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Dyke, W. T. "The development and strategies of corporate political committees in US politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371633.
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Yuan, Xiaojing. "Two Essays on Politics in Corporate Finance." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4796.
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I examine how political geography affects firms' cost of debt. Policy risk, measured by proximity to political power reflected in firms' position in the country's political map, is negatively related to corporate bond ratings and positively related to firms' cost of debt. I find firms' policy risk can be mitigated by engaging in corporate political strategies like making campaign contributions or lobbying. Consistent with the view that such political strategies effectively protect firms against uncertainty about future policies, I find policy risk has less of an impact on the cost of debt of firms that support more powerful and well-connected politicians in the legislative co-sponsorship network or that spend more money on lobbying.
Using a sample of state pension funds' equity holdings, I find that state pension funds exhibit not only local bias but also bias towards politically connected stocks. These politically connected local firms held by state pension funds do not exhibit better performance compared with their local benchmarks not held by these funds before the holding period, and the overweighting of politically connected local firms is negatively related to pension fund returns. My results do not support the information advantage hypothesis that state pension funds exhibit overweighting of local firms because they have an information advantage about home-state firms. I further examine the factors that explain local bias from political perspectives. My results show that local bias is related to public policy integrity and local politicians' congressional connections.
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Ntongho, Rachael Ajomboh. "The Politics of Corporate Accountability Regulation in Cameroon." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.532244.
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Park, Hyeon Seok. "Partisan politics and corporate tax competition for foreign investment." Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3364.
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Nilson, Andre. "Capital and Power in Europe: The politics of corporate finance and corporate governance in the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.491082.
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Lorrimar, Jane. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics." Thesis, Lorrimar, Jane (2006) Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2006. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/164/.
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This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a 'vertical slice' of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE 'experience' at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.
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Lorrimar, Jane. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges : power, gender and identity politics /." Lorrimar, Jane (2006) Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2006. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/164/.
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This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a 'vertical slice' of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE 'experience' at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.
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Massengill, William. "The Political and Economic Roots of Corporate Political Activity." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1553961091240596.
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Lahiri, Debtanu. "Corporate Politics, Social Activism, and Corporate Social Performance : Three essays underscoring firms' complex relationships with non-market stakeholders." Thesis, Jouy-en Josas, HEC, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022EHEC0002.
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Cette dissertation étudie les conséquences des relations complexes entre les entreprises et les diverses parties prenantes non commerciales. Le premier essai tente de déterminer si l'activité politique des entreprises (APE) contribue à maintenir les avantages concurrentiels. Les recherches antérieures n'abordent pas cette question et se contentent d’estimer si l'APE augmente les bénéfices, avec des résultats mitigés sur de courtes échelles de temps. Nous théorisons sur la manière dont le capital politique affecte la régression vers la moyenne des bénéfices, par le biais de mécanismes de persistance de l'entreprise et du secteur. En utilisant des données sur plus de 6 000 entreprises de 14 pays démocratiques, nous estimons des coefficients de persistance de la performance variant dans le temps et spécifiques à l'entreprise avec des modèles à coefficients aléatoires et des mesures de volatilité des bénéfices. La triangulation sur diverses méthodes d'identification suggère que la demi-vie du capital politique est plus courte que prévu, et l’est également par rapport à d'autres interventions stratégiques. Les connexions politiques sont très peu efficaces pour maintenir la performance et réduire la volatilité, puisqu’elles retardent la convergence des bénéfices de 0,180 an seulement et sont sans effet au-delà de sept ans. Le deuxième essai met en évidence les compromis impliqués dans la relation des entreprises avec deux parties prenantes non marchandes : les politiciens et les activistes sociaux. Cette étude soutient que la présence de connexions politiques au sein du conseil d'administration augmente la sensibilité de l'entreprise aux actions militantes, en raison, i. des objectifs contradictoires de ces deux acteurs non marchands, et ii. de la perception d'une plus grande sensibilité des entreprises connectées aux attentes de la société. En outre, à l'aide d'un modèle analytique simple, je démontre que cet effet dépend fortement du niveau d'adoption des politiques ESG (politiques sociales, de gouvernance et relatives aux salariés) par les entreprises, de sorte qu’à des niveaux plus élevés d'adoption des politiques ESG, la responsabilité de la connectivité se dissipe (ou diminue considérablement). Les deux propositions sont étayées de façon adéquate par l'analyse empirique. Sur le plan théorique, en révélant un déterminant spécifique à l'entreprise des actions militantes, cette étude nous rapproche de la définition de la « structure d'opportunité de l'entreprise » pour l'activisme, tout en caractérisant mieux les compromis complexes intervenant dans les relations des entreprises avec les différentes parties prenantes. Enfin, le troisième essai étudie les motivations des entreprises à adopter des pratiques de RSE (responsabilité sociale des entreprises). J'adopte le point de vue de « l’assurance-risque » sur l'engagement RSE des entreprises pour soutenir que, face à un changement brutal du paysage institutionnel, conduisant à un assouplissement considérable des règles et réglementations relatives à la durabilité, les entreprises seraient désireuses d'améliorer de manière proactive la performance sociale de l'entreprise (PSE), afin de neutraliser la responsabilité associée à l'intégration dans un régime mettant peu l’accent sur la RSE. Cette étude utilise la victoire de Trump à l'élection présidentielle américaine de 2016 comme un événement exogène qui a entraîné une réduction marquée de l'importance accordée par le gouvernement américain aux politiques liées à la durabilité. L'analyse Diff-in-diff sur un échantillon apparié d'entreprises américaines et non américaines suggère qu'en moyenne, les entreprises américaines ont amélioré leur empreinte de durabilité après l'élection de Trump. Une hétérogénéité considérable a été observée sur la base des tendances idéologiques des entreprises : les entreprises non partisanes ont rapporté un degré d'amélioration sensiblement plus faible que leurs homologues partisanesThis dissertation investigates the consequences of the complex relationships between firms and various non-market stakeholders. The first essay examines if corporate political activity (CPA) helps sustain competitive benefits. Prior literature does not address this question, only whether CPA increases profits – with mixed results over short timescales. We theorize about how political capital affects the regression-to-the-mean of profits through firm and industry persistence mechanisms. Using data on over 6,000 firms from 14 democratic countries, we estimate time-varying, firm-specific performance persistence coefficients with random-coefficient models - and profit volatility measures. Triangulation over various identification methods suggests that the half-life of political capital is shorter than expected, and also compared with other strategy interventions. Political connections are marginally effective at sustaining performance and reducing volatility, delaying profit convergence by only 0.180 years – and with no effect beyond seven years. These modest CPA benefits are further curbed by legislative constraints and political stability. The second essay highlights the tradeoffs involved in the firms’ relationship with two non-market stakeholders: politicians and social activists. This study argues that the presence of board political connections increases the susceptibility of the firm to activist actions – owing to, i. the conflicting objectives of these two non-market actors, and ii. the perceived higher sensitivity of connected firms to societal expectations. Furthermore, using a simple analytical model, I demonstrate that this effect is strongly contingent on the firms’ level of ESG (employee, social and governance policies) adoption – such that, at higher levels of ESG adoption, the liability of connectedness dissipates (or diminishes considerably). Both propositions find adequate support in the empirical analysis.Theoretically, by revealing a firm-specific determinant of activist actions, this study takes us a step closer towards defining the ‘corporate opportunity structure’ for activism, while also better characterizing the complex trade-offs involved in the firms’ relationship with various stakeholders. Finally, the third essay examines firms’ motivations for adopting CSR (corporate social responsibility) practices. I adopt the ‘risk-insurance’ view of firms’ CSR engagement to argue that when faced with an abrupt change in the institutional landscape leading to considerable muting of the rules and regulations pertaining to sustainability, firms would be keen to proactively improve corporate social performance (CSP) in order to neutralize the liability associated with being embedded in a low CSR-emphasis regime. The study uses Trump’s win in the 2016 US Presidential election as an exogenous event that resulted in a marked reduction in the US govt’s emphasis on sustainability related policies. Diff-in-diff analysis on a matched sample of US and non-US firms suggest that, on average, US firms improved their sustainability footprint after Trump’s election. Considerable heterogeneity was observed based on firms’ ideological proclivities: non-partisan firms reported a significantly lower magnitude of improvement compared to their partisan counterparts
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Suh, Jaekwon. "Political barriers to market convergence electoral systems, political coalitions, and corporate governance /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693027131&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Darves-Bornoz, Derek Yves. "Corporate trade policy activism : network and organizational determinants /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1232425981&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-190). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Ganser, Tim. "Politics and Policy: Essays in Economics." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10407.
