gradual liberalisations of everything from gay nightlife to university discourse have come hand-in-hand with continued restrictions on political activism and ‘taboo’ artistic / cultural themes. These ‘out of bounds’ themes (see Yue) include perceived threats to Singapore’s racial, religious, or political harmony – a grey area that is often at the discretion of particular government bureaucrats and administrators.Still, the Singaporean arts place (take the theatre, for example) has assumed a special role as a focal point for not only various types of visual and performance art, but also unrelated (or tangentially-related) activist causes as well. I asked a theatre director of a prominent alternative theatre where, in Singapore’s authoritarian urban fabric, there were opportunities for provocation? He stressed the theatres’ essential role in providing a physical platform for visual tensions and disturbance:You know, and on any given evening, you’ll see some punks or skinheads hanging outside there, and they kind of – create this disturbance in this neighbourhood, where, you know a passer-by is walking to his posh building, and then suddenly you know, there’s this bunch of boys with mohawks, you know, just standing there – and they are friendly! There’s nothing antagonistic or threatening, whatever. So, you know, that’s the kind of tension that we actually love to kind of generate!… That kind of surprise, that kind of, ‘oh, oh yes!’ we see this nice, expensive restaurant, this nice white building, and then these rough edges. And – that is where uh, those points where – where factions, where the rough edges meet –are where dialogue occurs. (Theatre Director, Singapore)That is not to say that the theatre comes without limits and caveats. It is financially precarious, as the Anglo-American model of corporate funding for the arts is not yet well-established in Singapore; interviews revealed that even much of the philanthropic donating to arts organizations comes from Singapore’s prominent political families and therefore the task of disentangling state interests from non-ideological arts patronage becomes difficult. With state - funding come problems with “taboo” subjects, as exemplified by the occasional banned-play or the constant threat of budget cuts or closure altogether: a carrot and stick approach by the state that allows arts organizations room to operate as long as the art produced does not disturb or provoke (too) much.Liew and Pang suggest that in Singapore, cyberspace has allowed a scale, a type of debate and a particularly cross-cutting conversation to take place: in a context where there are peculiar restrictions on the use and occupation of the built environment. They [ibid] found an emerging vocal, digital artistic grassroots that increasingly challenges the City-State’s dominant narratives: my empirical research therefore expands upon, and explores further, the possibility that Singapore’s cyber-spaces are both complementary to, and in some ways, more important than its material places in terms of providing spaces for political encounters.I conducted ‘netnography’ (see Kozinets) across Singapore’s web-scape and found that the online realm may be the ‘… primary site for discursive public activity in general and politics in particular’ (Mitchell, 122); a place where ‘everybody is coming together’ (Merrifield, 18). Without fear of state censorship, artists, activists and art-activists are not bound by the (same) set of restrictions that they might be if operating in a theatre, or certainly in a public place such as a park or square. Planetary cyber-Singapore exists inside and outside the City-State; it can be accessed remotely, and can connect with a far wider audience than a play performed in a small black box theatre.A number of blogs and satirical sites – including TheOnlineCitizen.sg, TheYawningBread.sg, and Demon-Cratic Singapore, openly criticize government policy in ways rarely heard in-situ or in even casual conversation on the street. Additionally, most activist causes and coalitions have digital versions where information is spread and support is gathered, spanning a range of issues. As is the case in material sites of activism in Singapore, artists frequently emerge as the loudest, most vocal, and most inter-disciplinary digital activists, helping to spearhead and cobble together cultural-activist coalitions and alliances. One example of this is the contrast between the place bound “Pink Dot” LGBTQ event (limited to the amount of people that can fit in Hong Lim Park, a central square) and its Facebook equivalent, We are Pink Dot public ‘group’. Pink Dot occurs each June in Singapore and involves around 10,000 people. The Internet’s representations of Pink Dot, however, have reached millions: Pink Dot has been featured in digital (and print) editions of major global newspapers including The Guardian and The New York Times. While not explicitly an art event, Pink Dot is artistic in nature as it uses pink ‘dots’ to side-step the official designation of being an LGBTQ pride event – which would not be sanctioned by the authorities (Gay Pride has not been allowed to take place in Singapore).The street artist Samantha Lo – also known as “Sticker Lady” – was jailed for her satirical stickers that she placed in various locations around Singapore. Unable to freely practice her art on city streets, she has become a sort of local artist - Internet celebrity, with her own Facebook Group called Free Sticker Lady (with over 1,000 members as of April, 2016). Through her Facebook group, Lo has been able to voice opinions that would be difficult – or even prohibited – with a loudspeaker