Academic literature on the topic 'Corruption - Brazil'
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Journal articles on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
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Fleischer, David. "Political corruption in Brazil." Crime, Law and Social Change 25, no. 4 (1996): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00572512.
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Sallaberry, Jonatas Dutra, Liz Spinello Quaesner, Mayla Cristina Costa, and Leonardo Flach. "Measurement of damage from corruption in Brazil." Journal of Financial Crime 27, no. 4 (2020): 1239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-04-2020-0057.
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Purpose This study aims to analyse and measure the damage caused by acts of corruption in the largest investigation in Brazil, known as the “Lava Jato” operation. Design/methodology/approach For the analysis of financial flows, documentary research was carried into denunciation and judicial decisions. Based on the “Follow the Money” methodology, it was possible to follow the inverse trail of money, from the indications of benefits to public agents, financial operators and fake companies up to the deviation of refinery construction. Findings The analysis allowed the identification of damages from acts of corruption that reached 17.8% of the value of the oil refineries built, while the benefit of the corrupting agents was 13.7% of the damage caused. The analysis shows several other characteristics of the movements and the identification strategy of financial crimes. Research limitations/implications Research enabled the development of a strategy to identify and measure the flow of corruption and money laundering. Practical implications Based on the identified financial parameters, it will be possible to estimate the damage caused by a corrupt act for a certain benefit. Originality/value The research identified financial parameters of damages and benefits from acts of corruption in the largest fraud that occurred in the country, which was replicated in modus operandi in several works and countries in Latin America.
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Clausen, Michael. "CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL." Brasiliana- Journal for Brazilian Studies 1, no. 1 (2012): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/v1.i1/va.1.
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Moro, Sérgio Fernando. "Preventing Systemic Corruption in Brazil." Daedalus 147, no. 3 (2018): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00508.
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This essay describes the Brazilian anticorruption operation known as Operação Lava Jato (“Operation Car Wash”), its findings, and its results based on cases tried up to March 2018. Told from the perspective of the federal judge of the Thirteenth Federal Criminal Court of Curitiba, in whose court most of the Lava Jato cases have been prosecuted, this massive criminal case offers lessons that may be useful to other anticorruption efforts. Preventing systemic corruption is a challenge, but it is a necessary step for the improvement of democracy.
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Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. "The political economy of corruption in Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, no. 3 (1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.
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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.
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Geddes, Barbara, and Artur Ribeiro Neto. "Institutional sources of corruption in Brazil." Third World Quarterly 13, no. 4 (1992): 641–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599208420302.
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Cason, Jeffrey. "Hopes Dashed? Lula's Brazil." Current History 105, no. 688 (2006): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.688.74.
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Fogel, Benjamin. "Brazil: Corruption as a Mode of Rule." NACLA Report on the Americas 51, no. 2 (2019): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2019.1617476.
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Britto, Diogo G. C., and Stefano Fiorin. "Corruption and legislature size: Evidence from Brazil." European Journal of Political Economy 65 (December 2020): 101940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101940.
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Sacco Studnicka, Andrea Cirineo. "Corruption and Human Trafficking in Brazil: Findings from a Multi-Modal Approach." European Journal of Criminology 7, no. 1 (2010): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370809347925.
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Because both corruption and trafficking are very complex phenomena, a multivariate approach was used to analyse the relationship between corruption and trafficking. The results of the analysis show that, in Brazil, corruption is a causal factor in human trafficking. The paper offers a number of suggestions to help researchers and policy makers better understand where, how and when corruption facilitates trafficking in human beings in order to combat both crimes more effectively.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
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Melo, Aranha Ana Luiza. "Corruption at the local level in Brazil: decentralization as a pitfall?" Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91849.
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Recently, Brazil has undergone decentralization processes that could have strengthened the local level in democratic terms. Notwithstanding, the results of these processes were not con-sensual, and corruption persisted as a feature of the Brazilian local level.This paper focuses on the corrupt conduct of municipal public officials who deal with fe- deral funds transferred by the central government. The information collected is part of a profile of corruption in the cities monitored by the federal Executive, revealing both how this phenomenon is distributed in terms of areas and which possible factors can explain the occurrence of corrup- tion in the Brazilian local governments. This paper deals with corruption in the municipalities of Minas Gerais - one of the 26 Brazilian states - from a conception of corruption as the misuse offunds by the political system.The argument focuses on the conduct of municipal public officials who deal with federalfunds transferred to Minas Gerais´ municipalities. In order to conduct this study, we used the reports from the Program of Inspections from Public Lotteries produced by the Office of the Comp- troller General (CGU). First, we built a general profile of the situation in those cities surveyed by the