Journal articles: 'Corruption - Brazil'

1

Fleischer, David. "Political corruption in Brazil." Crime, Law and Social Change 25, no. 4 (1996): 297–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00572512.

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Sallaberry, Jonatas Dutra, Liz Spinello Quaesner, Mayla Cristina Costa, and Leonardo Flach. "Measurement of damage from corruption in Brazil." Journal of Financial Crime 27, no. 4 (2020): 1239. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-04-2020-0057.

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Purpose This study aims to analyse and measure the damage caused by acts of corruption in the largest investigation in Brazil, known as the “Lava Jato” operation. Design/methodology/approach For the analysis of financial flows, documentary research was carried into denunciation and judicial decisions. Based on the “Follow the Money” methodology, it was possible to follow the inverse trail of money, from the indications of benefits to public agents, financial operators and fake companies up to the deviation of refinery construction. Findings The analysis allowed the identification of damages from acts of corruption that reached 17.8% of the value of the oil refineries built, while the benefit of the corrupting agents was 13.7% of the damage caused. The analysis shows several other characteristics of the movements and the identification strategy of financial crimes. Research limitations/implications Research enabled the development of a strategy to identify and measure the flow of corruption and money laundering. Practical implications Based on the identified financial parameters, it will be possible to estimate the damage caused by a corrupt act for a certain benefit. Originality/value The research identified financial parameters of damages and benefits from acts of corruption in the largest fraud that occurred in the country, which was replicated in modus operandi in several works and countries in Latin America.

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Clausen, Michael. "CORRUPTION AND DEMOCRACY IN BRAZIL." Brasiliana- Journal for Brazilian Studies 1, no. 1 (2012): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/v1.i1/va.1.

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Moro, Sérgio Fernando. "Preventing Systemic Corruption in Brazil." Daedalus 147, no. 3 (2018): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00508.

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This essay describes the Brazilian anticorruption operation known as Operação Lava Jato (“Operation Car Wash”), its findings, and its results based on cases tried up to March 2018. Told from the perspective of the federal judge of the Thirteenth Federal Criminal Court of Curitiba, in whose court most of the Lava Jato cases have been prosecuted, this massive criminal case offers lessons that may be useful to other anticorruption efforts. Preventing systemic corruption is a challenge, but it is a necessary step for the improvement of democracy.

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Silva, Marcos Fernandes da. "The political economy of corruption in Brazil." Revista de Administração de Empresas 39, no. 3 (1999): 26–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-75901999000300004.

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This article is the first part of a research on corruption in Brazil and it is theoretical. Despite this, it provides an economic interpretation of corruption using Brazil as a case study. The main objective of this research is to apply some microeconomic tools to understand the "big corruption"�. However, I am going to show that corruption is not simply a kind of crime. Rather, it is an ordinary economic activity that arises in some institutional environments. Firstly, some corruption cases in Brazil will be described. This article is aimed at showing that democracy itself does not ensure control over corruption. Secondly, I am going to do a very brief survey of institutional changes and controls over corruption in some Western Societies in which I am going to argue that corruption, its control and its illegality depend on institutional evolution by streamlining the constitutional and institutional framework. Thirdly, I am going to explain how some economic models could be adopted for a better understanding of corruption. Finally, I will present a multiple-self model applied to the public agent (politician and bureaucrat) constrained by institutions and pay-off systems.

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Geddes, Barbara, and Artur Ribeiro Neto. "Institutional sources of corruption in Brazil." Third World Quarterly 13, no. 4 (1992): 641–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599208420302.

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Cason, Jeffrey. "Hopes Dashed? Lula's Brazil." Current History 105, no. 688 (2006): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.688.74.

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8

Fogel, Benjamin. "Brazil: Corruption as a Mode of Rule." NACLA Report on the Americas 51, no. 2 (2019): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2019.1617476.

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Britto, Diogo G. C., and Stefano Fiorin. "Corruption and legislature size: Evidence from Brazil." European Journal of Political Economy 65 (December 2020): 101940. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2020.101940.

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Sacco Studnicka, Andrea Cirineo. "Corruption and Human Trafficking in Brazil: Findings from a Multi-Modal Approach." European Journal of Criminology 7, no. 1 (2010): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370809347925.

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Because both corruption and trafficking are very complex phenomena, a multivariate approach was used to analyse the relationship between corruption and trafficking. The results of the analysis show that, in Brazil, corruption is a causal factor in human trafficking. The paper offers a number of suggestions to help researchers and policy makers better understand where, how and when corruption facilitates trafficking in human beings in order to combat both crimes more effectively.