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This dissertation consists of three essays investigating questions of politics and policy. The first essay proposes an index that assigns probabilities to all majority coalitions. This index takes as inputs the seat shares and policy positions of the parties represented in parliament. In addition to providing coalition probabilities, it has some desirable properties lacking from the commonly used concept of the minimum-connected winning coalition. In an empirical test, the proposed index slightly outperforms the predictions generated by this standard concept. Furthermore, the probabilities generated by the index are shown to be empirically meaningful. The second essay proposes a model of voter decision-making in proportional representation systems: ultra-rational strategic voters construct expectations of coalitions and policy outcomes based on expected seat distributions and attributed policy positions and vote to maximize their expected utility. The predictions of the model are examined using data from the Netherlands and successfully predict the voting behavior of significant numbers of voters. Nevertheless, other factors matter more than the strategic prediction. Three main take-aways follow: (1) At least to some extent, voters seem to take complex coalition considerations into account. (2) There is a need for large-scale qualitative studies about voter decision-making in proportional representation systems. (3) Narrowly defined strategic voting might matter less in proportional representation systems than in plurality systems. The third essay presents new data on effective corporate income tax rates in 85 countries in 2004. The data come from a survey, conducted jointly with the World Bank’s Doing Business unit and PricewaterhouseCoopers, of all taxes imposed on "the same" standardized mid-size domestic firm. In a cross-section of countries, the estimates of the effective corporate tax rate have a large adverse impact on aggregate investment, FDI, and entrepreneurial activity. Corporate tax rates are correlated with investment in manufacturing but not services, as well as with the size of the informal economy. The results are robust to the inclusion of many controls.
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Jamison, Elizabeth Cori Shields. "Circuits of Power in Alabama's Immigration Politics: Labor Justice and Corporate Social Responsibility." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77689.
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At the time of its debate and passage in 2010-2011, Alabama's immigration law evoked support and opposition from across the state and nation. Despite the outcry, the Alabama business community projected a pronounced public "silence". This silence was particularly curious because of the law's clear and intended goal of self-deportation of Latinos who are a significant labor source for Alabama agri-businesses and food processing industries. The key question for this dissertation is: Why did the poultry processing industry, which has high populations of Latino employees and a significant industrial presence in Alabama, stay publicly silent despite a predictable impact on their labor supply?
This qualitative analysis used the lens of the circuits of power model to interrogate this question. The findings indicate that Alabama poultry processors found themselves susceptible to the same opportunities and challenges as any other social actor confronted with the racialized, politicized, and historically contingent challenges facing Latino labor in Alabama. In other words, these business actors were fully socially embedded actors within Alabama. I demonstrate that individual residents, relevant associations, Alabama's politicians, and even the poultry processors themselves never fully realized the political vulnerability of their particular embeddedness until it was too late for poultry processing employers to publicly act to protect their Latino employees from this unjust state law.
I collected and triangulated data from multiple sources, including semi-structured interviews, media reports, state and national statistics, official websites, and legal documents. Through discourse and content analysis of this data, I developed a case study that demonstrates how Alabama's poultry processors were on a collision course with Alabama state politicians over immigration reform, but they never saw it coming. In so doing, I raise important questions about limits on the "real" power of economic actors for achieving self-interested business outcomes when those interests contest strongly-held social and cultural norms that are infused with a particular history of race, difference, and alterity in local spaces. I demonstrate that these limits raise questions for the democratic process and have consequences for economic actors with regard to corporate social responsibility claims as they pertain to labor justice.Ph. D.
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Tosuni, Gëzim. "The impact of corporate governance on the performance of financial institutions." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2013. http://eprints.staffs.ac.uk/2030/.
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The aim of this thesis is to investigate corporate governance practices of firms, in particular financial institutions, and their impact on the performance of these institutions. As such it will contribute to the debate on the importance of corporate governance for banks. The investigation will cover examples from developed and transition economies. Corporate scandals in the 1990s and 2000s drew the attention of governments to the importance of corporate governance, and induced legislation to prevent similar situations in the future. This thesis highlights the differences between corporate governance of firms and that of banks and investigates the nature of the relationship between corporate governance practices and performance of banks in the USA (as an example of a developed economy) and Kosova and Montenegro (as examples of South East European (SEE) transition economies). The thesis will also investigate the state of corporate governance in the two SEE countries and its developments since these countries became independent. This thesis will address two methodological issues that have been ignored or not treated jointly by previous research: the endogenous nature of corporate governance; and the dynamic aspect of the relationship with performance. In the context of SEE countries this thesis represents the first attempt to analyse the development of a corporate governance framework for financial institutions in Kosova and Montenegro, involving the creation of an index for the quality of corporate governance and, to the extent that the data permits, the first analysis of the relationship between corporate governance quality and the performance of financial institutions. The thesis investigates these questions by firstly embarking on a critical review of the literature to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the previous work in this area and identify the gap in the literature and secondly engaging in empirical investigation of the relationship. The data used for the empirical part of the thesis consists of published data on corporate governance ranking of US banks and the information on financial operations of banks from the Bankscope database. There are no published datasets on the state of corporate governance in SEE banks. A bank survey was therefore organised by the author to explore the compliance of these banks with OECD Corporate Governance Principles. The data was supplemented with the financial information of individual banks obtained from their annual reports. Using both, cross section and dynamic panel model techniques, the empirical investigation shows that there is a positive relationship between the measure of good corporate governance and the market capitalisation of banks in the USA. A similar relationship also exists between one dimension of corporate governance (shareholders’ rights) and the performance of financial institutions in Kosova and Montenegro. Thus, this research contributes to the scarce empirical research on the relationship between corporate governance and performance of financial institutions in the developed economies, and to the not hitherto investigated relationship in SEE countries.
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Kim, Incheol. "Two Essays on Politics and Finance." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4710.
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I examined how politics affects corporate policies and value in two dissertation essays. In my first essay, we investigate whether diversity in points of view within corporate boards, as captured by the diversity in political ideology of board members, can affect a firm's performance. We employ personal political contributions' data to measure political ideology distance among groups of inside, outside directors and the CEO. Our empirical evidence strongly supports the notion that outside directors' monitoring effectiveness is more likely to be enhanced when their viewpoints are distinct from those of management. We find that ideologically diverse boards are associated with better firm performance, lower agency costs and less insiders' discretionary power over the firm's Political Action Committee (PAC) spending. Taken together, our results lead us to conclude that multiplicity of standpoints in corporate boardrooms is imperative for board effectiveness. In my second essay, we document that firms surrounded by high degrees of policy risk generated by local politicians' legislative activities present significantly high stock returns, indicating investors' perception of policy risk. We find that the diverse political strategies firms implement 1) successfully mitigate such policy risk, 2) help firms to acquire more lucrative procurement contracts, and 3) even get firms in trouble with legal issues. Additional results reveal that poor stock performance related to litigation is significantly recovered by political connections. Overall, our results reflect that investors view corporate political activities as effective hedging strategies against policy risk. Collectively, politics plays a critical role in determining corporate policies and/or value.
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Griffen, John Richard. "The politics of ownership and the transformation of corporate governance in Germany, 1973-1995." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10776.
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Fedorochko, Nicholas R. "Money and Power: Industry Concentration as a Determinant of Corporate Lobbying Activity." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2145.
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Amid increasing trends of market concentration and corporate political activity in the United States, this thesis takes a quantitative approach to evaluating Luigi Zingales’ political theory of the firm. Using data from the Economic Census and from the Center for Responsive Politics, I find that concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of establishments exhibits a significant positive relationship to corporate lobbying at the intensive margin. On the other hand, concentration as measured by four and eight largest firms’ share of employment exhibits a significant negative relationship on politically active firms’ decision to lobby at the extensive margin. Through drawing upon existing quantitative literature on this subject, I conclude that Zingales’ theory remains sound and its implications on the political economy of the United States are bleak. Further research should look into politically feasible policy solutions to this troubling relationship.