on the street, or expressed through street art. As an open lesbian, she has also been active (and vocal) in the “Pink Dot” events. Her speech at “Pink Dot” was heard by the few-thousand in attendance at the time; her Facebook post (public without privacy settings) is available to the entire world:I'll be speaking during a small segment at Pink Dot tomorrow. Though only two minutes long, I've been spending a lot of time thinking about my speech and finding myself at a position where there's just so much to say. All my life, I've had to work twice as hard to prove myself, to be taken seriously. At 18, I made a conscious decision to cave in to societal pressures to conform after countless warnings of how I wouldn't be able to get a job, get married, etc. I grew my hair out, dressed differently, but was never truly comfortable with the person I became. That change was a choice, but I wasn't happy.Since then, I learnt that happiness wasn't a given, I had to work for it, for the ability to be comfortable in my own skin, to do what I love and to make something out of myself. (Artists’ Facebook Post)Yet, without the city street, Lo would not have gained her notoriety; without use of the park, Pink Dot would not have a Facebook presence or the ability to gather international press. The fact that Singaporean theatre exists at all as an important instigator of visual and performative tension demonstrates the significance of its physical address. Physical art places provide a crucial period of incubation – practice and becoming – that cannot really be replicated online. This includes schools and performance space but also in Singapore’s context, the ‘arts-housing’ that is provided by the government to small-scale, up-and-coming artists through a competitive grant process. Artists can receive gallery, performance or rehearsal space for a set amount of time on a rotating basis. Even with authoritarian restrictions, these spaces have been crucial for arts development:There’s a short-term [subsidised] residency studio …for up to 12 months. And so that –allows for a rotating group of artists to come with an idea in mind, use it for whatever- we’ve had artists who were preparing for a major show, and say ‘my studio space, my existing studio space is a bit too tiny, because I’m prepping for this show, I need a larger studio for 3 months. (Arts Administrator, Singapore)Critical and provocative art, limited and restricted by place, is thus still intrinsically bound to it. Indeed, the restrictions on artistic place allow cyber-art to flourish; cyber-art can only flourish with a strong place- based anchor. Far from supplanting place-based art, the digital art-scape forms a complement; digital and place-based art forms combine to form new hybridities in which local context and global forces write and re-write each other in a series of place and ‘placeless’ negotiations. Conclusion The examples that have been presented in this paper paint a picture of a complex landscape where specific urban sites are crucial anchoring nodes in a critical art ecosystem, but much artistic disturbance actually occurs online and in immaterial forms. This may hint at the possibility that globally, urban sites themselves are no longer sufficient for critical art to flourish and reach its full potential, especially as such sites have increasingly fallen prey to austerity policies, increasingly corporate and / or philanthropic programming and curation, and the comparatively wider reach and ease of access that digital spaces offer.Electronic or digital space – ranging from e-mail to social media (Twitter, blogs, Facebook and many others) has opened a new frontier in which, “… material public spaces in the city are superseded by the fora of television, radio talk shows and computer bulletin boards” (Mitchell. 122). The possibility now emerges whether digital space may be even more crucial than material public spaces in terms of emancipatory or critical potential– especially in authoritarian contexts where public space / place comes with particular limits and restrictions on assembling, performance, and critical expression. These contexts range from Taksim Square, Istanbul to Tiananmen Square, Beijing – but indeed, traditional public place has been increasingly privatized and securitized across the Western-liberal world as well. Where art occurs in place it is often stripped of its critical potential or political messages, sanctioned or sponsored by corporate groups or sanitized by public sector authorities (Schuilenburg, 277).The Singapore case may be especially stark due to Singapore’s small size (and corresponding lack of visible public ‘places’); authoritarian restrictions and correspondingly (relatively) un-policed and un-censored cyberspace. But it is fair to say that at a time when Youtube creates instant celebrities and Facebook likes or Instagram followers indicate fame and (potential) fortune – it is time to re-think and re-conceptualise the relationship between place, art, and the place-based institutions (such as grant-funding bodies or philanthropic organizations, galleries, critics or dealers) that have often served as “gatekeepers” to the art-scape. This invites challenges to the way these agents operate and the decision making process of policy-makers in the arts and cultural realm.Mitchell (124) reminded that there has “never been a revolution conducted exclusively in electronic space; at least not yet.” But that was 20 years ago. Singapore may offer a glimpse, however, of what such a revolution might look like. This revolution is neither completely place bound nor completely digital; it is one in which the material and