CGU regarding the incidence of irregularities. By doing so, we highlighted which gover- nmental areas would be in a more critical situation. These irregularities, in turn, were taken as proxies for the occurrence of corruption in two different ways. In the first place, according to the amount of irregularities found – which included all kind of irregularities, from formal mistakes to overbilling –, statistical tests were performed in order to establish which factors could be taken as constraints of corruption at the local level. We identified political, social, economic and demo- graphic characteristics that were associated with corruption, in its petty form. On the other hand, we also categorized corruption in a more strict way, considering only the cases in which larger amounts of resources were involved and leaving out the formal irregularities.We demonstrated that not all factors related with corruption in its broader sense (population size, the characteristic of the transfers, municipal characteristics related to income, education and control) kept significantly associated with the incidence of more severe irregularities. We seek to contribute to the debate about whether or not the local level is more susceptible to corruption, which means discussing if decentralization can be understood as a pitfall.<br>Recientemente, Brasil ha experimentado procesos de descentralización que podrían haber fortalecido el nivel local en términos democráticos. No obstante, los resultados de estos procesos no han sido consensuados y la corrupción ha persistido como una característica del nivel local en este país.El presente artículo se centra en la conducta corrupta de autoridades municipales que se ocupan de los fondos federales transferidos por el gobierno central. La información obtenida forma parte del perfil de corrupción en ciudades supervisadas por el Poder Ejecutivo federal. Asi- mismo, revela cómo este fenómeno se distribuye en función de las áreas gubernamentales y qué posibles factores pueden explicar la presencia de corrupción en los gobiernos locales brasileños.Este artículo se ocupa de la corrupción, entendida como el mal uso de fondos por parte del sistema político, en las municipalidades de Minas Gerais, uno de los 26 estados de Brasil. El argumento se centra en la conducta de las autoridades municipales que se encargan de los fondos federales. Para llevar a cabo este estudio, se utilizaron los informes del Programa de Inspecciones por Sorteos Públicos elaborados por la Oficina de Contraloría General (CGU). En primer lugar, se construyó un perfil general de la situación de las ciudades encuestadas por la CGU en relación a la incidencia de irregularidades. Al hacerlo, se destacaron las áreas gubernamentales que estarían en una situación más crítica. Estas irregularidades, a su vez, fueron tomadas como indicadores indirectos de incidencia de la corrupción de dos maneras diferentes. Por un lado, de acuerdo a la cantidad de irregularidades encontradas –que incluían todo tipo de irregularidades, desde errores formales hasta sobrefacturación– se aplicaron pruebas estadísticas con el fin de establecer qué factores podían ser tomados como limitaciones de la corrupción a nivel local. Se identificaron características políticas, sociales, económicas y demográficas, asociadas con la corrupción. Por otro lado, se definió la corrupción de una manera más estricta, tomando en cuenta solo los casos que involucraban grandes cantidades de recursos y se dejó de lado las irregularidades formales. Se demostró que no todos los factores relacionados con la corrupción en su sentido más amplio (tamaño de la población, características de las transferencias, características municipales relacionadas con los ingresos, educación y control) se mantienen significativamente asociados a la incidencia de irregularidades más graves. Se busca así contribuir al debate sobre si el nivel local es más susceptible o no a la corrupción, lo cual significa discutir también si la descentralización puede ser entendida como un obstáculo.
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Crabo, Amanda, and Alexander Källestål. "IS CORRUPTION INHERENTLY BAD? : The effect of corruption on the Palma ratio: A cross-regional study of Brazil's federal states." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-298428.
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This thesis analyzes if there, given the size of the informal sector, is an effect of corruption on income inequality, here defined as the Palma ratio. Estimations are done with a fixed effects ordinary least squares regression using panel data for 19 federal states of Brazil over every other year between 2006-2014. The results provide evidence that corruption increases income inequality when the informal sector is smaller than 37.97%, but decreases inequality when the informal sector exceeds 55.34%. The findings are robust to several sensitivity checks. The gained insight of the relationship between corruption and income inequalityusing a microeconomic perspective is the main academic contribution of this thesis.
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Carneiro, Fernanda Maria Afonso. "A corrupção como fenômeno político econômico: uma abordagem teórica e um estudo de caso no Brasil." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11342.
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A investigação apresentada encontra-se inserida na especialidade de Cooperação
e Desenvolvimento e situa-se no contexto da corrupção como fenômeno político e
econômico, dentro de uma abordagem teórica e de um estudo de caso no Brasil. Tendo
como finalidade encontrar respostas ao objeto da investigação. As questões de partida
que norteou a investigação foram: Será que a causa da corrupção está atrelada aos
fatores políticos, econômicos e sociais? Se a causa do não desenvolvimento do Nordeste
brasileiro é devido à seca ou ao fato de haver um grau elevado de corrupção política,
econômica e social na região? O estudo teve como objetivos saber em que medida os
propósitos dos parlamentares são efetivos, em termos de contribuição e sugestões ao
desenvolvimento da região; quais as competências adquiridas pelos mesmos, na prática,
durante o seu pleito, na condução de soluções para o combate deste fenômeno; qual a
relação entre a corrupção e o contexto político, econômico e social no Brasil e em
especial na região Nordeste; quais os fatores que contribuem para a elevação dos níveis
de corrupção; e quais os efeitos que esta prática impacta no bem–estar da sociedade,
sugerindo propostas, com base na análise de dados e na apresentação de um modelo
empiricamente testável através dos dados coletados na aplicação das entrevistas
estruturadas. Para tanto, desenvolveu-se um estudo de caso com 15 questões, aplicandose
a este uma metodologia qualitativa. Foi adotado diferentes procedimentos de
investigação como: revisão da literatura, consulta de legislação, entrevista e a aplicação