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Kaye, Deborah Allison. "Between ghetto and state: Religious policy, liberal reformand Jewish corporate politics in Piedmont, 1821-1831." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280712.
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This dissertation considers the relationship between religious policy and liberal reform in Italy after the Congress of Vienna in 1815 by examining how the royal and civic administrations in the newly restored kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont grappled with the enforcement of religious policies governing the Jewish corporate community in the 1820s. It argues that modern state formation in Restoration Piedmont was the product of struggles between the state and various corporate interests over the direction and enforcement of Jewish policies designed to expropriate Jewish-owned properties. The failure to implement Jewish policies, including among other laws, prohibitions against property ownership and enforced ghettoization, resulted in as series of legislative debates that eventually culminated in Jewish emancipation by 1848. First, this study considers negotiations between the papacy and the Savoyard state over the forced sale of Jewish-owned property and the secularization of formerly ecclesiastical properties. Related issues discussed include debates surrounding the forced baptism and kidnapping of Jewish children in Genoa, revealing ways in which the church attempted to assert its power in the neo-absolutist state. Second, this dissertation examines processes involved in state-directed ghettoization, demonstrating that "ghetto" policies served as a means to expand Jewish real estate investment in Piedmont rather than confine and restrict Jewish business activities. Jewish family firms emerge as allies of the state as revealed in a case study of the Jewish silk manufacturing firm of David Levi e figli. Evidence relating to the study Jewish-Christian relations in Piedmont include debates over the hiring of female Christian servants in the ghetto and Christian tenants leasing from Jewish landlords suggest that the revival of ancien regime Jewish laws were inapplicable. In the end, by exploring specific patterns within the Jewish legal appeal process and debates that ensued, these research findings provide a new way of modelling the constitutional and institutional transformations that emerged in the Savoyard state as it struggled to establish hegemony in the decades following French Imperial rule.
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Usoroh, Ini Etim. "Can the law assist corporate social responsibility to deliver sustainable development to the Niger Delta?" Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2011. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/1923/.
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Corporate social responsibility (CSR) involves striving for balance between environmental, social and economic performances of business. Encouraged by growing pressure for transparency and accountability in business, CSR constitutes an overall contribution of business to sustainable development; hence, healthy business requires a healthy community. The research asks if the law can assist CSR to deliver sustainable development to the underdeveloped but oil-rich Niger Delta, establishing areas of good practice whereby oil companies support the region's economy and social needs through their CSR activities. However, regulations do bring about social change thus business are obliged to obey the laws, codes of good practice and initiatives. Although CSR is not business' primary responsibilities, business can encourage poverty reduction and societal development. The analysis of Nigerian oil production laws reveals that court interpretations regarding rising number of oil-related litigations and procedures of settlements, neglects of oil commuities and compensation payments have become difficult. While the outcomes of Joint Venture Arrangement (JVAs) crucially affect CSR performance, the need for reforms is necessary. Using the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) criteria, the analysis of Shell Petroleum Development Corporation (SPDC)'s CSR performance in Nigeria reveals that while improvements are needed in some areas including envitonmental and human rights protections, consultation and dialogue, overall, the research shows that the company positively affects the region. The research establishes that through effective enforcement, the law can assist CSR to deliver sustainable societal development. It is concluded that until CSR is made compulsory supported by legislations to guide businesses, the full gains of CSR cannot be achieved. Hence, the research offers a detailed novel definition of CSR to make businesses become more liable as the existing model allows them to act voluntarily. Using novel models, the research demonstrates how sustainable development can be attained through CSR and considering compulsory legislations, enforcement, compliance, stakeholders' integration, consultation, dialoge and prolific partnerships. The research also offers Government Social Responsibility (GSR), a concept to further governments' commitments to their citizens.
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Leung, Yin-hung Joan. "Corporatist trends in public policy-making in Hong Kong." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 1989. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31976001.
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Leung, Yin-hung Joan, and 梁燕紅. "Corporatist trends in public policy-making in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1989. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976001.
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Mullery, Colleen Bridget. "A Structural Analysis of Corporate Political Activity: An Application of Euclidean Modeling to the Study of Intercorporate Relations." PDXScholar, 1991. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1303.
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During the past two decades business has become increasingly active in the political process, and scholars continue to debate the extent to which this activity is organized. This fundamental issue is addressed by examining corporate political activity within the context of resource dependence and class cohesion theories. Political action committee (PAC) campaign contributions, this study's measure for corporate political activity, are structurally analyzed to determine if either resource dependence or class cohesion theory explains the forces which drive business participation in the U.S. public policy process. The rationale which forty-two diverse corporate PACs exercise when selecting which congressional campaigns to support during two election cycles is explored. Resource dependence theory contends .that a firm's behavior is a function of its dependence on the environment for resources. Successful firms attempt to manage this external dependence by controlling or manipulating their environment corporate involvement in politics, therefore, will reflect a firm's dependence on the government for sales, subsidies or regulation. The regulatory environment in which a firm operates is this study's measure of resource dependence. Conversely, class cohesion theory argues that a firm's political activity is a function of its top management's inclusion in a network of corporate elites. Board members and chief executives from the nation's largest corporations coalesce to advance a political agenda which is compatible with the overarching goals of the business community rather than the parochial goals of an individual firm or even industry. Interlocking directorates, professional association memberships, shared educational experience and geographic proximity of headquarters locations are this study's indicators of a corporate elite network. Two categories of analytical methodology are applied. Multidimensional scaling maps corporate patterns of support for congressional candidates based on a PAC contribution proximity measure. These patterns are subsequently subjected to discriminant analysis, canonical correlation, regression and chi-square analysis to test for Resource Dependent and Class Cohesive political behavior. The results are conclusive: Support of selected congressional campaigns is more likely fueled by fragmented business interests, as resource dependence theory suggests, rather than the collective motives of a corporate elite. In fact, no support emerged for class cohesion theory as an explanation for the observed patterns of intercorporate relations. Further, a corollary proposition that PAC activity will vary with the ideology of White House administrations is not supported. Rather, PAC contribution patterns do not vary significantly between the Carter and Reagan administrations. This research renders four significant contributions to scholarship: 1. It provides empirical evidence to clarify a central issue in business-government relations, i.e., the atomistic or collective nature of corporate political activity. 2. It introduces a rigorous mathematical technique to the business-government relations discipline. 3. It indirectly addresses an ongoing scholarly debate over the role of interest groups in a democracy. 4. It indirectly addresses the current public policy debate over campaign finance reform.
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Kimmet, Philip, and n/a. "The Politics of Good Governance in the Asean 4." Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060307.141018.