immaterial interplay and overlap in post-modern complexity. Each platform plays a role, and understanding the way that art operates both in place and in “placeless” forms is crucial in understanding where key transformations take place in both the production of critical art and the production of urban space.What Hartley (“The Politics of Pictures”) called the “space of citizenry” is not necessarily confined to a building, the city street or a public square (or even private spaces such as the home, the car, the office). Sharon Zukin likewise suggested that ultimately, a negotiation of a city’s digital sphere is crucial for current-day urban research, arguing that:Though I do not think that online communities have replaced face to face interaction, I do think it is important to understand the way web-based media contribute to our urban imaginary. The interactive nature of the dialogue, how each post feeds on the preceding ones and elicits more, these are expressions of both difference and consensus, and they represent partial steps toward an open public sphere. (27)Traditional gatekeepers such as the theatre director, the museum curator and the state or philanthropic arts funding body have not disappeared, though they must adapt to the new cyber-reality as artists have new avenues around these traditional checkpoints. Accordingly – “old” problems such as de-jure and de-facto censorship reappear in the cyber art-scape as well: take the example of the Singaporean satirical bloggers that have been sued by the government in 2013-2016 (such as the socio-political bloggers and satirists Roy Ngerng and Alex Au). No web-space is truly open.A further complication may be the corporate nature of sites such as Facebook, Instagram, Youtube, or Twitter: far from truly democratic platforms or “agoras” in the traditional sense, these are for-profit (massive) corporations – which a small theatre is not. Singapore’s place based authoritarianism may be multiplied in the corporate authoritarianism or “CEO activism” of tech titans like Mark Zuckerberg, who allow for diverse use of digital platforms and encourage open expression and unfettered communication – as long as it is on their terms, within company policies that are not always transparent.Perhaps the questions then really are not where ‘art’ begins and ends, or where a place starts or stops – but rather where authoritarianism, state and corporate power begin and end in the hyper-connected global cyber-scape? And, if these power structures are now stretched across space and time as Marxist theorists such as Massey or Merrifield claimed, then what is the future for critical art and its relationship to ‘place’?Despite these unanswered questions and invitations for further exploration, the Singapore case may hint at what this emerging geography of place and ‘placeless’ art resembles and how such a new world may evolve moving forward. ReferencesHartley, John. The Politics of Pictures: the Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media. Perth: Psychology Press, 1992.———. Communication, Media, and Cultural Studies: The Key Concepts. Oxford: Routledge, 2012. Kozinets, Robert. Netnography: Doing Ethnographic Research Online. New York: Sage, 2010. Krischer, Oliver. “Lateral Thinking: Artivist Networks in East Asia.” ArtAsia Pacific 77 (2012): 96-110. Liew, Kai Khiun. and Natalie Pang. “Neoliberal Visions, Post Capitalist Memories: Heritage Politics and the Counter-Mapping of Singapore’s City-Scape.” Ethnography 16.3 (2015): 331-351.Luger, Jason. “The Cultural Grassroots and the Authoritarian City: Spaces of Contestation in Singapore.” In T. Oakes and J. Wang, eds., Making Cultural Cities in Asia: Mobility, Assemblage, and the Politics of Aspirational Urbanism. London: Routledge, 2015: 204-218. ———. “Singaporean ‘Spaces of Hope?' Activist Geographies in the City-State.” City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 20.2 (2016): 186-203. Massey, Doreen. Space, Place and Gender. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995. Merrifield, Andy. The Politics of the Encounter: Urban Theory and Protest under Planetary Urbanization. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2013. Mitchell, Don. “The End of Public Space? People’s Park, Definitions of the Public, and Democracy.” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 85.1 (1996): 108-133. Schuilenburg, Marc. The Securitization of Society: Crime, Risk and Social Order. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Shirky, Clay. Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing without Organizations. New York: Penguin, 2008. Yue, Audrey. “Hawking in the Creative City: Rice Rhapsody, Sexuality and the Cultural Politics of New Asia in Singapore. Feminist Media Studies 7.4 (2007): 365-380. Zukin, Sharon. The Naked City: The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. London and New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