de questionários. O estudo decorreu no Congresso Nacional brasileiro, nos dois
agrupamentos do parlamento (deputados federais e senadores) envolvendo os mais
variados partidos com atuação na região Nordeste, feito em dois momentos distintos,
antes da realização das eleições gerais de 2011 e depois da realização das eleições
municipais de 2012. Com base no enquadramento legal e conceitual da corrupção como
um fenômeno político, econômico e social e depois da aplicação metodológica escolhida, o que se constatou foi que o caráter evolutivo da corrupção é devido ao fator
político, em seguida ao fator econômico e por último ao fator social. Verificou-se que as
medidas que poderiam ser adotadas para combater a corrupção seria uma mais efetiva
participação da sociedade civil; a ação da mídia, como instrumento de denúncia; e da
justiça, como ente punitivo; ### ABSTRACT:
The research presented is inserted into the subfield of Cooperation and
Development focusing in the context of corruption as a political and economic
phenomenon, within a theoretical approach and a case study in Brazil. For the purposes
of finding answers to the object of research the starting questions that guided the
research were: Does the cause of corruption is linked to the political, economic and
social phenomena? If not the cause of the underdevelopment of the Brazilian Northeast
is due to drought or the fact that there is a high degree of political, economic and social
corruption that hinders development in the region? The study aimed to determine to
what extent the purposes of parliamentarians are effective in terms of input and
suggestions to the region's development, what skills acquired by them in practice during
his election, in driving solutions to combat this phenomenon, what is the relationship
between corruption and political, economic and social issues in Brazil and especially in
the Northeast, which factors contribute to higher levels of corruption, and what effects
this practice impacts on the welfare of society, suggesting proposals, based on data
analysis and presentation of an empirically testable model using data collected in the
application of structured interviews. To this end, we developed a case study with 15 questions, applying this qualitative methodology. We adopted different procedures as
research: literature review, consultation legislation, interviews and questionnaires. The
study took place in the Brazilian National Congress, the two groupings of parliament
(deputies and senators) involving various parties with operations in the Northeast, made
at two different times, prior to the 2011 general elections and after the elections
municipal 2012. Based on the conceptual framework of law and corruption as a
phenomenon of political, economic and social origins and with our chosen
methodological approach, it was found that the evolutionary character of the corruption
was first due to the political factor, then the economic factor and finally the social
factor. It was found that the measures that could be adopted to fight corruption would be
a more effective participation of civil society, the action of the media as an instrument
of denunciation, and justice, as being punitive.
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PAULA, MURILO RAMOS RODRIGUES DE. "ESTIMATING THE NATURE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION: EVIDENCE FROM A POLICY EXPERIMENT IN BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=25501@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO<br>O objetivo deste artigo é investigar se a corrupção em países em desenvolvimento está relacionada simplesmente a políticos visando à extração de renda ou se reflete um mecanismo mais complexo de retribuição aos financiadores de campanha com recursos públicos. Se os políticos decidem entre se engajar ou não na atividade ilícita de forma racional, deveríamos esperar uma queda na corrupção decorrente do aumento da punição à corrupção ou elevação na probabilidade de auditorias (Becker, 1968). Além disso, se a corrupção for uma forma de retribuição aos financiadores de campanha desses políticos, uma elevação na punição provocaria não somente uma queda na corrupção observada como também uma diminuição na demanda por recursos para projetos mais corruptíveis, como os de infraestrutura (Mauro 1998). Nesse artigo testamos essas explicações usando um experimento realizado no Brasil em 2009. Usando o fato de que alguns municípios foram aleatoriamente escolhidos para terem a probabilidade de serem auditados elevada, analisamos dados públicos dos convênios entre municípios e União. Encontramos uma queda considerável nos recursos solicitados para obras em infraestrutura. Ainda, encontramos efeitos mais pronunciados no caso em que o município foi auditado no passado, evidência de que prefeitos de fato respondem a políticas críveis. Por fim, esse efeito é mais forte se o prefeito foi fortemente financiado por construtoras. Em suma, nossos resultados sugerem que os prefeitos possuem um compromisso de retribuir financiadores de campanha e que respondem a políticas críveis contra a corrupção reduzindo os pedidos de recursos para projetos de infraestrutura.<br>This paper proposes a test to estimate the nature of political corruption in developing countries: embezzlement by self-enriching politicians versus corruption that originates as a quid-pro-quo from campaign contributions. If politicians make their decision about being or not being corrupt rationally, then increasing the punishment for corrupt practices or the probability of getting caught should reduce corrupt practices (Becker, 1968). If corruption is a response of politicians to firms that finance their campaigns, an increase in punishment should yield not only a reduction in corruption but also a reduction in the demand for projects that are corruptible, such as projects on infrastructure. We test these explanations for corrupt practices using a randomized policy experiment in Brazil. We exploit the fact that some municipalities were randomly chosen to have their probability of being audited increased and we analyze public data of block grants. We find a significant decrease in the resources requested by the mayors to execute projects in infrastructure. Also, this effect is more pronounced if the municipality has been audited in the past, evidence that mayors respond to credible policies. Finally, this effect is larger if mayor s campaign was strongly financed by construction companies. In sum, our findings suggest that mayors are committed with campaign contributors and respond to larger probability of audits by reducing the amount of resources requested for infrastructure projects.
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Poulsen, Alexander. "Essays in Development and Labor Economics in Brazil:." Thesis, Boston College, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:109131.