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Rosado de Sá Ribeiro, Marilda, and Carolina Araújo de Azevedo. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CORRUPTION AND FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN BRAZIL: SOME RESPONSES AGAINST CORRUPTION." Panorama of Brazilian Law 1, no. 1 (2013): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17768/pbl.a1.n1.p39.

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Ribeiro, Marilda Rosado de Sá, and Carolina Araújo de Azevedo. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CORRUPTION AND FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN BRAZIL: SOME RESPONSES AGAINST CORRUPTION." PANORAMA OF BRAZILIAN LAW 1, no. 1 (2018): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17768/pbl.v1i1.34358.

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Mobilizing investment and ensuring that it contributes to sustainable development should be one of the priority targets for all countries. The financial-economic market growth is one of the key features of contemporary society, where social, political, and economic activities easily acquire worldwide dimension. Investment Law focuses various aspects of such drives, among other rule of law in different jurisdictions which faces recent developments, as well as multilateral agreements and the soft law that serves as a background for legal transplants and innovation. The analysis made by investors includes risk evaluation. Among other jurisdictions, Latin America and specially Brazil may be included among the hot spots for investments. Between other topics, corruption rating and scandals are scrutinized by investors, showing a widespread example of the dynamic and speed of worldwide negative impact of such events. As a result, fighting corruption has become a policy priority for countries over the past two decades and extensive reform efforts have been launched. Corruption undermines policies and programs that aim to reduce poverty; therefore attacking corruption is critical to achieving poverty reduction, and attracting investments. This article aims to discuss the characteristics of a foreign and international investment and underlines some aspects of corruption; worldwide responses against corruption are also reported, taking into account the fact that the world is globalized and interdependent; An overview of anti-corruption efforts in Brazil is provided.

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Ribeiro, Marilda Rosado de Sá, and Carolina Araújo de Azevedo. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CORRUPTION AND FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN BRAZIL: SOME RESPONSES AGAINST CORRUPTION." PANORAMA OF BRAZILIAN LAW 1, no. 1 (2018): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17768/pbl.v1i1.p39-72.

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Mobilizing investment and ensuring that it contributes to sustainable development should be one of the priority targets for all countries. The financial-economic market growth is one of the key features of contemporary society, where social, political, and economic activities easily acquire worldwide dimension. Investment Law focuses various aspects of such drives, among other rule of law in different jurisdictions which faces recent developments, as well as multilateral agreements and the soft law that serves as a background for legal transplants and innovation. The analysis made by investors includes risk evaluation. Among other jurisdictions, Latin America and specially Brazil may be included among the hot spots for investments. Between other topics, corruption rating and scandals are scrutinized by investors, showing a widespread example of the dynamic and speed of worldwide negative impact of such events. As a result, fighting corruption has become a policy priority for countries over the past two decades and extensive reform efforts have been launched. Corruption undermines policies and programs that aim to reduce poverty; therefore attacking corruption is critical to achieving poverty reduction, and attracting investments. This article aims to discuss the characteristics of a foreign and international investment and underlines some aspects of corruption; worldwide responses against corruption are also reported, taking into account the fact that the world is globalized and interdependent; An overview of anti-corruption efforts in Brazil is provided.

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Ribeiro, Marilda Rosado de Sá, and Carolina Araújo de Azevedo. "THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CORRUPTION AND FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN BRAZIL: SOME RESPONSES AGAINST CORRUPTION." PANORAMA OF BRAZILIAN LAW 1, no. 1 (2018): 39–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17768/pbl.y1n1.p39-72.

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Mobilizing investment and ensuring that it contributes to sustainable development should be one of the priority targets for all countries. The financial-economic market growth is one of the key features of contemporary society, where social, political, and economic activities easily acquire worldwide dimension. Investment Law focuses various aspects of such drives, among other rule of law in different jurisdictions which faces recent developments, as well as multilateral agreements and the soft law that serves as a background for legal transplants and innovation. The analysis made by investors includes risk evaluation. Among other jurisdictions, Latin America and specially Brazil may be included among the hot spots for investments. Between other topics, corruption rating and scandals are scrutinized by investors, showing a widespread example of the dynamic and speed of worldwide negative impact of such events. As a result, fighting corruption has become a policy priority for countries over the past two decades and extensive reform efforts have been launched. Corruption undermines policies and programs that aim to reduce poverty; therefore attacking corruption is critical to achieving poverty reduction, and attracting investments. This article aims to discuss the characteristics of a foreign and international investment and underlines some aspects of corruption; worldwide responses against corruption are also reported, taking into account the fact that the world is globalized and interdependent; An overview of anti-corruption efforts in Brazil is provided.