This study presents an overview of glass-ceiling type barriers in organizations based on the perceptions of a sample of Singaporean and Malaysian mid-level women managers. Previous studies indicated the existence of a glass ceiling in organizations and presented strategic recommendations with regard to what corporations could do to remove or reduce the glass ceiling. This study investigates how women in middle management perceive their career advancement opportunities and what they consider their organizations to be doing to support their advancement. Glass ceiling and informal structures in the organizations will be analyzed from the aspects of corporate climate, corporate practices, and corporate culture. The relevant questions are derived from the model developed by Bergman and Hallberg (2002). This study aims to answer whether there is a glass ceiling present in Singaporean and Malaysian companies and further make the comparative analysis of the results. The study begins with an introduction of the concept of a glass ceiling that prevents women from advancing, and then continues with previous studies on corporate climate, corporate practices and corporate culture, and data analysis of samples from Singaporean and Malaysian organizations. The findings show that women middle managers in both Singaporean and Malaysian organizations face a glass ceiling in their working environment which, for example, inhibits the promotion of female managers, and entails a barrier to the career development opportunities of women and entails that women do not have enough organizational support, including networking, mentoring, and family friendly initiatives.

05–566Abu-Rabia, Salim (U of Haifa, Israel), Social aspects and reading, writing, and working memory skills in Arabic, Hebrew, English, and Circassian: the quadrilingual case of Circassians. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK) 18.1 (2005), 27–58.05–567Bao, Zhiming (National U of Singapore, Singapore; ellbaozm@nus.edu.sg), The aspectual gsystem of Singapore English and the systemic substratist explanation. Journal of Linguistics (Cambridge, UK) 41.2, (2005), 237–267.05–568Barwick, Linda (U of Sydney, Australia; Linda.Barwick@arts.usyd.edu.au), Allan Marett, Michael Walsh, Lysbeth Ford & Nicholas Reid, Communities of interest: issues in establishing a digital resource on Murrinh-patha song at Wadeye (Port Keats), NT. Literary and Linguistic Computing (Oxford, UK) 20.4 (2005), 383–397.05–569Berns, Margie (Purdue U, USA; berns@purdue.edu), Expanding on the Expanding Circle: where do WE go from here?World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.1 (2005), 85–93.05–570Bolton, Kingsley (Stockholm U, Sweden: kingsley.bolton@english.su.se), Where WE stands: approaches, issues, and debate in world Englishes. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.1 (2005), 69–83.05–571Carter, Julie A. (The Wolfson Centre, London, UK; j.carter@ich.ucl.ac.uk), Gladys M. Murira, Joseph Gona, Brian G. R. Neville & Charles R. J. C. Newton, Issues in the development of cross-cultural assessments of speech and language for children. International Journal of Language & Communication Disorders (London, UK) 40.4 (2005), 385–401.05–572CoetzeeVan Rooy, Susan (Potchefstroom, S. Africa; basascvr@puk.ac.za) & Bertus Van Rooy, South African English: labels, comprehensibility and status. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.1 (2005), 1–19.05–573de Haan, Mariëtte & Ed Elbers (U of Utrecht, the Netherlands; m.dehaan@fss.uu.nl), Reshaping diversity in a local classroom: communication and identity issues in multicultural schools in the Netherlands. Language & Communication (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 25.3 (2005), 315–333.05–574Dogançay-Aktuna, Seran (Southern Illinois U Edwardsville, USA; saktuna@siue.edu) & Zeynep Kiziltepe, English in Turkey. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 253–265.05–575Hiraga, Yuko (Keio U, Japan; nene_terada@hotmail.com), British attitudes towards six varieties of English in the USA and Britain. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.3 (2005), 289–308.05–576Joseph, Clara A. B. (U of Calgary, Canada; ejoseph@ucalgary.ca), Language in contact and literatures in conflict: text, context, and pedagogy. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 131–143.05–577Lai, Mee-Ling (Hong Kong Institute of Education, Hong Kong, China; mllai@ied.edu.hk), Language attitudes of the first postcolonial generation in Hong Kong secondary schools. Language in Society (Cambridge, UK), 34.3 (2005), 363–388.05–578Moraa Michieka, Martha (Purdue U, USA; michieka@purdue.edu), English in Kenya: a sociolinguistic profile. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 173–186.05–579Nickerson, Catherine (Radboud U Nijmegen, the Netherlands; c.nickerson@let.ru.nl), English as alingua francain international business contexts. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 24.4 (2005), 367–380.05–580Ouhiala-Salminen, Leena, Charles Mirjaliisa & Anne Kankaanranta (Helsinki School of Economics, Finland; leena.louhiala@hkkk.fi), English as alingua francain Nordic corporate mergers: two case companies. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 24.4. (2005), 410–421.05–581Planken, Brigitte (Radboud U Nijmegen, the Netherlands; b.planken@let.ru.nl), Managing rapport inlingua francasales negotiations: a comparison of professional and aspiring negotiators. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 24.4 (2005), 381–400.05–582Rajagopalan, Kanavillil (State U at Campinas (UNICAMP), Brazil), Language politics in Latin America. AILA Review (Amsterdam, the Netherlands) 18 (2005), 76–93.05–583Seargeant, Philip (U of London, UK; pseargeant@ioe.ac.uk), Globalisation and reconfigured English in Japan. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.3 (2005), 309–319.05–584Smith, Geoff P. (University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China), Chinese language sources for Chinese Pidgin English: what we know and what we need to know. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics (Hong Kong, China) 9.2 (2004), 72–79.05–585Sweeting, Anthony & Edward Vickers (U of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China; sweetone@mac.com), On colonizing ‘colonialism’: the discourses of the history of English in Hong Kong. World Englishes (Oxford, UK) 24.2 (2005), 113–130.05–586Tanaka, Hiroko (U of Essex; htanaka@essex.ac.uk), Grammar and the ‘timing’ of social action: word order and preference organization in Japanese. Language in Society (Cambridge, UK), 34.3 (2005), 389–430.