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Thesis advisor: Arthur Lewbel<br>In my dissertation I studied the political economy of economic development as well as the the urban wage premium, all using data from Brazil. In the first chapter, which is joint work with Carlos Varjao, we analyze the effect that increased political opposition in the city council has on corruption and public service provision at the local level. In the second chapter I study the sources of the high wage premium observed in cities, including firm sorting, firm and occupational matching, and compensating wage differentials. Finally, in the third chapter I study what happens to the provision of public education when a school teacher is elected to the city council (which actually occurs quite frequently). More detailed summaries of each chapter follow below. Chapter 1: In 'Political Opposition, Legislative Oversight, and the Performance of the Executive Branch', we study the effect that increased political opposition has on corruption and other measures of the mayor's performance in Brazil. The separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches is a cornerstone of democracy. This system of checks and balances, however, can be circumvented by partisan loyalties if legislators strategically avoid exerting oversight when their own party controls the executive branch. It is thus an empirical question whether the separation of powers prevents the abuse of power in practice. We answer this question by measuring the extent to which members of political opposition parties in a city council effectively check the mayor's performance in Brazil. We employ a regression discontinuity design to estimate the causal effect of an additional politically opposed legislator, and we find that political opposition increases oversight action and decreases corruption, with the effect fully concentrated on mayors facing reelection pressure. We trace the impact of oversight, via a reduction in healthcare spending irregularities, all the way to impacts on healthcare service delivery and health outcomes. Chapter 2: In 'Decomposing the Urban Wage Premium in Brazil: Firms, Matching, and Compensating Wage Differentials' I study the sources of the high wage premium observed in cities. In this chapter I used detailed employer-employee matched data from Brazil to understand 3 important elements of the urban wage premium: (1) the role of firms sorting into cities, (2) the role of firm and occupational matching in creating agglomeration economies, and (3) the role of compensating wage differentials. I first exploit identification from multi-city firms to show that positive selection of high-wage firms into larger cities accounts for 44% of what is often considered `agglomeration economies'. Then I show that improved firm and occupational matching together account for 87% of agglomeration effects. I then turn my attention to compensating wage differentials--- a possible explanation for the high-wage firms in cities. I estimate revealed-preference valuation of jobs, and show that jobs in cities in fact have better non-wage characteristics, and so high urban wages cannot be due to compensating wage differentials. This evidence together suggests that in Brazil, cities exist because they provide thick labor markets where high-wage firms and high-wage workers can go to find productive matches. Chapter 3: In 'Teachers in Politics: Teacher-Politicians, Gender, and the Representation of Public Education' I study what happens to public education in a city when a school teacher is elected to the city council, and I find that it depends on the gender of the teacher. Using a regression discontinuity design that exploits close elections, I find that when a female teacher is elected to the city council, the city hires both more teachers and more qualified teachers, and pays them more. Having a female teacher on the city council also increases the likelihood that the city's schools have necessary teaching resources, books, and financing, and possibly increases student test scores. No significant effect is found for male teachers elected to the city council. This difference may be due to different political career concerns for men versus women, a simple amplification of existing gender policy preference differences, or some mixture of the two<br>Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021<br>Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Economics
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Vásquez, Rodrigo Alonso. "Confiança institucional e corrupção política no Brasil pós 1985." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279228.
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Orientador: Raquel Meneguello<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-16T08:50:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2010<br>Resumo: Os cidadãos brasileiros majoritariamente apóiam a democracia como forma ideal de governo e apresentam baixos níveis de confiança institucional, sobretudo, ao Congresso Nacional e aos partidos políticos. Esse cenário, conforme os resultados da pesquisa mostram, não é indício de uma crise da democracia, mas sim da emergência de cidadãos críticos, que têm preferência pela democracia e estão insatisfeitos com o desempenho do regime e suas instituições. As análises feitas sugerem que a baixa confiança institucional está associada às experiências diretas e indiretas dos cidadãos com elas e às suas preferências políticas. Avaliações negativas com relação ao desempenho das instituições e impressões de que elas não agem de acordo com as suas normas legais, influem negativamente na confiança institucional e no apoio ao regime. Neste sentido, os constantes escândalos de corrupção envolvendo membros da elite-política administrativa nacional, que ocupam importantes cargos nas instituições de representação, reforçam as avaliações negativas dos cidadãos sobre estas e consequentemente, à baixa confiança institucional. Os dados aqui trabalhados são provenientes, principalmente, do survey "A Desconfiança dos cidadãos nas instituições democráticas", elaborado pelo Projeto Temático de mesmo nome, financiado pela Fapesp (processo 04/07953-8)<br>Abstract: The great majority of the Brazilian citizens do support democracy as the ideal form of government, but they do present low levels of institutional confidence - especially in the National Congress and in political parties. This background, confirmed by results of surveys, does not indicate a crisis in democracy. It points out the emerging number of critical citizens, who prefer democracy, but are not satisfied with the performance of the political system and its institutions. The analyses done tend to indicate that the low institutional confidence is associated to direct and indirect experiences of the citizens when dealing with such institutions and their political preferences. Negative evaluation regarding the performance of such institutions and the impressions that they do not act in agreement with legal norms, do have a negative influence in institutional confidence and in offering support to a democratic regime. In this sense, the constant scandals of corruption involving members of the national administrative political elite, who hold important offices in the representative institutions, reinforce the negative evaluations of the citizens and as a consequence, there is a low institutional confidence. All information used in this research mainly comes from a survey "A Desconfiança dos Cidadãos nas Instituições Democráticas" (Mistrust of Citizens in Democratic Institutions) elaborated by Research Thematic Project and financed by Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (Fapesp; process 04/07953-8)<br>Mestrado<br>Ciencia Politica<br>Mestre em Ciência Política
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Sampaio, Joelson Oliveira. "Essays on trust in the judicial system: evidence from Brazil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-16062015-152702/.