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'Good governance' is an evolving and increasingly influential discursive agenda that introduces new ideas about public policy, specifically targeting managerial behaviour and promoting modern administrative strategies. Most scholars agree that as a notion, good governance combines liberal democratic principles with a 'new public management' (NPM) approach to economic policy-making. What is less clear is who the agenda actually targets. In other words, is the good governance agenda aimed at rulers in particular or the broader population? Implicit in the answer is whether good governance concepts are simply useful tools to help build political credibility, or the agents for better managerial and administrative outcomes. In countries with advanced economies, good governance is invariably used to describe corporate and public administration strategies that invoke ethically grounded 'World's best practice' standards and procedures. However, in developing economies, good governance can take on quite different, and often unintended meanings. This thesis finds that in developing countries good governance is being expressed more as a political tool than as substantive practice and policy reform. This is occurring in an increasingly 'post-Washington consensus' environment that explicitly recognises the importance of the social impact of structural adjustment programs and broader issues of human rights. And importantly as far as this thesis is concerned, during Southeast Asia's current economic recovery, good governance has taken on a whole new relevance. This analysis commences from the assumption that good governance is a discursively created phenomenon that can be understood as a complex notion with both structural and ideational elements. The term is couched in a structure that is both economically technical and socially normative. It has overlapping central tenets driven by regulation and the institutional environment, and should not be viewed as a set of constructs in isolation from the context in which it is being used. And it is based on assumptions about common sense attitudes and shared common good objectives. And as this thesis will demonstrate, good governance functions within an unpredictable and often hostile political environment in which powerful actors are learning to use this new discourse to satisfy political expediencies. Put simply, good governance is nourishing a politics of its own. The thesis uses the ASEAN 4 countries of Southeast Asia: the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia, as individual and comparative case studies. The studies examine how the concept is shaping the institutional structure of these countries, and includes commentary on the role of good governance in the 2004 round of election campaigning. A genealogy of good governance will be developed in these local contexts, and more generally. This will assist in mapping the concept's evolution in relation to development trajectories and local politics. The hypothesis under examination is - that the good governance agendas in the ASEAN 4 states primarily focus on improving representative rule rather than encouraging self-regulation. Two questions in particular are asked in each of the case studies dor the purpose of testing this hypothesis. What defining features of good governance discourse have been instrumental in the emergence of the politics that surrounds the agenda, and how is the discourse used to expand or limit the democratic possibilities theoretically inherent in good governance strategies and processes? These questions are important because they're designed to bring clarity to the intent of government and the role that the governed play in states where good governance is an increasingly important political issue. Good governance is more than merely a set of prescribed policies and practices. It is an agenda that reflects a specific set of 'neoliberal' ideas, predicated upon generally unarticulated assumptions about the universality of modern administrative practices supported by normative behavioural change. And it appears to privilege specific interests with potentially unjust implications for wider social formations. This assertion pivots on the finding that in various ways good governance discourages the advancement of open politics beyond nominal democratic procedures because it is theoretically grounded on governance principles that are not easily transferred to developing countries with diverging political, cultural and historical experience. Nevertheless, the attempt is underway. Ostensibly it is taking a form that is schooling targeted populations in what is 'good' and 'bad' in the economic interest of the nation. However, these efforts don't appear to be succeeding, at least not in the way the international architects of good governance intended. This thesis finds that this 'mentality' transformation project is clearly informed by Western experience. And this informs the theoretical approach of the thesis. Specifically, a 'governmentality' framework is used, largely because it has been developed out of analyses of rationalities of government in advanced liberal societies, in which the objectives of good governance are firmly grounded. And as this expanding research program has seldom been used to study government in developing countries, this thesis also puts a case for using governmentality tools beyond the boundaries of its modern Western foundations.
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McCusker, Monique. "The politics and micro-politics of professionalization : an ethnographic study of a professional NGO and its interface with the state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1447.
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Curtis, Peter. "Corporatism and the state in the Netherlands, 1945-1979." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc981.pdf.
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Gemmell, Fraser. "The politics of corporate investment : the impact of the Resource Management Act on investment certainty in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422463.
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Geller, Gabriel. "Essays on the role of politics in comparative finance and governance." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/9107.
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Doutoramento em Gestão - Especialização em FinançasA questão de investigação central da presente dissertação é averiguar como as preferências e as instituições políticas contribuem para a explicação das diferenças de desenvolvimento financeiro e governação de empresas entre países, ao longo do tempo. Apesar da literatura demonstrar que as finanças podem impulsionar o crescimento económico, vários países não tomam as medidas necessárias para desenvolver seu sistema financeiro. Além disso, não houve uma forte convergência nas estruturas de governação de empresas entre países. Este trabalho é composto por quatro capítulos independentes que têm como objectivo contribuir para a literatura nesta área, testando algumas hipóteses originais. O primeiro capítulo revê e discute a literatura e contextualiza o problema de investigação, ressaltando a importância do aspecto político. No segundo capítulo, apresenta-se a argumentação e a evidência empírica de que os resultados contraditórios na relação entre o poder da esquerda e o desenvolvimento dos mercado de acções ocorre porque esta relação mudou de direcção (de negativa a positiva) após o fim da União Soviética. Mostra-se ainda, que o conflito Esquerda vs. Direita é muito relevante para os mercados nas economias emergentes, mas não nos países desenvolvidos. No terceiro capítulo desenvolvem-se novos índices para medir o nível de “consensualismo” político, e apresenta-se evidência empírica da associação entre consensualismo e protecção legal aos credores (positiva), aos accionistas minoritários (negativa) e à concentração de propriedade no mercado de acções (positiva). Segue-se uma possível explicação teórica que considera a disputa política entre os grandes capitalistas, os pequenos capitalistas e os trabalhadores. Finalmente, o quarto capítulo mostra evidência empírica da relação curvilínea, em forma de U, entre democracia e o desenvolvimento de mercados de capitais.
The central research question in this thesis is how political preferences and institutions contribute to explaining the variation in financial development and corporate governance between countries, and over time. Although the literature shows that finance can spur growth, several countries have still not implemented the right measures for developing their financial sector. There has also been a lack of strong convergence in corporate governance structures across countries. This study is composed of four independent chapters that aim to contribute to the literature in this field by testing some original hypotheses. The first chapter reviews and discusses the literature and contextualizes the research problem, stressing the role of politics. In the second chapter, we show empirical evidence that the contradictory findings in the association between leftist power and stock market development occur because the association between the two changed direction (from negative to positive) after the fall of the Soviet Union. We also show that the left vs. right conflict has a strong influence on markets in emerging countries, but not in developed ones. In the third chapter we develop new indexes for measuring political consensualism and empirically show the association between consensualism and legal protection for creditors (positive), for minority shareholders (negative), and ownership concentration (positive). We provide a theoretical explanation for the political bargaining between large-scale capitalists, small-scale capitalists and workers. Finally, in the fourth chapter we present empirical evidence of a curvilinear U-shaped relationship between democracy and stock market development.
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Wu, Yiu-chung. "A feasibility study for adopting a corporatist perspective for housing policy formulation in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1300959X.
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Palmer, Maxwell Benjamin. "Time and Political Power." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11342.
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Limited time is an important constraint and resource that is fundamental to governing. This dissertation studies the connection between limited time and political power in three different contexts.Government
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Bosman, Estelle. "Public corporate governance with specific emphasis on accountability." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95639.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Corporate governance systems have evolved over centuries, often in response to corporate failures or system crises. From the early 1990s in South Africa, corporate governance began to reach prominence, prompted by losses from fraudulent activities within corporate entities such as Masterbond, Fidentia and Enron. Corporate governance is aimed at curtailing such fraudulent behaviour. In 1994, the elected democratic majority government of South Africa found that there were no standard rules or principles in place to either control or govern the delivery of services and the carrying out of policies. Government then made corporate governance a significant part of their strategic vision of restructuring. A protocol on corporate governance was published to provide guidance, specifically to the public sector in South Africa. In line with the protocol, policies and procedures were put in place in order to assist the public sector to meet corporate governance standards and best practice. It is apparent that the lack of systematic accountability can cost the public sector and the taxpayers of South Africa millions in terms of redoing work, inefficiency, workplace conflicts and misunderstandings. This in turn leads to ineffective work practices and leadership. This research study set out to establish how accountable the public sector is, specifically the Western Cape Government, concerning the protocol and the policies and procedures that are in place. The study aimed to evaluate the accountability of project coordinators within the Western Cape Government, specifically on construction projects. The literature review in the research report identifies the roles and responsibilities, stipulated in the policies and procedures, that the public sector needs to adhere to in order to be accountable. A scorecard was compiled to cross check the accountability of staff within the Western Cape Government in line with the policies and procedures in place. A construction project was used as an example on the scorecard and the outcome thereof is published in the report. This research report reveals the shortcoming of governance and specifically accountability within governance and determines how it could be addressed.
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Kök-Kalaycı, İrem. "Politics of transparency : contested spaces of corporate responsibility, science and regulation in shale gas projects of the UK and the US." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:79f34c61-709d-44f1-ae1c-c298cd4cb07c.
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This thesis presents a political geography of transparency, regulation and resource making in shale gas projects in the United Kingdom (UK) and the United States (US). The emergence of shale gas as a politically and economically desirable resource occupied national political aspirations, most notably in the US and to some extent in the UK, for reasons of energy security and economic development. Although shale gas has become a globally desirable resource, this thesis shows that the resource is not same everywhere. Following knowledge making practices in distinct regulatory regimes of the UK and the US, I trace how making of shale gas resource is subjected to contestation in a range of technical fields, such as law, economics, geosciences and environmental impact assessment. The study is based on in-depth analysis of technical and policy documents, and interviews with a wide range of actors (i.e. regulators, gas companies, investors, scientists, landowners), and field visits in the US (New York, Pennsylvania and Texas) and the UK (Lancashire, Litchfield and London). Drawing on theoretical insights from the Science and Technology Studies (STS), legal and resource geographies, I empirically showed that both regulatory practices and resource materialities matter in encapsulating making of shale gas projects in different national contexts. Documenting how information production and its contestation is entangled with assemblages of materials and technologies, as well as regulatory, geoscientific and market interventions in the context of the UK and the US, this thesis offers an alternative account of the geography of transparency and regulation regarding the development of shale gas policies. The political viability of shale projects depends on how these informational spaces are generated, contested and transformed in nationally specific scientific practices and regulatory regimes.