This paper seeks to explore environmental, social and governance issues arising from investment in special economic zones (SEZs) in the mainland Southeast Asian region through a mixture of thick analytical description and multiple case study approach. All the states studied here have embraced the SEZ approach as it offers rapid economic development without any implications for the political settlement, which is considered beneficial by current administrations. Particular emphasis is placed on environmental, social and governance issues in the region covered and some complex issues that have emerged. It is shown that the situation is complex and continually evolving and that there are limited constraints on the actions of corporations. Consequently, there is an opportunity for investors to set precedents and protocols on a progressive basis. Keywords Economic development; environmental, social and governance issues; mainland Southeast Asia; special economic zones References [1] Anderson, Benedict, “Murder and Progress in Modern Siam,” New Left Review. 181 (1990) 33-48.[2] Ando, “About Ando”. www.ando-kyo.co.jp/english/about/history.html/, 2016.[3] Apisitniran, Lamonphet, “Latest SEZ Land Proposal Fizzles out,” Bangkok Post, Business B2, June 19th, 2015.[4] Aung, Noe Noe, “Workers Strike over Wage Demands”, Myanmar Times. http:// www.mmtimes.com/national-news/yangon/7150-thousands-of-workers-protest-in-hlaing-tharyar.html/, November 12th, 2017. [5] Baissac, Claude, “Brief History of SEZs and Overview of Policy Debates,” in Thomas Farole, ed., Special Economic Zones in Africa: Company Performance and Learning from Global Experience (Washington, DC: World Bank. http://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/2341/638440PUB0Exto00Box0361527B0PUBLIC0.pdf/, 2011. 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IntroductionWithin Australia, the approach taken to the ways in which disabled people access television is heavily influenced by legislation and activism from abroad. This is increasingly the case as television moves to online modes of distribution where physical and legislative boundaries are more fluid. While early investigations of the intersections between television and the concept of abroad focused on the impacts of representation and national reputation (Boddy), the introduction of new media technologies saw a shifting focus towards the impact and introduction of new media technologies. Drawing on Chan’s definition of media internationalisation as “the process by which the ownership, structure, production, distribution, or content of a country’s media is influenced by foreign media interests, culture and markets” (Chan 71), this article considers the impacts of legislative and advocacy efforts abroad on Australian television audiences with disabilities accessing subscription Video on Demand (VOD).Subscription (VOD) services have caused a major shift in the way television is used and consumed in Australia. Prior to 2015, there was a small subscription VOD industry operating out of this country. Providers such as Quickflix had limited content and the bulk of VOD services used by Australians related to catch-up television, user-generated videos on YouTube or Vimeo, or accessing Netflix US illegally through virtual private networks (VPNs) and proxy services (Ryall; Lombato and Meese). VOD is distinct in that it is generally streamed over Internet-based online services and is not linear, giving viewers the opportunity to watch the video at any time once the programme is available. Unlike broadcast television, there is no particular government or corporate entity controlling the creation of VOD. These services take advantage of the time-shifted convenience of the medium. In addition, VOD is typically not terrestrial, traversing national boundaries and challenging audience expectations and legislative boundaries. This research is concerned with the subscriber model of VOD in Australia where subscribers pay a fee to gain access to large collections of content.This internationalising of television has also offered the opportunity for people with disabilities that previously excluded them from the practice of television consumption, to participate in this national pastime. On an international level, audio description is becoming more available on VOD than it is on broadcast television, thus allowing disabled people access to television. This article situates the Australian approach to VOD accessibility within a broader international framework to question whether the internationalisation of television has affected the ways in which of content is viewed, both at legislative and public levels. While providers are still governed by national regulations, these regulations are influenced by international legislation. Further, the presence and success of advocacy groups to agitate for change has exacerbated the way accessibility is viewed and defined in Australia. The role of the Accessible Netflix Project, in conjunction with changes in the 21st Century Communications and Video Accessibility Act (CVAA) in the USA, has not only reframed accessibility discourse in the US, but also, as companies such as Netflix move abroad, has potentially stimulated a shift in media accessibility standards in Australia.We focus in particular on the impact of three new services – Netflix Australia, Stan, and Presto Entertainment—which entered the Australian market in 2015. At the