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A factor that crucially affects the development of a country is the ability of its judiciary to present itself as a legitimate instance for resolving the disputes that arise in social and economic affairs. One way to approach this topic is to study the reasons that lead citizens to trust or to distrust the judiciary. Thus, this thesis analyzes the determinants of public trust in the judicial system in Brazil; it also attempts to determine the drivers that lead people to trust or to distrust it. Chapter 2 addresses the relationship between trust in the judicial system and economic and demographic variables such as race, income, age, gender, education, previous experience with the judicial system, and knowledge about the legal system. The Brazilian Confidence in Justice Index (BCJI) was built as a trust measure. The BCJI is a measure of perception which reveals the opinion of the population regarding Brazil\'s judiciary system. The results indicate that race and gender are important predictors, once controlled for other respondent characteristics. Black persons have a slightly lower level of trust in the judiciary than do non-black persons. Women also espress less trust than men. Finally, the results indicate that poorer people also have lower levels of trust in the judicial system. Although there is a substantial literature that relates the determinants of trust in the judicial system and use of the judiciary, the causal relationship between these two variables is unclear. The purpose of Chapter 3 is to examine this causal relationship in Brazil. The results indicate that trust in the judicial system has a positive impact on use of the judiciary. That is, individuals who have higher levels of trust in the judicial system have a greater propensity to seek the judiciary. There is also a statically significant relationship between trust in the judicial system and use of the judiciary for some economic and demographic variables, such as income, education, age, and race. There is a widespread belief that the police is the government\'s first-line representative, responsible for controlling the social order. Policy-makers and members of the public have long been concerned about the number of police officers who are effectively deployed to reduce crime. Chapter 4 analyzes the relationship between crime rates and trust in the police. For example, do regions with higher crime rates display lower trust in the police? It is in this sense that this Chapter studies the motivations that lead citizens to trust or to distrust the police. The results indicate that in general there is a negative relationship between an increase on the crime rate and trust in the police. Such results are even stronger for some less common crimes such as drug dealing and rape. The results also indicate that those who have had previous experience with the police do not seem to associate police work with crime rates, in contrast with those who have never had a previous experience. Finally, Chapter 5 summarizes all of the findings from the previous Chapters and discusses possible future directions of research.<br>Um problema que afeta o desenvolvimento econômico e social de um país é a habilidade que o judiciário se apresenta como uma instância legítima para resolver os conflitos que surgem nas esferas social e de negócios. Um caminho para medir isto é a legitimidade das motivações que levam os cidadãos a confiarem ou não no judiciário. Sendo assim, esta tese busca analisar os determinantes da confiança pública no sistema judiciário no Brasil e também entender quais são as motivações que levam as pessoas a confiarem ou não no judiciário brasileiro. O capítulo 2 busca analisar a relação entre a confiança no sistema judiciário e algumas variáveis econômicas e demográficas, tais como: raça, renda, idade, gênero, experiência com o sistema judiciário e conhecimento do judiciário. Foi utilizado o Índice de Confiança na Justiça no Brasil (ICJB) como uma medida de confiança. O ICJB é uma medida de percepção, na qual mostra a opinião das pessoas sobre o judiciário no Brasil. Os resultados indicam que raça e gênero são importantes preditores de confiança no judiciário, uma vez controlado para as características dos entrevistados. Negros apresentam um nível de confiança menor comparado aos não negros. Mulheres também apresentam um nível de confiança inferior aos homens. Finalmente, os resultados indicam que pessoas com menos renda apresentam níveis de confiança no judiciário inferior aos com maior renda. Embora haja uma literatura que relaciona os determinantes de confiança no sistema judiciário e sua utilizaçao, há uma lacuna sobre a relação causal entre essas duas variáveis. O capítulo 3 dessa tese busca analisar o impacto de confiança no sistema judiciário sobre a utilização do judiciário. Sendo assim, o propósito do capítulo 3 é examinar a relação causal entre confiança no sistema judiciário e utilização do judiciário no Brasil. Os resultados indicam que há um impacto positivo de confiança no sistema judiciário sobre a sua utilização. Pessoas com maior nível de confiança no sistema judiciário apresentam maior propensão a procurá-lo. Finalmente, os resultados também indicam que há uma relação estatisticamente significante entre confiança no sistema judicário e utilização do judiciário para algumas variáveis demográficas e econômicas, tais como: renda, anos de estudo, idade e raça. O capítulo 4 busca analisar a relação entre taxas de crime e confiança na polícia. Nesse sentido, esse capítulo busca analisar a legitimidade das motivações que levam as pessoas a confiarem ou não na polícia. Algumas pessoas acreditam que a polícia é a representante linha de frente do governo, resonsável pelo controle da ordem social. Os decisores políticos e membros do público têm se preocupado muito com o número de policiais empregados para diminuir o crime. Em outras palavras, regiões com maiores índices de criminalidade possuem menor nível de confiança na polícia? Os resultados indicam que em geral, existe uma relação negativa entre o aumento no índice de criminalidade e a confiança na polícia. Tais resultados são ainda maiores para crimes menos numerosos, como o tráfico de drogas e estupro. Os resultados também indicam que quem já teve experiência com a polícia, parece não associar o trabalho dela com os índices de criminalidade, comparado com quem nunca teve experiência. Finalmente, o capítulo 5 sumariza todos os resultados encontrados nos capítulos anteriores e discute alguns novos caminhos de pesquisa que podem ser seguidos
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Andorfato, João Jacinto Anhê. "A efetividade das garantias processuais penais e o discurso de combate à corrupção." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21005.