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Látalová, Silvie. "Hodnocení společenské odpovědnosti vybrané organizace pomocí metody KORP." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192758.
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This Master's Thesis deals with the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility from the theoretical as well as practical perspective. In the theoretical part the most attention is dedicated to a definition of the concept, it's main principles, evolution, and benefits for different groups of stakeholders as well as arguments against the concept. The goal of the practical part is to analyse and evaluate the level of the Corporate Social Responsibility in the selected organization, determine strengths and weaknesses and give recommendations to improve the organization's CSR profile. Method of National award of Czech Republic for the Corporate Social Responsibility is used.
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Lewis, William R. "Reframing strategic inertia : the politics of innovation and the case of GM biotechnology." Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20061/.
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In a broad sense this thesis concerns the politics (and ethics) of strategic management, organisational psychology, organisational narratives, knowledge management and conditions of innovation. More specifically, this is research into the dimension of politics and the legitimacy of power relations within the synchronization of time and space in social organisations, typically as part of the design and implementation of strategy, in context of organisational definitions of innovation and contestations of 'the new'. With a conceptual archaeology, the thesis contends that strategy research focuses on the nodal concepts of 'inertia', 'adaptation' and 'friction', in context of three past conceptual frameworks: namely, Newtonian mechanics, Hobbesian interpretations of evolution, and Clausewitzian military theory. A genealogical approach is used to reveal the persistent influence of the Newtonian notion of simultaneity (absolute time and absolute space) across these three frameworks in their combinatorial guise in the discourse of strategic management. The genealogy unfreezes the nodal concepts by showing the history of their contingent construction and selection. Finally, a critical analysis scrutinizes the contextual appropriateness of applying the concept of simultaneity to social matters. The thesis rejects simultaneity and its dominant position as an 'articulatory practice' of organisational strategy. By decoupling the notion of simultaneity from frames through which sense is made of motion and events, the grip that structuralism has on organisational strategy is loosened and by substituting simultaneity with political power the implications for strategic management become clear. The approach draws from Political Discourse Theory to reframe the strategy discourse, in its current conception, as hegemonic and an antagonistic system of 'Politics' that, instead of facilitating either stability or innovation, leads, instead, to 'conceptual inertia' and economic stagnation, by repressing emergences of 'the Political'. The thesis proposes a strategy of 'agonism' as an alternative. Rather than replacing one despotic concept with another, the suggestion of agonistic strategy is made because agonism allows for its own reinterpretation, thus does not represent a sedimented centre of a discourse. In this way, agonism is less susceptible to stagnation, and more amenable to innovation. The theoretical framework is then accompanied with a study of the design and implementation of strategy within a research institute engaged with the innovation of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) using the CRISPR-cas9 technique. The selection of this case organisation allows for an analysis of the politics and power relations at play in the definitions of innovation, and a means to ground a study of the social construction of reality within an empirical setting regarding the strategic development of genetic constructs.
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Ridenour, Kathryn. "Corruption, Coordination, and Corporate Cash: Re-examining Citizens United in the Era of Super PACs and Dark Money." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1864.
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This work argues that the Supreme Court incorrectly decided the case of Citizens United v. FEC (2010). Beginning with an analysis of past campaign finance law and jurisprudence, this paper then outlines the fact of the case in Citizens United and assesses each of the principle claims made by the majority and dissenting opinions. The analysis then pivots to a practical examination of the immediate legal and regulatory consequences of the decision, namely detailing the advent of super PACs. Furthermore, this paper evaluates the magnitude of super PAC and related dark money spending in the years following the decision and speculates about its impact on elections and shifting public opinion. Drawing from the historical precedent and empiric spending reality, this paper formally reargues the Citizens United case, striking down the five identified premises in the majority opinion’s ruling. These premises are as follows: money is speech, corporations are entitled to the same rights as natural persons, the governmental anticorruption interest is limited to only quid pro quo exchanges, the antidistortion rationale is unconstitutional, and disclosure requirements provide sufficient information to ensure transparency. This inquiry concludes that unlimited corporate independent expenditures have a distortionary impact on the electoral system, presenting a unique corruption threat. As such, Citizens United should be formally overturned.
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Wu, Yiu-chung, and 胡耀聰. "A feasibility study for adopting a corporatist perspective for housingpolicy formulation in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976438.
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Jones, Glyn Robert Walter. "The effects of the 1989-97 French administrative reforms on the ministerial field services : the explanatory insights of Burgelman's model of the interaction of strategic behaviour, corporate context and the concept of strategy." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2003. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/612/.
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The research investigates the effects of the 1989-92 Public Service Renewal and 1995-1997 Reform of the State administrative reform programme on the ministerial field services. These reforms, through the processes of deconcentration and responsibilisation, delegated increased autonomy to the firld services in their operational management to enable them to improve their delivery of policy objectives. The primary research question was whether operational and institutional factors at field service level impeded or facilitated moves towards a more managerial logic of appropriateness as envisaged by the reform programmes. Through an institutional analysis of the French administrative reform process, a number of institutional and operational factors were identified that would determine the capacity of the field services to engage in the reform process. These factors included the concessions made by the reforms to the field services in budgetary and human resource management, the incentives for field service officials to participate and the extent to which both the field services and their central Ministries were able to adjust to the requirements of the reform. In addition, there were the conservative influences of the trade unions, the effects of budgetary cutbacks and the contextual backgrounds of the respective Ministries that were influences on the receptivity of the field service to change. Burgelman's 'Model of the Interaction of Strategic Behavior, Corporate Context and the Concept of Strategy' was used as the theeoretical framework through which the findings from the fieldwork investigations conducted in the Education, Agriculture and Infrastructure Ministries were interpreted. The theoretical framework was found to be applicable to the French administrative context through its articulation of those over their operations and to show greater initiative. Burgelman's criteria for autonomous strategic behaviour were, therefore, adapted to the French administrative reform context and utilised as a structural framework through which the research findings were presented. The establishment of whether the respective criterial had been met provided a means to identify those institutional and operational variables which influenced the capacity of the field services to exercise greater autonomy in their operational management. The explanatory insights of Burgelman's model show how the resilience of traditional institutional features and the effects of budgetary cutbacks minimised the impact of the Public Service Renewal and the Reform of the State programmes in those field services of the Education, Agriculture and Infrastructure Ministries where fieldwork was carried out. The conditions within the French administration were found to be more constraining on the organisational behaviour of officials than Burgelman's model, based on a large scale private sector organisation envisages. Burgelman's model was able to identify the organisational dynamics that constrain reform, but was not able to trace the source of these constraints into a wider social context. It was found that insights from sociological and rational choise institutionalist perspectives clarified the missing social elements of Burgelman's model. The final chapter examines how the organisational dynamics identified in the study could be used as the basis for a generalised framework.
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Barker, Roger M. "Competition, parties and the determinants of change in European corporate governance : a macro-comparative analysis /." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:31d9f1df-60e4-413d-80b2-e35e8790bac9.
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Coda, Stefano. "Business combinations and group of companies : perspectives from accounting, law and corporate finance." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01E072.