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15

Winters, Matthew S., and Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro. "Political Corruption and Partisan Engagement: Evidence from Brazil." Journal of Politics in Latin America 7, no. 1 (2015): 45–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1500700102.

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16

Ferreira de Oliveira, Wilson José. "Anti-corruption protests, alliance system and political polarization." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.38032.

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The fight against corruption has become, in recent years, one of the main international causes. Many studies have been done on the effects and consequences of corrupt and corrupting practices for the political system and for the general society. However, there are still few who are dedicated to analyzing the conditions and dynamics of the fight against corruption as a public and international cause and its consequences and impacts on national political systems. Therefore, the objective of this article is to examine the emergence and spread of anti-corruption movements and protests in Brazil, between 2013 and 2018. I aim to demonstrate that the emergence and development of anti-corruption protests and mobilizations in this period are related to the crisis and collapse of the “alliance system” between the main political leaders and organizations, becoming a political resource to recompose and change such alignments. This analysis shows the relevance of the “political dimension” to understand the process of emergence and the development of protests and mobilizations against corruption.

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Rocha, Silvia Pereira da, and Francisco Antonio Bezerra. "Timely loss recognition in Brazilian firms under corruption investigation." Revista Contabilidade & Finanças 32, no. 86 (2021): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1808-057x202110570.

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ABSTRACT This article evaluates the impact of the disclosure of the participation of Brazilian firms listed on the Bolsa Brasil Balcão (B3) in corruption scandals through media scrutiny and by disclosure of independent auditors on the quality of accounting information, measured from the perspective of accounting conservatism. We examine the possible theoretical link between the disclosure of corruption scandals and the quality of accounting information in the Brazilian context. Brazil has gone through successive corruption scandals involving firms and government entities in different levels. Accounting can be an important tool to mitigate said risks based on the artifacts it has to inform key stakeholders. However, it is necessary to identify the extent to which these artifacts can be influenced by the actors involved in these scandals. The research places accounting as an instrument subject to pressures from different interests and that may be shaped to them. Although accounting is an instrument that must aim to reduce information asymmetry, preventing the harmful effects of corruption, in specific contexts, it can be used in the opposite direction, such as in cases of corruption and economic crises. We used the model based on Ball and Shivakumar (2005) with specific modeling characteristics for corruption and crisis. The models were estimated using the Stata 13 software using the pooled approach using the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) estimation method, clustered by year and economic sector, and the Generalized Least Squares (GSL) estimator. The results point to the presence of conservatism when disclosing involvement in investigations of corruption crimes in Brazil. This behavior was less intense in firms effectively mentioned in these events. These results highlight the relevance of studies aimed at clarifying the connections between corruption and accounting reports, enabling the development of measures to curb corruption in the business environment.

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Balán, Manuel. "Surviving Corruption in Brazil: Lula's and Dilma's Success despite Corruption Allegations, and Its Consequences." Journal of Politics in Latin America 6, no. 3 (2014): 67–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1400600304.

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19

Odilla, Fernanda. "Oversee and Punish: Understanding the Fight Against Corruption Involving Government Workers in Brazil." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (2020): 140–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2716.

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This exploratory study leverages a major dataset of official penalties against Brazilian bureaucrats enforced between January 2003 and November 2014, when 5,005 expulsive sanctions were enforced, 68.5% of which concerned acts of corruption. The analysis and discussion also integrate qualitative data gathered through 24 semi-structured interviews with civil servants who were integrity enforcers. Despite the rapid increase in the number of penalties enforced over the years, the creation of a robust set of disciplinary norms and an anti-corruption agency have not secured a fully operational horizontal accountability system within the executive. A great variance of corruption control was observed across agencies, manifested through disproportionate enforcement, not only of overall sanctions but also of corruption and non-corruption-related penalties. In light of the self‐protective behaviour of civil servants, who openly say they do not feel comfortable in the role of corruption fighters, the article advances an argument on ‘convenient accountability’—a kind of institutional abdication combined with a reluctance for peer monitoring, with outcomes that can be described as satisficing for integrity agents. This institutional aspect poses a risk to internal disciplinary systems and increases dependence upon external actors of accountability, compromising the efficiency of both.

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20

Madeira, Lígia Mori, and Leonardo Geliski. "O combate a crimes de corrupção pela Justiça Federal da Região Sul do Brasil." Revista de Administração Pública 53, no. 6 (2019): 987–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180237.