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Previous issue date: 2018-02-19<br>The recent corruption scandals exposed a old problem. In an emergency agenda, a
punitive movement emerges that does not only occupy the discourses of lay Brazilians,
but also mobilizes our police, judicial and public prosecutorial authorities, who are
moved by public opinion to draw up new strategies and new measures to combat the
problem. Corruption in no way should be tolerated and must be harshly repressed by
society and by the agencies of criminal prosecution. Notwithstandng, combating
corruption or any other crime, however serious it may be the offense and its social
consequences, does not justify the distortion of criminal procedural guarantees that
historically are the foundation of control and limitation in face of the punitive power of
the State. Society must ensure that it is able to discern the excesses of the state's
punitive power and the institutions that exercise it in order to avoid the emergence of
pathologies such as criminal and procedural law of exception in which moral values are
enough to support the criminal sciences: the good becomes a criminal value, the truth a
procedural value and the justice a legal value. The desire for punitiveness sometimes
obfuscates the necessary precautions to legitimize the interventions of the organs of
criminal prosecution, which, in view of the current political crisis, makes it essential to
analyze the idea of Justice from the perspective of criminal procedural lessons, placing
in poles of contraposition the criminal procedural guarantees and the anti-corruption
discourse<br>Os recentes escândalos de corrupção expôs às escâncaras um antigo problema. Em uma
pauta de emergência, surge um movimento punitivista que não ocupa somente os
discursos dos brasileiros leigos, mas também mobiliza nossas autoridades policiais,
judiciárias e membros do ministério público, que movidos pela opinião pública se
colocam à disposição para traçar novas estratégias e elaborar novas medidas para
combater o problema. A corrupção de forma alguma deve ser tolerada e necessita ser
duramente debelada pela sociedade e pelos órgãos de persecução penal. Contudo, o
combate à corrupção ou à qualquer outra criminalidade, por maior que seja a gravidade
do ilícito e suas consequências sociais, não justifica o desvirtuamento das garantias
processuais penais que historicamente são o alicerce de controle e limitação frente ao
poder punitivo do Estado. A sociedade deve zelar pela capacidade de discernir sobre os
excessos do poder punitivo estatal e das instituições que o exercem, a fim de evitar o
surgimento de patologias como um direito penal e processual penal de exceção em que
valores morais bastam para sustentar as ciências criminais: o bom se torna um valor
penal, a verdade um valor processual e o justo um valor jurídico. O desejo de
punitividade por vezes ofusca as cautelas necessárias para se legitimar as intervenções
dos órgãos de persecução penal, o que, diante da atual crise política, torna
imprescindível a análise da ideia de Justiça sob a perspectiva da dogmática processual
penal, colocando em polos de contraposição as garantias processuais penais e o discurso
de combate à corrupção
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Daniel, Vanessa Cristhina Zorek. "A democracia das ruas: o caso das manifestações do Brasil (2014-2015)." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2016. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2579.
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Previous issue date: 2016-03-25<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>In light of the new characteristics presented by the Brazilian democratic
scenario caused mainly due to critical demonstrations towards the federal
government, this thesis aims at reflecting on the nature of the democracy
present on Brazilian streets. Therefore, we seek support in the liberal
democratic theory in order to guide us as to the characteristics and the limits
that this model offers to the contemporary democracy. Besides, we focus on
the national political context that precedes the demonstrations occurred
between October 2014 and March 2015 so as to understand in which extent
the current demonstrations, focused on anti-corruption and antipetismo,
were influenced by previous events such as the corruption scandals
concerning the Workers Party (PT). For this reason, this research is
characterized as an exploratory work that analyzes the factors that
contributed or led the individuals to identify themselves as a group and to
participate actively in the demonstration. We noticed that the questions
raised can be associated to the corruption scandals and to the lack of
benefits received by the traditional middle class during the time PT
governed the country, not to mention the ideological setting. The
demonstrations had their goals at exposing the corruption reports related to
the Workers Party, diminishing the attention about corruption involving
either other political parties or other instances of power. Furthermore,
observed that there were no deep discussions and propositions made by the
people who led those public acts; and also, the active citizenship expressed
by these citizens is limited to the act of emphasizing their frustration and to
demand the impeachment of the current president.<br>Em decorrência das novas características apresentadas pelo cenário
democrático brasileiro, provocado principalmente pela presença de
manifestações críticas ao governo federal, tivemos como principal objetivo
neste trabalho desenvolver uma reflexão sobre que tipo de democracia se faz
presente nas ruas brasileiras. Para tanto, buscamos apoio na teoria
democrática liberal, no sentido de orientar sobre as características e os limites
que esse modelo oferece à democracia contemporânea. Além disso, nos
voltamos ao contexto político nacional que precede as manifestações ocorridas
entre outubro de 2014 e março de 2015, com o objetivo de compreender em
que medida o contexto prévio do Partido dos Trabalhadores e o seu
envolvimento em escândalos de corrupção influenciam nas manifestações
atuais, pautadas na anticorrupção e no antipetismo. Este trabalho é de caráter
explicativo e busca analisar e interpretar os fatores que contribuíram ou
induziram os sujeitos a se identificarem entre si e a participarem ativamente na
formação das manifestações, questões que podem estar associadas aos
escândalos de corrupção e à falta de benefícios ou ganhos concedidos à
classe média tradicional na gestão petista, como também à determinação
ideológica. As manifestações se mostram com o foco voltado às denúncias de
corrupção feitas em relação ao Partido dos Trabalhadores, diminuindo a
atenção sobre a corrupção cometida por outros partidos ou outras instâncias de
poder. Além disso, não existe aprofundamento de discussão e propostas por
parte de sujeitos que conduzem as ações públicas; a cidadania ativa expressa
por esses cidadãos fica restrita ao ato de evidenciar a sua frustração e pedir a
saída da atual presidenta da República.