time, Australia was described as having entered the “streaming wars” and consumers were predicted to be the beneficiaries (Tucker). Despite international moves to improve the accessibility of VOD for disabled consumers, via legislation and advocacy, none of these providers launched with an accessibility policy in place. Even closed captions, whose provision on Australian broadcast television had been mandated via the broadcasting services act since the early 1990s, were conspicuously absent. The absence of audio description was less surprising. With the exception of a 12-week trial on the Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) in 2012 and a follow up trial on iView in 2015, audio description has never been available to Australian people who are vision impaired.The findings and methodology of this article are based on research into disability and streaming television in Australia, conducted in 2015 and 2016. Funded by the Australian Communications and Consumer Action Network (ACCAN), the 12-month project reviewed national and international policy; surveyed 145 people with disability; and conducted interviews with media professionals, policy advisors, accessibility advocates, and disabled Australian VOD consumers.Accessibility Abroad Impacting on Local Accessibility: The Netflix ModelDespite the lack of a clear accessibility policy, Netflix is in front in terms of accessibility, with captions available for most content. Audio description for some content became available in April 2015 shortly after its Australian launch. The introduction of this accessibility feature has been directly attributed to the advocacy efforts of the Accessible Netflix Project, an international online movement operating out of the US and advocating for improved accessibility of VOD in the US and abroad (Ellis & Kent). Similarly, Chris Mikul, author of Access on Demand, was interviewed as part of this research. He told us that Netflix’s provision of captions was due to the impacts of legislation in the USA, namely the CVAA. The CVAA, which we discuss later in the paper, while having no jurisdiction in Australia, has improved the availability of captions by mandating accessibility abroad. As a result, accessible content is imported into the Australian market. When Netflix introduced audio description on its original programming, the VOD provider described the access feature as an option customers could choose, “just like choosing the soundtrack in a different language” (Wright). However, despite successful trials, other VOD providers have not introduced audio description as a way to compete with Netflix, and there is no legislation in place regarding the provision of audio description in Australia. People with disability, including people with vision impairments, do use VOD and continue to have particular unmet access needs. As the Netflix example illustrates, both legislation and recognition of people with a disability as a key audience demographic will result in a more accessible television environment.Impact of International LegislationThe accessibility of VOD in Australia has been impacted upon by international legislation in three key ways: through comparative bench-marks, or industry expectations; via user-led expectations and awareness of differing policies and products; and also through the introduction of international providers onto the Australian VOD market, and the presence of parallel-import VOD services. While international VOD providers such as Netflix and iTunes have officially launched in Australia, Australian consumers, both prior to and after the official availability, often access the parallel USA versions of such services. Lombato and Meese theorise that the delays in content launches between the US and Australia, and the limitations caused by licensing agreements (reducing the content availability) have prompted the continued use of Netflix US and a “kind of transnational shop-front hopping” (126). This is significant for VOD content accessibility as it emphasises the effect of, and disparities in national legislation, whereby the same company provides accessible content only in locations in which it is subject to legal requirements. Our analysis of international policy regarding the accessibility of VOD has found a varied approach—from a complete absence of accessibility regulations (New Zealand), to a layering of policy through disability discrimination acts alongside new media laws (USA). Additionally, this need to address convergence and new media in media accessibility regulation is currently a subject being discussed at government levels in some countries, primarily in the UK (ATVOD). However, outside of the USA, there remains either a lack of accessibility policies for media, new or old—as is the case in Singapore—or a lack of policies that facilitate accessibility for the VOD market—such as in Australia where a level of accessibility is required for broadcasters and subscription television but not VOD.While these changes and advancements in accessibility are taking place abroad, the space that online businesses occupy is fluid. The accessibility requirements of physical spaces cross national boundaries, and operate across multiple media and technologies, and thus, multiple media laws. For example, Australian television broadcasters are subject to some captioning requirements, yet VOD is not. Furthermore, catch-up VOD services provided by mainstream Australian television broadcasters are not subject to these laws. While legislation that accommodates convergence and the new digital media landscape is logical (ACMA) there remain few examples globally that have made changes