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Abstract This article studies the operation of the Federal Regional Court of the 4th Region (TRF4) in the fight against corruption crimes. Judgments produced by the TRF4 criminal courts between 2003 and 2016 underwent text analysis using the dictionary method, seeking to outline the profile of crimes and defendants. Despite the changes in the web accountability institutions, with the outbreak of major federal police operations, technological uses, new legal devices and a high degree of concentration between the agencies, there is a small proportion of grand corruption crime, involving middle and high-ranking bureaucrats and more sophisticated crimes with greater financial value. Crimes involving contraband and petty corruption take up much of the day to day of the judiciary in the south region of the country, at least in the criminal intermediate courts, where the judge appeals decisions coming from specialized and generalist criminal courts.

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21

Mohallem, Michael Freitas. "Electoral corruption unfolded by Operation Car Wash and political rights in Brazil." Public Administration and Policy 24, no. 1 (2021): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-12-2020-0057.

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PurposeThis article aims to advance the literature on the effects of corruption and its relationship to human rights violations. The article also presents an overview of existing legislative measures as well as those expected to be implemented at the national level to tackle corruption and its impacts on fundamental rights.Design/methodology/ approachThe study draws on the literature that addresses the relation between corruption and human rights, and analyses a single well-known case in Brazil (Operation Car Wash) in order to discuss both the violation of citizens’ political rights and of those being investigated.FindingsThe article suggests that the Brazilian State has failed to guarantee fundamental rights as well as to effectively control electoral corruption. By exploring the complex structure of illegal campaign financing in Brazil, the article exposes how Operation Car Wash evidenced the violation of both of the right to participate public affairs and to vote in authentic elections in Brazil.Originality/valueConsidering that the literature shows it is difficult to link the breaches of human rights with incidences of corruption, this article debates the macro context in which the Car Wash case is inserted and demonstrates the evidence that link the corrupt acts involved in this operation to the violation of specific fundamental human rights: the political rights.

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Madeira, Lígia Mori, and Leonardo Geliski. "The Federal Justice act in combating corruption in Southern Brazil." Revista de Administração Pública 53, no. 6 (2019): 987–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180237x.

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Abstract This article studies the operation of the Federal Regional Court of the 4th Region (TRF4) in the fight against corruption crimes. Judgments produced by the TRF4 criminal courts between 2003 and 2016 underwent text analysis using the dictionary method, seeking to outline the profile of crimes and defendants. Despite the changes in the web accountability institutions, with the outbreak of major federal police operations, technological uses, new legal devices and a high degree of concentration between the agencies, there is a small proportion of grand corruption crime, involving middle and high-ranking bureaucrats and more sophisticated crimes with greater financial value. Crimes involving contraband and petty corruption take up much of the day to day of the judiciary in the south region of the country, at least in the criminal intermediate courts, where the judge appeals decisions coming from specialized and generalist criminal courts.

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23

Timmons, Jeffrey F., and Francisco Garfias. "Revealed Corruption, Taxation, and Fiscal Accountability: Evidence from Brazil." World Development 70 (June 2015): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.12.011.

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Osipian, Ararat L. "Corruption and Democracy in Brazil: The Struggle for Accountability." Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis: Research and Practice 15, no. 2 (2013): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13876988.2013.787191.

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Prado De Toledo, Sergio Armando. "Actions that Combat the Disruption of the Moral and Social Code with the Purpose of Favoritism." Journal of Legal Studies 16, no. 29 (2015): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2015-0001.

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Abstract Currently, corruption has been so generalized and sophisticated that threatens to undermine the own society structure. Corruption is a problem identified in all the countries. What changes is how we deal with it. Nevertheless, why is there so much corruption? Within the group of factors, it is possible to highlight the high bureaucracy that reduces the efficiency of the public administration; the presence of a slow Judiciary Branch which is very low is terms of efficiency, when reprimanding illicit practices that incite everything ending up in pizza (this sentence was literally translated from Portuguese, it does not exist in English, but it means that impunity prevails in Brazil.); the existence of a corporatist sense among the Administration industries in the public sector in relation to the private sector and so facilitating corruption. The penalty for corruption should be constrained to mechanisms that allow the system of criminal justice to carry out actions of arrest, prosecution, penalty and repair to the country. Combating corruption complies with the republican ideal for the reduction of costs in Brazil. Moralizing the public-private relations offers juridical security to the market. The fact that some countries, especially Brazil, are seriously combating against corruption brings hope, with an eye on a more rigid legislation and less bureaucratic as well, with the end of the corporatist sense and the equivalence of salaries between the public and private sector. We shall provide effective criminal, administrative and civil penalties of inhibiting nature for future action; we shall provide cooperation between the law applicator and the private companies; we shall prevent the conflict of interests; we shall forbid the existence of “black fund” at the companies and we shall encouraged the relief or reduction of taxes to expenses considered as bribery or other conducts related

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Eiró, Flávio. "Environment, Violence, Politics, and Corruption in Recent Books about Brazil." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 4 (2016): 268–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16645101.