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Romão, Guilherme Guimarães. "Corrupção, Transparência e Cidadania Participativa numa Sociedade de Informação: O Caso dos Governos Estaduais do Brasil entre 2012 e 2016." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/19895.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão e Políticas Públicas<br>O presente estudo tem o objetivo de perceber como se relacionam as políticas públicas de info-inclusão no Brasil com a vigilância dos cidadãos e a deteção de casos de corrupção. Analisando 27 governos estaduais entre 2012 e 2016, resultados de um pooled OLS sugerem que a velocidade de acesso à internet é uma variável determinante na deteção de novos casos de corrupção. Por outro lado, verificou-se que variáveis como a transparência, o interesse do cidadão por casos de corrupção e o acesso à internet, por si só, não são determinantes na deteção de novos casos de corrupção. O estudo também apresenta os partidos políticos brasileiros onde são detetados mais casos de corrupção durante seu mandato.
Estes resultados empíricos são a evidência para que as autoridades que tenham interesse em promover uma estratégia de combate à corrupção apostem no desenvolvimento de políticas públicas de info-inclusão que primam, também, pela transparência e a promoção do e-Gov.
Este estudo sofre de algumas limitações quanto à base de dados recolhidos, assim como por não ter sido possível obter resultados estimando um modelo de dados em painel. Para uma melhor análise, sugerimos futuramente o complemento com a recolha de dados mais completos sobre a transparência na gestão pública e outros indicadores que podem detalhar o patamar do e-Gov no país. A extensão deste trabalho aos países da OCDE afigura-se também como interessante.<br>The present study aims to understand how the public policies of info-inclusion in Brazil are related to citizen surveillance and the detection of corruption cases. Analyzing 27 state governments between 2012 and 2016, results from a pooled OLS suggest that the speed of internet access is a determining variable in the detection of new corruption cases. On the other hand, it was found that variables such as transparency, citizen interest in corruption cases and internet access, per se, are not decisive in the detection of new corruption cases. The study also presents the Brazilian political parties with more cases of corruption detected during their term.
These empirical results are the evidence for authorities interested in promoting an anticorruption strategy to bet on the development of public Info-inclusion policies that also strive for transparency and the promotion of e-Gov.
This study suffers from a few limitations regarding the database of indicators, as well as not having been possible to obtain results from the estimation of a panel data model. For a better analysis, we suggest in the future to complement data collection with indicators on transparency in public management and others that may detail the level of e-Gov in the country. The extension of this study to the OECD also seems to be interesting.<br>N/A
Books on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
1
Power, Timothy J. Corruption and democracy in Brazil: The struggle for accountability. University of Notre Dame Press, 2011.
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Corruption and democracy in Brazil: The struggle for accountability. University of Notre Dame Press, 2011.
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3
Teixeira, Carla Costa. A honra da política: Decoro parlamentar e cassação de mandato no Congresso Nacional, 1949-1994. Relume Dumará, 1998.
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4
Fleischer, David V. Corruption in Brazil: Defining, measuring, and reducing : a report of the CSIS Americas Program. CSIS, 2002.
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Marques, Karla Padilha Rebelo. Atividade de inteligência no combate à̀ corrupção: O papel do Ministério Público. EdUFAL, 2011.
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Azevedo, Débora Bithiah de. Parlamento mutilado: Deputados federais cassados pela ditadura de 1964. Câmara dos Deputados, Centro de Documentação e Informação, 2012.
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O escândalo-rei: O SNI e a trama Capemi-Baumgarten. Global Editora e Distribuidora, 1985.
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Pinto, José Nêumanne. A república na lama: Uma tragédia brasileira. 3rd ed. Geração Editorial, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
1
Aranha, Ana Luiza. "Corruption, Brazil." In Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_3754-1.
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Arellano-Gault, David. "Brazil." In Corruption in Latin America. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429506543-7.
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Backsmann, Till Alexander, and Carmen Backsmann. "Evolution of Corruption in Brazil." In CSR, Sustainability, Ethics & Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90605-8_13.
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Pavão, Nara. "Corruption, Courts, and Public Opinion in Brazil." In Corruption in Latin America. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94057-1_4.
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Ferraz, Claudio, and Frederico Finan. "Fighting Political Corruption: Evidence from Brazil." In Institutions, Governance and the Control of Corruption. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65684-7_9.