to reflect accessibility requirements in this context. The CVAA in the US is perhaps the most effective to date, specifically addressing the issue of access to modern communications for people with disability.The CVAA and CaptioningThe CVAA seeks to ensure that “accessibility laws enacted in the 1980s and 1990s are brought up to date with 21st century technologies, including new digital, broadband, and mobile innovations” (FCC). The CVAA is designed to be forward-thinking and evolve with changing technologies (Varley). As such, the Act has been distinctive in its approach to accessibility for Internet protocol delivered video programming, including VOD. While full accessibility requirements, such as the inclusion of audio description are not addressed, the Act is considered to be the most accessible globally in its requirements for captioning of all content—specifically, English and Spanish—across cable, broadcast, satellite, and VOD content. VOD apps, plug-ins and devices are also required to implement the complete captioning capabilities, with specific requirements for personalised presentation, colour, size, and fonts. This requirement is applied to video programming distributors and to video programming owners. Indeed, programmers are expected to provide captioning compliance certificates, and distributors are required to report a failure to do so. Quality standards have also been established, with an emphasis not simply on the presence of captioning, but also on accuracy, synchronicity, completeness, and appropriate placement of captions. Despite an absence of similar legislation locally, the impacts of these foreign interests will penetrate the Australian market.In Australia, the example set by the CVAA has warranted recommendations by the ACMA and Media Access Australia. In a recent interview, Chris Mikul reinforced the position that, in order for the accessibility of VOD to improve in Australia, a similar Act is needed to the one established in the US. According to Mikul, “The CVAA in the US bridges the gap to some extent with captioning, although it doesn’t venture into online audio description. […] We need something like the CVAA here” (Mikul).Beyond the impact of the CVAA on US VOD programming, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) (1990) has been significant in the developing captioning requirements of the CVAA. In 2010, disability advocates seeking more accessible VOD services attempted to prosecute Netflix under the ADA. The National Association for the Deaf (NAD) argued that Netflix discriminated against those with a hearing impairment by not providing closed captions for all content. At this time, the CVAA did not include captioning requirements for VOD providers. Instead, it was argued that online businesses should be considered as a “place” of publication accommodation, and thus subject to the same standards and anti-discrimination laws. Netflix settled out of court in 2012, agreeing to caption 100% of its content by 2014 (Mullin; Wolford). However, a Federal Appeals Court later ruled that Netflix was not a place of public accommodation and therefore did not have to comply with the ruling (Hattem). Notably, during the case Netflix also argued that it should not be required to provide captions, as it was abiding by CVAA requirements at that time.Accessibility Activism and AdvocacyAdvocates for accessibility, such as the NAD, have impacted not only on the legislative framework for VOD in the USA, but also on the international public perception and expectation of accessibility. It is important to note that many of the help forums generated by international VOD providers mix customers from multiple countries, establishing a global space in which requirements, expectations and perceptions are shared. These spaces generate a transnational accessibility, providing an awareness of what provisions are being made in other countries, and where they are not. Orrego-Carmona conducted a study on subtitling for the purpose of language translation and found the globalisation of audio-visual content and international media flows have impacted on the public view of subtitling. Indeed, this finding can be extended to subtitling for people with disability. In the help forums for VOD providers, users identified an awareness of other more accessible media environments (such as whether companies provided closed captions in other countries), the impact of legislation in other countries on accessibility, and how or if international media companies were replicating accessibility standards transnationally. Social media campaigns, instigated in both the UK and the US are significant examples of consumer and public-led activism for accessibility. “LOVEFiLM hates deaf people”, #subtitleit, launched by the Action on Hearing Loss group in the UK, and #withcaptions, were all effective online campaigns launched by individuals and disability activist groups. In early 2014, comedian Mark Thomas, as part of his show 100 Acts of Minor Dissent, placed two large posters at the entrance to the offices of Amazon UK stating "LOVEFiLM hates deaf people." A subsequent petition through change.com attracted 15154 signatures, asking for rental DVDs that were subtitled to be listed, and all streamed content to be subtitled (https://www.change.org/p/lovefilm-amazon-prime-video-amazon-uk-please-list-your-subtitled-rental-dvds-and-subtitle-your-streamed-content). A year later, Amazon increased the subtitling of its content to 40 percent. As of June 2015 the company was working towards 100% subtitling. The petition turned its attention to Sky On Demand, initiated by Jamie Danjoux, a 17-year-old boy with hearing