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Ferreira do Vale, Hélder. "La impunidad en Brasil: causas y consecuencias = Impunity in Brazil: causes and consequences." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4158.

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Resumen: El artículo busca entender las causas y consecuencias de la impunidad en Brasil. Para ello, el artículo trata la impunidad como consecuencia de factores institucionales y estructurales que sobreviven y se han reafirmado en la sociedad brasileña a lo largo de décadas. Las causas institucionales y estructurales de la impunidad –el sistema de recursos de apelación, la prescripción del crimen, la falta de capacidad del Estado, y la vulnerabilidad socioeconómica de determinados grupos sociales– son determinantes para la creación de una cultura que normaliza el no cumplimiento de penas, la falta de celeridad en los juicios y la aplicación de penas blandas. Con el objetivo de examinar estas causas y sus manifestaciones en varios ámbitos, el artículo identificó cuatro casos emblemáticos –la matanza de jóvenes frente a la Iglesia de la Candelaria en Rio de Janeiro en 1993, el asesinato del recolector de cauchos Chico Mendes en 1988, la corrupción en la Comisión de Presupuestos de la Cámara de Diputados en 1994 y la ruptura de la represa de residuos minerales en Mariana en 2015– que ilustran la existencia de factores institucionales y estructurales propulsores de la impunidad. A través de esos casos el artículo contempla varios delitos que incluyen crímenes de corrupción, ambiental y asesinato colectivo, y enfoca la resolución de cada uno de los casos destacando los elementos de impunidad. El análisis ilustra la impunidad de estos casos que revelan la constante incapacidad del Estado y de la sociedad en Brasil de hacer justicia.Palabras clave: Impunidad, justicia, ciudadanía, corrupción, derechos, BrasilAbstract: The article seeks to understand the causes and consequences of impunity in Brazil. With this purpose, the article treats impunity as a consequence of institutional and structural factors that survive and have been reaffirmed in the Brazilian society over the decades. The institutional and structural causes of impunity –the system of appeals, the prescription of crime, the lack of state capacity, and the socioeconomic vulnerability of certain social groups– are determinants for the creation of a culture that normalizes non-compliance of sentences, the lack of speed in the trials and the application of soft sentences. With the aim of examining these causes and their manifestations in several areas, the article identified four emblematic cases –the killing of teenagers in front of the Church of Candelaria in Rio de Janeiro in 1993, the murder of rubber tapper Chico Mendes in 1988, corruption in the Budget Committee of the National Chamber of Deputies in 1994 and the rupture of the mineral waste dam in Mariana in 2015– illustrating the existence of institutional and structural factors that foster impunity. Through these cases, the article contemplates several crimes that include corruption and environmental crimes as well as collective murder and focuses on the resolution of each of the cases, highlighting the elements of impunity. The analysis shows high levels of impunity that reveal the constant inability of the State and society in Brazil to carry out justice.Keywords: Impunity, justice, citizenship, corruption, rights, Brazil.

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Ferraz, Claudio, and Frederico Finan. "Electoral Accountability and Corruption: Evidence from the Audits of Local Governments." American Economic Review 101, no. 4 (2011): 1274–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.101.4.1274.

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We show that political institutions affect corruption levels. We use audit reports in Brazil to construct new measures of political corruption in local governments and test whether electoral accountability affects the corruption practices of incumbent politicians. We find significantly less corruption in municipalities where mayors can get reelected. Mayors with reelection incentives misappropriate 27 percent fewer resources than mayors without reelection incentives. These effects are more pronounced among municipalities with less access to information and where the likelihood of judicial punishment is lower. Overall our findings suggest that electoral rules that enhance political accountability play a crucial role in constraining politician's corrupt behavior. (JEL D72, K42, O17)

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Flynn, Peter. "Collor, Corruption and Crisis: Time for Reflection." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 2 (1993): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00004697.

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The scandal involving President Fernando Collor de Mello, leading to his last-minute resignation on 29 December 1992, provoked understandable heart-searching in Brazil. This was clearly evident in a series of research interviews, which I held from August to October, when the political crisis was fast coming to a head, and already was reflected in published analyses of the P. C. Farias/Collor affair.