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Dans le cadre général des regroupements d'entreprises et des groupes de sociétés, cette thèse porte sur des questions d'intérêt à la croisée de la comptabilité, du droit (notamment les dispositions légales et la réglementation comptable) et de la finance d'entreprise. En ce qui concerne la théorie comptable, le chapitre 2 étudie comment les chercheurs en économie d'entreprise ont compris les groupes d'entreprises, les comptes de groupe et le processus de leur préparation, en particulier par rapport aux juristes italiens. Ensuite, le chapitre 3 reconstruit le processus politique et législatif qui a engendré la naissance du concept de groupe de sociétés dans le corpus juridique italien.Concernant le droit et la politique comptable, une analyse comparative est effectuée au chapitre 4qui montre clairement l'évolution de la notion de contrôle et de son utilisation dans les comptes consolidés (comptes de groupe) et les regroupements d'entreprises (I) en droit européen, (II) selon les normes comptables internationales publiées par l'IASB (International Accounting Standards Board) et (III) par rapport aux principes comptables généralement admis aux États-Unis («USGAAP»). De plus, les chapitres 5 et 6 étudient les effets du lobbying sur les normes comptables concernant les états financiers consolidés et les regroupements d'entreprises publiés par l'IASB. Fait intéressant, les résultats concordent avec une forme de capture du normalisateur comptable international par une catégorie d'institutions financières. En effet, confrontées à un modèle de consolidation prétendument basé sur le contrôle, ces dernières ont plaidé en faveur d'une exception de consolidation fondée sur un modèle de propriété et documentée comme ayant été proposée par les sociétés d'audit américaines dans ce contexte au moins depuis 1995. Ce modèle s’avère avoir trouvé un terrain fertile au sein de l'IASB. En conséquence, d'autres catégories d'institutions financières,telles que les fonds d'investissement à long terme et ceux gérés par une famille tout en préférant un modèle de consolidation différent, ne sont plus autorisées à présenter des états financiers consolidés. En ce qui concerne la finance d’entreprise, le chapitre 7 analyse les implications de différentes décisions de financement dans un nouveau échantillon de fusions et acquisitions entre institutions financières (banques et assurances) consommées dans le monde entier au cours des deux dernières décennies. En particulier, il étudie (I) la relation entre la méthode de choix de paiement (si le prix est payé en cash, en actions ou une combinaison des deux) et le choix du mode de financement d'un regroupement d'entreprises (y compris les instruments hybrides) et (II) la réaction des investisseurs à l'annonce de la combinaison. En ce qui concerne ce dernier point, l'utilisation de deux tests non paramétriques permet de détecter une relation intéressante entre la réaction du marché à l'annonce et les différents modes attendus de financement de la transactionIn the broad context of business combinations and group of companies, this thesis selects some matters of interest at the crossroad between accounting, law (especially legal provisions and accounting regulation) and corporate finance.Concerning accounting theory, chapter 2 studies how business economics scholars understood groups of companies, group accounts and the process for their preparation in particular compared to Italian legal scholars. Then, chapter 3 reconstructs the political and legislative process that brought about the birth of the concept of group of companies in the Italian legal corpus. Concerning law and accounting policy, a comparative analysis is carried out in chapter 4 which clearly shows how the notion of control and its use in consolidated financial statements (group accounts) and business combinations accounting evolved (I) in European law, (II) under international accounting standards as issued by the IASB – International Accounting StandardsBoard and (III) in US GAAP (Generally Accepted Accounting Principles). Moreover, chapters 5 and 6 investigate the effects of lobbying on accounting standards on consolidated financial statements and business combinations issued by the IASB. Interestingly, results are consistent with a regulatory capture of the international standard setter by a category of financial institutions. In fact, confronted with a consolidation model purportedly based on control, the latter lobbied in favour of a consolidation exception which is based on an ownership view and is documented to have been proposed by US audit companies in that context at least from 1995. That view found a fertile ground within the IASB. As a result, other categories of financial institutions such as long term investment funds and those run by a family preferring a different consolidation model are now prohibited from presenting consolidated financial statement. Concerning corporate finance, chapter 7 studies the implications of different financing decisions ina novel and comprehensive sample of cases of mergers and acquisitions across and between financial institutions (banks and insurances) consummated worldwide around almost the last twodecades. In particular, it investigates (I) the relationship between the method of payment choice (i.e. if the price is paid in cash, stock or a mixture of the two) and the choice regarding the mode offinancing a business combination (including hybrid instruments) and (II) investors’ reaction at the combination announcement. As to the latter point, the use of two non-parametric tests allows todetect an interesting relationship between the market reaction at announcement and the different expected modes of financing the transaction
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Moen, Siri. "Managing political risk : corporate social responsibility as a risk mitigation tool. A focus on the Niger Delta, southern Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20189.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The petroleum industry concern itself with natural resource extracting activities which are highly sensitive for contributing to environmental degradation by oil spills or gas flaring. A large proportion of the world’s oil and gas reserves is located in developing countries where the presence of multinational oil corporations (MNOCs) is high as host countries often lack the infrastructure needed or are financially unable to conduct extracting operations on their own. The Niger Delta in southern Nigeria has one of the largest oil reserves in Africa and is one of the world’s leading oil exporters. MNOCs like Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil and Statoil are some of the firms present in the Niger Delta region. The oil-rich area in the developing country poses high levels of political risk for the MNOCs. Local grievances, paired with environmental degradation and human rights violations by the oil companies, have led to a tense relationship between the local stakeholders and the MNOCs, with so-called petro-violence at the center of the oil conflict. Frequently, oil installations are sabotaged and crude oil is stolen, causing major financial losses for the firms, and armed attacks on oil facilities and kidnapping of MNOCs’ staff constitute the majority of political risks facing MNOCs operating in the Niger Delta. This study investigates how MNOCs can successfully manage such political risks, providing a business advantage in a challenging business environment. By addressing the companys’ own behaviour, the research analyses if social engagement through corporate social responsibility (CSR) can mitigate political risk in the Niger Delta. The study looks at two different MNOCs operating in the Niger delta, Shell and Statoil, and scrutinises their methods of implementation of their CSR initiatives. The difference in approaches to CSR is elucidated where Shell claims it has repositioned its approach from a top-down angle during the first years of conducting CSR projects, to a more stakeholder-oriented approach. Yet, their approach is still found to carry elements of the previous top-down approach, and has not resulted in satisfactory performance in relation to stated goals. Statoil undertakes a stakeholder-oriented bottom-up approach, executed with a high level of commitment. The stated CSR goals have to a great extent been met. By assessing the two companies’ CSR strategies in relation to the frequency of political risks experienced by each MNOC, the study finds that CSR has the potential to mitigate political risk depending on the approach to implementation, and could serve as a political risk management strategy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die brandstofbedryf is betrokke by die ontginning van natuurlike hulpbronne, ’n aktiwiteit wat hoogs sensitief is vir sy bydrae tot omgewingsbesoedeling as gevolg van storting van olie en opvlamming van gas. ’n Baie groot deel van die wêreld se olie en gas reserwes word aangetref in ontwikkelende lande. Die teenwoordigheid van Multinasionale Olie Korporasies (MNOKs) in hierdie lande is groot omdat daar gewoonlik ’n gebrek aan toepaslike infrastruktuur is en die lande ook nie finansieel in staat mag wees om die ontginning op hulle eie te doen nie. Die Niger Delta in die Suide van Nigerië beskik oor een van die grootste olie reserwes in Afrika en is een van die voorste olie uitvoerders in die wêreld. Shell, Chevron, Total, ExxonMobil en Statoil is van die bekende MNOK wat ontginning doen in die Niger Delta gebied. Die olieryke gebiede in ’n ontwikkelende land kan groot politieke risiko vir die MNOKs inhou. Plaaslike griewe gekoppel aan omgewings besoedeling en menseregte skendings deur die oliemaatskappye het gelei tot ’n gespanne verhouding tussen hulle en die plaaslike belange groepe, en sogenaamde “petrogeweld” staan sentraal hierin. Heel gereeld word olie-installasies gesaboteer en ru-olie word gesteel, wat natuurlik groot finansiële verliese die firmas inhou. Daarby word gewapende aanvalle op die olie-installasies uitgevoer en van die MNOKs se personeel ontvoer. Al hierdie dinge vorm die groot politieke risiko’s wat die MNOKs in die Niger Delta in die gesig staar. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe die MNOKs met welslae hierdie politieke risiko’s kan teenwerk om vir hulle ’n suksesvolle besigheid te vestig in ’n baie mededingende bedryfsomgewing. Deur te kyk na die maatskappy se eie gedrag, sal die navorsing analiseer of gemeenskapsbetrokkenheid deur korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid (KSV) die politieke risiko in die Niger Delta kan temper. Die studie kyk na twee verskillende MNOK wat in die gebied bedryf word, Shell en Statoil, en kyk noukeurig na die manier waarop hulle KSV inisiatiewe toegepas word. Die verskil in benadering tot die probleem word toegelig deur die feit dat Shell beweer dat hulle ’n bo-na-onder benadering in die beginjare van KSV projekte verander het na ’n beleid waar meer na die betrokkenheid van belangegroepe gekyk word. Tog word gevind dat daar nog oorblyfsels is van die bo-na-onder benadering en dat doelwitte wat gestel is nie bevredigend bereik is nie. Statoil daarenteen. Implementeer ’n onder-na-bo benadering met betrokkenheid van belangegroepe en ’n hoë vlak van toewyding deur die maatskappy. Die gestelde KSV doelwitte is grootliks behaal. Deur te kyk na die twee maatskappye se ervaring van politieke risiko in verhouding met hulle KSV strategieë bevind hierdie studie dat KSV wel die potensiaal het om, as dit suksesvol toegepas word, politieke risiko te temper en dus kan die as ’n strategie om sodanige risiko te bestuur.