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de Souza Martins, José. "Clientelism and Corruption in Contemporary Brazil." In Political Corruption in Europe and Latin America. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24588-8_10.
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Schwindt-Bayer, Leslie A., Justin Esarey, and Erika Schumacher. "Gender and Citizen Responses to Corruption among Politicians: The U.S. and Brazil." In Gender and Corruption. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70929-1_4.
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Velasco, Rafael Braem. "Identifying Corruption Risk in Brazil: New Measures for Effective Oversight." In Corruption in Latin America. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94057-1_3.
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De Sanctis, Fausto. "Anti-corruption in Brazil – Criticisms and developments." In Bribery, Fraud, Cheating. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-29062-7_6.
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Pohlmann, Markus, and Elizangela Valarini. "The Fight Against Corruption in Brazil: A Case of Good Governance?" In Knowledge for Governance. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47150-7_10.
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AbstractThe “Operation Carwash” is so far the biggest corruption scandal in Brazilian history. It did spoil a major part of the political system, and some of the established governance practices in Brazil. In this article, we are taking a closer look into the big corruption case, analyzing the unlawful practices of the Brazilian construction companies, and their relationship with the public sector more thoroughly. By carrying out content analyses of court files, we reveal the systemic corrupt pattern behind by connecting the level of regulations with the level of organizational crime. Furthermore, we ask, if the recent changes in law enforcement are accompanied by a changing environment of good governance? Our answer presented in the second part of the article is no. The political reactions to the “operation carwash” revealed in fact, how many of the “old-school” governance practices survived in Brazil.
Conference papers on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
1
Matheus, Ricardo, Manuella M. Ribeiro, José Carlos Vaz, and Cesar A. de Souza. "Anti-corruption online monitoring systems in Brazil." In the 6th International Conference. ACM Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2463728.2463809.
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Gomes, Alan Keller, and Maria da Graça Campos Pimentel. "Measuring media-based social interactions in online civicmobilization against corruption in Brazil." In the 18th Brazilian symposium. ACM Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2382636.2382675.
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Naydenov, Egor. "CORRUPTION CRIMES AS ONE OF THE GROUNDS FOR IMPEACHMENT IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." In Current problems of jurisprudence. Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02032-6/153-164.
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The article deals with the regulation of impeachment proceedings in foreign countries on the example of the United States and Brazil. The types of impeachment, stages and procedures, and grounds for initiating and removing officials from office are analyzed. The article compares the procedure of impeachment of the President in Russia and in these countries. Special attention is paid to the impeachment process against Rousseff, who is accused of corruption crimes.
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Rios, Ricardo A., Caio S. Lopes, Fabio H. G. Sikansi, Paulo A. Pagliosa, and Rodrigo F. de Mello. "Analyzing the Public Opinion on the Brazilian Political and Corruption Issues." In 2017 Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2017.37.
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Carvalho, Ricardo Silva, Rommel Novaes Carvalho, Marcelo Ladeira, Fernando Mendes Monteiro, and Gilson Liborio de Oliveira Mendes. "Using Political Party Affiliation Data to Measure Civil Servants' Risk of Corruption." In 2014 Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2014.39.
Full textReports on the topic "Corruption - Brazil"
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Rocha, Camila. The New Brazilian Right and the Public Sphere. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/rocha.2021.32.
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This paper traces the origins of the New Brazilian Right, regarding the emergence of new leaders, new forms of expression and organization, as well as new sets of ideas, namely libertarianism and anti-globalism. Based on more than thirty in-depth interviews, conducted between 2015 and 2019 with right-wing leaders and activists; on a collection of historical data from right-wing organisations’ archives between 2015 and 2018, and on public data, I argue that this phenomenon started in the mid-2000s, after the onset of a corruption scandal related to the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and the dissemination of the pioneering social network Orkut in Brazil. This social network, founded in 2004, preceded Facebook’s popularity in Brazil and enabled the creation of alternative and disruptive spaces of debate, referred to here as “counterpublics”. By mid- to late 2010s, during the 2014 protests for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff and Jair Bolsonaro’s 2018 presidential campaign, this emerging new right would be at full throttle.
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Bolton, Laura. Criminal Activity and Deforestation in Latin America. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.003.
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This review examines evidence on criminal deforestation activity in Latin America (particularly, but not exclusively the Amazon) and draws from the literature on the lessons learned in combatting criminal deforestation activity. This review focuses on Brazil as representative of the overwhelming majority of literature on criminal activity in relation to deforestation in the Amazon. The literature notes that Illegal deforestation occurs largely through criminal networks as they have the capacity for coordination, processing, selling, and the deployment of armed men to protect operations. Bribery, corruption, and fraud are deeply ingrained in deforestation. Networks may bribe geoprocessing experts, police, and public officials. Members of the criminal groups may become council members, mayors, and state representatives. Land titles are fabricated and trading documentation fraudulent. The literature also notes some interventions to combat this criminal deforestation activity: monitoring and law enforcement; national systems for registry and monitoring; legal enforcement for compliance of environmental law; International agreements and action; and Involving indigenous communities in combatting deforestation.
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Ferraz, Claudio, Frederico Finan, and Diana Moreira. Corrupting Learning: Evidence from Missing Federal Education Funds in Brazil. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w18150.
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