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Reich, Gary, and Pedro dos Santos. "The Rise (and Frequent Fall) of Evangelical Politicians: Organization, Theology, and Church Politics." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00209.x.

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Abstract Latin American evangelicals have become a common presence in legislative politics. Brazil exemplifies the potential clout of evangelical legislators and a troubling tendency toward political corruption. This article explains the quality of evangelical interest representation by focusing on church organization and theology, arguing that evangelicals approach electoral politics via three different modes: rejection; participation as individual, politically engaged believers; and engagement as church corporate project. While individual participation is unrelated to political corruption, the corporate model fosters machine politics, characterized in Brazil by resource-based politics, narrow voter bases, and frequent party switching. We link these characteristics to evangelical involvement in two corruption scandals that occurred during the administration of President Lula da Silva. The analysis shows the central role of evangelical organization and theology in shaping interest representation and suggests future duplication of the church-as-political-machine model, particularly where the “Prosperity Theology” variant of pentecostalism is strong.

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Kang, Young-Hee, Kyunga Na, and Yang Sok Kim. "Labor Productivity In Emerging Markets: Evidence From Brazil, China, India, And Russia (BRIC)." Journal of Applied Business Research (JABR) 34, no. 2 (2018): 325–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jabr.v34i2.10134.

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Despite the great amount of attention to emerging markets, much still remains unknown about firm performance in emerging economies. To fill this gap, this study aims to investigate factors that influence labor productivity of firms in Brazil, China, India, and Russia (BRIC countries). This study focuses on features of business environments of emerging markets such as informality, corruption, foreign ownership, and external audit. Using a cross-national sample of 8,885 firms from the World Bank Enterprise Surveys dataset, we find that informality is negatively associated with labor productivity, while corruption and external audit are positively related to labor productivity. Implications will be discussed.

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Rios Petrarca, Fernanda. "Carwash operation and the complex mechanism of political corruption in Brazil." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (2020): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.3.37882.

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This article analyzes the relationship between the governance structures of hidden exchange networks as well as the regulation and protection mechanisms of the corrupt system. It is assumed that the actors interact in a complex network of corrupt exchanges based on an informal system of behavioral rules. The empirical material that serves as the basis for this discussion constitutes the extensive set of legal and journalistic data produced from the “Carwash” operation. The analysis showed that it is, on the one hand, a systemic corruption and, on the other hand, networks whose governance structure is centrifugal. Contrary to what the legal narrative of the operation affirmed, the Brazilian case demonstrates a polycentric system with a high capacity to develop autonomous networks.

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Maxwell, Kenneth, Keith S. Rosenn, and Richard Downes. "Corruption and Political Reform in Brazil: The Impact of Collor's Impeachment." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 4 (1999): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049411.

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Flynn, Peter. "Brazil and Lula, 2005: crisis, corruption and change in political perspective." Third World Quarterly 26, no. 8 (2005): 1221–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590500400025.

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Armijo, Leslie Elliott, and Sybil D. Rhodes. "Explaining infrastructure underperformance in Brazil: cash, political institutions, corruption, and policyGestalts." Policy Studies 38, no. 3 (2017): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2017.1290227.

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36

Gouvea, Raul. "Brazil: Chartering a New Economic Pathway." International Business Research 13, no. 1 (2019): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v13n1p145.

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The presidential elections of 2018 marked an inflection point in Brazil&rsquo;s quest towards establishing a sustainable economic pathway. The &ldquo;populist years&rdquo; of Brazil&rsquo;s hard left, has resulted in economic stagnations, losses of economic competitiveness, massive corruption, and high levels of unemployment. In 2019, Brazil&rsquo;s new administration is introducing a private sector-led economic growth strategy, instead of the state-led growth strategy of previous decades. This paper will elaborate on the new economic paradigm being set in place and its likely impact on Brazil&rsquo;s economy and business environment.&nbsp;

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Barros, Lucia, Rafael Goldszmidt, and Carlos Pereira. "Why do voters choose corrupt candidates? The role of ideology on cognitive mechanisms." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 32, no. 4 (2019): 676–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edz041.

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Abstract There is evidence that people vote for corrupt candidates even when they have information that their representatives have been engaged in corruption in the past. Based on a survey experiment in Brazil, we find evidence that ideology is an important factor to explain this voting behavior. We also found evidence of two psychological mechanisms that explain this effect: a change in perception of corruption and a cognitive cost-benefit evaluation. This study expanded previous findings, showing that ideology can affect voting behavior when there is information about corruption even in a country where voters are supposedly less loyal to a single party.