loss (https://www.change.org/p/sky-enable-subtitles-for-ondemand), has attracted 6556 signatures. The social media campaigns #subtitleit and #withcaptions similarly aimed to target both VOD providers and the government, with the aim for both consistent and compulsory captioning across all VOD content. While UK legislation is yet to specifically address VOD captioning, the subject of accessibility and VOD is currently being debated at policy level. It was also successful in gaining commitments from Sky and BT TV to improve subtitles for their VOD and catch-up VOD programming.In the USA, The Accessible Netflix Project and founder Robert Kingett have been significant advocates for the inclusion of audio description on Netflix and other US VOD providers. Further, while the Accessible Netflix Project has a focus on the United States, its prominence and effectiveness has facilitated awareness of the accessibility of VOD transnationally, and the group internally monitors and comments on international examples. This group was integral in persuading Netflix to provide audio descriptions, a move that has impacted on the level of accessibility worldwide.These advocacy efforts abroad have not only included Australian audiences via their invitations to participate in transnational online spaces, but their success also has direct impact on the availability of captions and audio description imported to Australian video on demand consumers. ConclusionThe national borders of television have always been permeable—with content from abroad influencing programming and culture. However, within Australia, borders have been erected around the television culture with long wait times between shows airing abroad and locally. In addition, licencing deals between overseas distributors and pay television have delayed the introduction of VOD until 2015. That year saw the introduction of three VOD providers to the Australian television landscape: Stan, Presto Entertainment, and Netflix Australia. With the introduction of VOD, it is not only international content that has altered television consumption. Overseas providers have established a firm place in the Australia television marketplace. Even before the formal launch of overseas VOD providers, disabled users were accessing content from providers such as Netflix USA via VPNs and tunnelling services, illustrating both the clear demand for VOD content, and demonstrating the multiple ways in which international legislation and provider approaches to accessibility have permeated the Australian television industry.The rapid increase of ways in which we watch television has increased its accessibility. The nature of video on demand—streamed online and nonlinear—means that the content accessed is no longer as restricted by space, time and television. Audiences are able to personalise and modify access, and can use multiple devices, with multiple assistive technologies and aids. This increasingly accessible environment is the result of legislative and advocacy efforts originating in other countries. Efforts to improve captions and introduce audio description, while not originating in Australia, have seen improvements to the availability of accessibility features for disabled Australian television audiences. To return to Chan’s definition of media internationalisation with which we began this article, a concern with television accessibility while not originating in Australia, has taken place due to the influence of “foreign media interests, culture and markets” (Chan 71).However, despite the increased potential for full accessibility, there remains deficits. Captions and audio description, the two main features that support the playback of online video content in an accessible way, are not consistently provided. There are no clear, applicable legislative requirements for VOD accessibility in Australia. This must change. Based on our research, change at government, industry and advocacy levels are required in order for VOD in Australia to become fully accessible. Legislation needs to be introduced that requires a minimum level of accessibility, including audio description accessibility, on broadcast television and VOD. Further, governments should work to ensure that PWD are aware of the accessibility features that are provided across all media. For VOD providers, it should be recognised that a significant portion of the consumer base could be PWD, or their families and friends may wish to share in the activity of VOD. Establishing an understanding of the different accessibility requirements may come from hiring specialised accessibility consultants to make platforms accessible and useable for PWD. For consumers of VOD and advocates of accessibility, participation in advocacy efforts that encourage and demand that VOD providers improve accessibility options have been shown to increase accessibility abroad, and should be applied to the Australian context.ReferencesACMA. Australian Government. Converged Legislative Frameworks: International Approaches. Jul. 2011. 1 Aug. 2016 <http://www.acma.gov.au/theACMA/Library/researchacma/Occasional-papers/coverged-legislative-frameworks-international-approaches>.ATVOD. Provision of Video on Demand Access Services: A Report on the Level of Provision by On Demand. UK: The Authority for Television on Demand, 18 Dec. 2015. 13 May 2016 <http://stakeholders.ofcom.org.uk/binaries/broadcast/on-demand/accesseuropean/AS_survey_report_2015.pdf>.Boddy, William. "U.S. Television Abroad: Market Power and National Introspection." Quarterly Review of Film and Video 15.2 (1994): 45-55.Chan, Joseph Man. 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