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Abunasser, Rima Jamil. "Corporate Christians and Terrible Turks: Economics, Aesthetics, and the Representation of Empire in the Early British Travel Narrative, 1630 - 1780." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4444/.
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This dissertation examines the evolution of the early English travel narrative as it relates to the development and application of mercantilist economic practices, theories of aesthetic representation, and discourses of gender and narrative authority. I attempt to redress an imbalance in critical work on pre-colonialism and colonialism, which has tended to focus either on the Renaissance, as exemplified by the works of critics such as Stephen Greenblatt and John Gillies, or on the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, as in the work of scholars such as Srinivas Aravamudan and Edward Said. This critical gap has left early travel narratives by Sir Francis Moore, Jonathan Harris, Penelope Aubin, and others largely neglected. These early writers, I argue, adapted the conventions of the travel narrative while relying on the authority of contemporary commercial practices. The early English travelers modified contemporary conventions of aesthetic representation by formulating their descriptions of non-European cultures in terms of the economic and political conventions and rivalries of the early eighteenth century. Early English travel literature, I demonstrate, functioned as a politically motivated medium that served both as a marker of authenticity, justifying the colonial and imperial ventures that would flourish in the nineteenth century, and as a forum for experimentation with English notions of gender and narrative authority.
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Bjelkanovic, Boris. "Global politics and Sport : Positioning of the football club as a global actor inspired by global agendas of sustainable development; Case study of Malmö FF." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-18653.
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Brás, Sara Luísa Bettencourt da Silva Camacho. "O designer interventivo." Master's thesis, Universidade de Lisboa. Faculdade de Arquitetura, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/12148.
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Yung, Kin Chung. "Corporate political connection and corporate governance : a Hong Kong study." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.556670.
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The present study aims to investigate the political connection of corporations and the impact of such connection on corporate governance in Hong Kong. Corporate governance is important to Hong Kong, which positions itself as an international financial centre, and corporate political connection is a widely concerned issue bearing potentially significant impacts on corporate governance. However, rarely has local past research drawn a link between corporate political connection and corporate governance. It is hoped that through a detailed study of the topic, the current corporate governance problems incurred by the political connection of the business sector in Hong Kong can be better understood, managed, and resolved. It is also hoped that the research effort of this study can help to fill the gap of the existing literature. This study is both quantitative and qualitative. The quantitative analysis was conducted to test the various characteristics of politically connected companies as opposed to unconnected companies. The qualitative part of the analysis focused on three in-depth case studies based on documentary evidence from multiple sources. The two complementary analyses provided multi-perspective exploration into the topic. The statistical findings confirmed that more influential local companies in terms of scale, ownership mode and industry type are more connected with politics. The case studies revealed how local corporate governance has been adversely affected by increasing corporate political connection. While highlighting corporate governance problems brought about by corporate political connection, this study affirms the necessity of the connection from a cultural and political point of view. Political-legal mechanisms are recommended for monitoring government-corporate interactions to ensure that all corporate stakeholders and the society as a whole can benefit from a healthy and constructive corporate governance culture.
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Uygur, Ozge. "CEO POLITICAL DONATIONS AND CORPORATE GOVERNANCE." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/100132.
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Business Administration/FinancePh.D.
This dissertation studies the association between CEO ability and various aspects of corporate governance, specifically firm performance, executive compensation contracts and firm opacity. In the first essay of this dissertation (Chapter 2), I examine the effect of CEO ability on firm performance. My analysis uses a unique instrument of CEO ability that is based on a CEO's commitment decisions in US presidential elections. Intuitively, CEO ability is measured based on how well they forecast US presidential elections, one year prior to the race, relative to the candidates expected chances of winning. I find that this instrument of CEO ability is positively related to firm performance. Interestingly, I find that high ability CEOs have a greater impact on Tobin's q in small firms than in large firms. Yet, high ability CEOs have the greatest dollar impact on shareholder value in large firms. In addition, CEO ability appears to be quite important to outside shareholders in high growth firms. Lastly, I find that CEO ability is positively associated to merger announcement returns, which implies that higher ability CEOs engage in value-creating merger activities. The results are robust to industry and time controls, as well as various tests that consider an alternative explanation focusing on political influence. The second essay (Chapter 3) explores the effect of CEO ability on the structure and level of compensation contracts. I find that CEO ability is positively associated with total compensation level. CEOs in the highest quartile of the ability proxy earn almost $2.2 million more than CEOs in the lowest quartile of CEO ability. Further analysis indicates that CEO compensation structure differs markedly between the highest and lowest ability CEOs. Specifically, I find that the high ability CEOs receive 2.1% more stock based incentives than low ability CEOs. Thus, the low ability CEOs receive more of their pay in the form of cash compensation than do high ability CEOs. Further tests indicate that high ability CEOs have significantly greater variance in their pay than low ability CEOs, specifically due to the higher variance in stock based incentives. Overall, I provide evidence that CEO pay is associated with CEO ability and that CEO ability appears a key issue in designing CEO compensation contracts. In the third essay (Chapter 4), I examine whether CEO ability is related to corporate opacity. I argue that high-ability CEOs may seek to create greater transparency to convey their ability to the market. Simultaneously, low-ability CEOs may be signal-jamming the market's inferences about their talent by limiting the available information. An alternative aspect is that the results are driven by low-ability CEOs who seek to work in opaque firms. My analysis indicates that firms with high-ability CEOs are significantly less opaque than firms with low-ability CEOs. These findings are also robust to using a propensity score matched sample. Finally, I show that the deteriorating impact of corporate opacity on firm performance decreases when the decision belongs to a high-ability CEO, suggesting that opacity is not necessarily value-destructing decision for corporations. Overall, my analysis suggests that CEO ability is an important factor for corporate opacity.
Temple University--Theses
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Kribbe, Hans. "Corporate personality : a political theory of association." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2659/.
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This thesis aims to rescue the tradition of corporation theory from the implications of ontological and ethical individualism, which form important tenets of mainstream political theory. My argument for corporate personality builds on the Lockean and Humean theory of personal identity over time. According to this theory, personal identity is not rooted in the identity of a deep and indivisible Self, but in the relatedness between temporally distinct psychological stages. A person is a group of desires, beliefs, memories, traits and other attitudes, tied together by a causal string. On the best interpretation of the Humean view, personal identity has normative consequences. We are bundles but the string that ties the stages of one life together is formed by the normativity of action-guiding principles and by the mutual recognition of certain associative obligations. This normative claim is often meant to buttress ethical individualism against those who deny that persons exist at all. However, this thesis demonstrates that the claim also reinvigorates the idea of corporate personality. The argument develops along two different strands. First, it is shown that corporate personality is a political theory. It is the theory that compares co-operative relations between people with the co-operative relations between the stages of one person. For contractualist theories, the core virtue is justice. For corporate theories, the highest virtue is integrity. Second, corporation theory makes a real contribution to the field of political theory, in particular in an area where contractualism has traditionally encountered problems, to wit, the continuity of the contract. This thesis argues corporation theory is much more successful in explaining our transgenerational obligations to the past and future.
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Canayaz, Mehmet Ihsan. "Essays in political finance and corporate reputation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8553f55f-187d-4a21-b6f9-5b8009b81127.