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Mironova, Anna, and Alexander Tatarko. "Psychological Causes of Corruption: The Role of Worries." Journal of Economic Sociology 22, no. 1 (2021): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1726-3247-2021-1-11-34.

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This study is devoted to answering two questions: (1) Do individuals’ worries and sufferings correlate with the acceptability of corruption from their perspectives? (2) Does this correlation differ by country in terms of corruption levels? We focus on analyzing the correlation between macro and micro worries, on one hand, and individual acceptability of corrupt behavior, on the other hand. This study is based on the data from the 6th-wave World Value Survey. We identified three groups of countries based on the corruption perception index: countries with low-level corruption (Australia, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Singapore, and Sweden), countries with medium-level corruption (Belarus, China, South Korea, Malaysia, and Romania), and countries with high-level corruption (Russia, Brazil, Colombia, Peru, and Thailand). For the purposes of our analysis, we used structural equation modeling. We have found that macro and micro worries are significantly correlated with the acceptability of corruption. Our analysis shows that the more the people worry about themselves or their families, the more they accept corruption. The people who worry about society are more likely to disapprove of corruption. However, the significance of these links varies, depending on the group of countries. For the countries with low-level corruption, the correlation is significant only for the link between micro worries and the acceptability of corruption. The countries with high-level corruption show a significant correlation only for the link between macro worries and the acceptability of corruption. For countries with medium-level corruption and for Russia, the acceptability of corruption is significantly correlated with both micro and macro worries.

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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Análise de limites dos sistemas de contabilidade e controle para o enfretamento do problema da corrupção sistêmica no Brasil: lições dos casos da Suécia e da Itália." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115.

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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the theoretical reference chosen includes Bourdieu’s theory of practice and Tocqueville’s and Ostrom’s collective action theories, as they have been understood respectively by Mungiu-Pippidi and Rothstein. The methodological strategy adopted is an exploratory analysis of the cases of contemporary day Brazil, based on the lessons learned from nineteenth-century Sweden, and Italy in the 1990s. The results indicated that overcoming systemic corruption requires more than control systems. It demands, at least, a trigger to disrupt the perverse social imbalance, institutional capacity to offer normative effectiveness and a cohesive and active civil society.

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Garcia, Leice Maria, and Armindo dos Santos de Sousa Teodósio. "Limits of Brazilian public accounting and control systems to address the systemic corruption problem: lessons from the Swedish and Italian cases." Revista de Administração Pública 54, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220180115x.

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Abstract This article seeks to understand the reasons for the persistence of corruption in the Brazilian federal government, despite strong public accounting and financial control systems in the country. More than two-thirds of the states in the world, including Brazil, face the challenge of plundering public finances by political, economic, and bureaucratic elites. In this context, the exclusive use of the dominant approach of economic theories for the structuring of public control systems is limited. It is more appropriate to consider corruption as a problem of collective action. Hence, the theoretical reference chosen includes Bourdieu’s theory of practice and Tocqueville’s and Ostrom’s collective action theories, as they have been understood respectively by Mungiu-Pippidi and Rothstein. The methodological strategy adopted is an exploratory analysis of the cases of contemporary day Brazil, based on the lessons learned from nineteenth-century Sweden, and Italy in the 1990s. The results indicated that overcoming systemic corruption requires more than control systems. It demands, at least, a trigger to disrupt the perverse social imbalance, institutional capacity to offer normative effectiveness and a cohesive and active civil society.

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Bechara, Ana Elisa. "CRIMINAL LAW BETWEEN EFFICIENCY AND GUARANTEES: REFLECTIONS OF THE CRIMINAL POLICY FOR THE CONTROL OF CORRUPTION FOR THE BRAZILIAN CRIMINAL SYSTEM." HUMANITIES AND RIGHTS | GLOBAL NETWORK JOURNAL 2, no. 1 (2020): 40–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24861/2675-1038.v2i1.26.

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This article draws a critical analysis of the repressive and symbolic criminal policy of control of public corruption in Brazil and its consequences to the democratic criminal system and to the human rights.

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Samuels, David. "Sources of Mass Partisanship in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 02 (2006): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00345.x.