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This dissertation consists of three essays which examine topics in finance, political science and corporate reputation. The first essay investigates the movement of individuals between government positions and private sector employment in the United States. We study how such movements influence federal government contracting decisions and stock market returns. We show that the firms which will soon hire government officials receive valuable government contracts, beat consensus earnings forecasts, and outperform in the stock market. Managers of these firms can successfully forecast future firm earnings that come as a surprise to equity analysts. Our findings support a quid pro quo hypothesis, in that firms hire government officials in exchange for valuable government contracts. In the second essay I analyse how the committee seniority system in the United States House of Representatives fosters shifts in federal government contracts towards districts of senior committee members. These shifts induce heterogeneity in firm-level investment and hiring activities, future profitability and long-run stock market returns. They also drive sizable investment spillovers through local supply chains and influence future election results. I show that an investment strategy that exploits the ramifications of committee seniority on local corporate activities generates abnormal stock market returns up to 7.03% per year. Finally, in the last essay we undertake an analysis of the value that the stock market attaches to consumer reputation. Using an extensive database of brand imagery surveys, we capture consumers' perceptions of firms and their products in a small number of key factors and show that the stock market attaches considerable value to them. We also examine whether the stock market values consumer reputation correctly and record evidence that it does not always do so, particularly for firms with good value for money products, and during recessions and periods of weak investor sentiment. These results are confirmed by earnings forecast errors of equity analysts. The trading behaviour of investors suggests that it is retail investors who are particularly prone to misprice consumer reputation during such periods.
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Moreira, Alves Amanda. "Corporate Political Activity in the European Union." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED060.
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L’environnement politique dans lequel une entreprise exerce ses activités peut imposer plusieurs défis à sa performance, tels que de nouvelles taxes et législations qui encourageront leur engagement aux actions politiques (traduction du terme américain Corporate Political Activity – CPA). Ces actions ciblent les acteurs politiques et ont pour objectifs d’obtenir des avantages concurrentiels ou d’éviter des risques institutionnels liés à leur activité. Ces actions peuvent prendre la forme de lobbying, de contributions aux campagnes électorales et de poursuites judiciaires. Plusieurs résultats positifs des CPA sont documentés dans la littérature, mais la plupart d'entre eux font référence à l'environnement américain. Considérant que l'environnement institutionnel est essentiel pour le déploiement et les résultats des CPA, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est d'élargir l'analyse en étudiant l'environnement institutionnel européen. Dans ce but, cette thèse s’appuie sur trois axes de recherche liés au lobbying et aux poursuites judiciaires en utilisant une approche empirique dont l’objectif est d’explorer la dynamique de CPA et son impact sur l’environnement institutionnel européen. Le premier examine les facteurs déterminants de l'accès des entreprises aux représentants de la Commission européenne pour faire du lobbying. Le deuxième étudie l'élaboration de la réglementation du marché de gros d’itinérance afin de comprendre le déploiement des stratégies de lobbying et leurs résultats. Le troisième porte sur le processus décisionnel de la Commission européenne et de la Cour de Justice dans l'octroi des aides d'État dans l'Union européenneThe political environment where a firm operates can impose several challenges to its performance such as new taxes or legislation that will incentivize their engagement on Corporate Political Activities (CPA). These activities target political actors and intend to capture advantages or to avoid institutional risks in their own business environments. They can be deployed in the form of lobbying, campaign contributions, and litigation. The positive outcomes have been already documented in the literature, but most of them refer to the US environment. Taking into consideration that the institutional environment is essential for the deployment and outcomes of CPA, the main goal of this dissertation is to investigate CPA in the European Union level further using an empirical approach. Through three research projects related to lobbying and litigation in the EU, this dissertation explores the dynamics of CPA and how the institutional environment impacts on it. The first project examines the determinants of firms' access to the European Commission representatives. The second project studies the making of the wholesale roaming regulation to understand the deployment of lobbying strategies and their outcomes. The third project investigates the decision-making of the European Commission and the Court of the Justice in the processes of granting state aids in the European Union
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Ometto, Maria Paola Di Sessa de Luca. "Implicit corporate political activity and elite formation." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/12077.
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In this thesis, we analyze how a progressive business elite created the civil society organization Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), achieving significant institutional changes, thus enabling the elite’s consolidation in the political sphere. The research yielded three articles. The first article discusses how RNSP became a strong political actor in the City of São Paulo and also in Brazil. To address this issue, we applied historical constructs to show how RNSP used history to become a central actor in the political sphere. In the second paper, we complement corporate political activity (CPA) theory by adding a new construct, implicit corporate political activity (ICPA), which conceptualizes how business elites together with civil society organizations can influence government. Since government, corporations and civil society organizations now have blurred boundaries; we understand that this concept is extremely important in drawing attention and creating new avenues for research in this novel environment. In the final article, we show the micro foundations of ICPA. Specifically, how business elites and corporations influence RNSP and, indirectly, government. Concluding, we contribute to the literature on how business influences government and the public sphere indirectly, through civil society organizations. Theoretically, we illuminate the literature of institutional theory, history, and power.
Nesta tese, analisamos como a elite empresarial progressista criou a organização da sociedade civil Rede Nossa São Paulo (RNSP), alcançando mudanças institucionais significativas, permitindo assim a consolidação da elite na esfera política. A pesquisa resultou em três artigos. O primeiro artigo discute como a RNSP se tornou um forte ator político na cidade de São Paulo e também no Brasil. Para abordar esta questão, mostramos como a RNSP usou a história retórica para se tornar um ator central na esfera política. No segundo artigo, propomos o conceito de atividade política corporativa implícita (ICPA), complementar a atividade política corporativa. Conceituamos ICPA como elites empresariais em conjunto com organizações da sociedade civil agindo para influenciar o governo. Com os limites entre o governo, as empresas e organizações da sociedade civil difusos; entendemos que este conceito é extremamente importante para chamar a atenção e criar novos caminhos para a pesquisa sobre a influência das empresas no governo. No último artigo, mostramos os micro fundamentos da ICPA. Especificamente, como as elites empresariais e corporações influenciam a RNSP e, indiretamente, o governo. Concluindo, contribuímos para a literatura sobre a influência das empresas no governo e na esfera pública indiretamente, por meio de organizações da sociedade civil. Teoricamente, estendemos a literatura de teoria institucional, história e poder.
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Adams, Timothy Lee. "Discourse and Conflict: The President Barack H. Obama Birth Certificate Controversy and the New Media." TopSCHOLAR®, 2011. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1071.
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A creative exploration of the consequences of public speech in the era of freely accessible, social media, as the author, a former elections official, records and explores the consequences of public dissent in the case of President Barack Obama’s eligibility controversy. This non-fiction narrative culminates with the author’s analysis and observations on both his personal experiences and the state of public speech and political power in contemporary America.
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Tsemo, Victor. "An investigation of CSR as a source of corporate political power." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/621870.
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In political philosophy, power and responsibility are known to be two sides of the same coin. Yet surprisingly, corporate political power has not been strongly featured in the long-standing debate surrounding Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), despite the parallel debate on the influence of business in policy-making. The political dimension of CSR and its intrinsic relationship with Corporate Political Power (CPP) has been under-researched. This thesis adds to the CSR debate by investigating the processes and mechanisms by which CSR activities contribute to the power of the firm in the political arena, in the context of the British construction industry. Drawing on the literature on power, political activity and extended corporate citizenship, a conceptual model of the relationship between CSR and CPP was developed. The model was underpinned by insights from the Institutional Theory, the Resource Dependence Theory, and the Resource-Based View of the firm. Using a hybrid constructivist-realism epistemology and a processbased analysis, three exploratory case studies were carried out in construction companies operating in the UK. Data were collected through archival research and semi-structured interviews, and analysed by means of within and cross-case analyses. The results revealed that the political environment of the firm was analogous to a marketplace where companies traded political goods with policy-makers. CSR activities produced four political goods, namely public image, technical expertise, social capital and indebtedness, which were identified as the mechanisms by which CSR contributed to CPP. The impacts of CSR activities on CPP were three-fold: CSR strengthened the privileged structural position of companies; helped them gain easier access to policy-makers; and this privileged access gave companies more opportunities to influence regulatory outcomes. The key theoretical contribution of the thesis is a processual model that illustrates how CSR contributes to CPP. There are also implications for practice. CSR activities are velvet curtains that hide the operationalisation of political power. The social and political implications call for the attention of government officials who favour a neoliberal doctrine for the promotion of CSR to business.