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AbstractScholars believe that mass partisanship in Brazil is comparatively weak. Using evidence from a 2002 national survey, however, this study finds that the aggregate level of party identification actually falls only slightly below the world average and exceeds levels found in many newer democracies. Yet this finding is misleading, because the distribution of partisanship is skewed toward only one party, the PT. This trend results from a combination of party organization and recruitment efforts and individual motivation to acquire knowledge and become involved in politicized social networks. Partisanship for other parties, however, derives substantially from personalistic attachments to party leaders. This finding has implications for current debates about the status of parties in Brazil. Also important is the impact of the 2005 corruption scandal implicating the PT and President Lula da Silva's administration.

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Taylor, Matthew M., and Vinícius C. Buranelli. "Ending Up in Pizza: Accountability as a Problem of Institutional Arrangement in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 49, no. 1 (2007): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2007.tb00374.x.

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AbstractBrazilians often complain that investigations of corruption by public servants drag on for years or bring few legal sanctions on the perpetrators. This lack of accountability is so pervasive that a slang phrase, acabou em pizza, is often invoked when investigations are inconclusive. This article investigates the role of four Brazilian public institutions charged with keeping public servants accountable. For analysis, it breaks the accountability process into its three component stages: oversight, investigation, and sanction. Through a study of six prominent cases of corruption, it shows that the weakness of the accountability process in Brazil is due not entirely to the toothlessness of individual institutions of accountability, but also to the independence of such institutions at each of the three stages. These findings suggest that institutional arrangements influence the degree of accountability, and thereby also public trust and confidence, in Latin America's largest democracy.

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Economides, Kim, and Joaquim Leonel de Rezende Alvim. "Bar exams, legal ethics and the fight against corruption: lessons from Brazil." Legal Ethics 23, no. 1-2 (2020): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1460728x.2020.1822098.

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Goldstein, Donna M. "Already innocent: radioactive bribes, white-collar corruption and nuclear expertise in Brazil." Culture, Theory and Critique 59, no. 4 (2018): 354–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14735784.2018.1514642.

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Bologna, Jamie. "The effect of informal employment and corruption on income levels in Brazil." Journal of Comparative Economics 44, no. 3 (2016): 657–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2015.12.001.

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Funk, Kendall D., and Erica Owen. "Consequences of an Anti‐Corruption Experiment for Local Government Performance in Brazil." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 39, no. 2 (2020): 444–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.22200.

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Fernandes, Camilla, and Bernardo Meyer. "Corruption in Brazilian Public Administration: A Study on the Perception of Law Enforcement Agents." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 8, no. 2 (2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v8i2.13256.

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Corruption is a complex phenomenon that confronts all types of organizations. It also takes place in the underground of the organizational life. However, due to the difficulty in obtaining data it is not as researched and studied as it should be in organizational studies. The goal of this paper is to analyze the corruption in Brazilian public administration based upon the perception of law enforcement agents. The paper is based on qualitative research which used primary and secondary data, however most part of the data was obtained in depth interviews with 12 Brazilian law enforcement agents. The results of the research point out seven main findings. The interviewees also highlighted that corruption can be seen in all areas of citizen's life, including in daily practices, so it is important to find new forms to combat Transparency, greater social participation, control and punishment were listed as the main elements to be explored in the fight against corruption. The main contribution of this article is to discuss the limitations of the rationality of law enforcement agents in relation to a complex phenomenon, as corruption in public administration, in a country with high corruption incidence, as Brazil.

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Bailey, John, and Matthew M. Taylor. "Evade, Corrupt, or Confront? Organized Crime and the State in Brazil and Mexico." Journal of Politics in Latin America 1, no. 2 (2009): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x0900100201.

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Government and organized criminal groups co-exist in uneasy equilibrium. Criminal groups adjust their behavior as a function of their own goals and resources in relation to inter-group cooperation and conflict, dynamic markets, and public policies; governments adjust their behavior according to shifting perceptions of the benefits offered, threats posed, and strategies adopted by criminal groups. When governments attempt to control or repress their activities, criminal groups employ various tools and instruments that might be grouped into three categories: evasion, corruption, and confrontation. The paper draws on recent cases from Brazil and Mexico with respect to tactical and strategic choices by governments and criminal groups, seeking to address three broad questions. What factors disrupt the state-criminal group equilibrium? Under what circumstances do disruptions produce significant levels of violence (as opposed to evasion or corruption)? What are the implications for the quality of democracy as criminal groups violently confront the state?

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Winters, Matthew S., and Rebecca Weitz-Shapiro. "Information credibility and responses to corruption: a replication and extension in Argentina." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 1 (2018): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.50.

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AbstractExisting research shows that survey respondents are sensitive to the source of information about political corruption and respond more strongly to information from more credible sources. This behavior occurs more frequently among the politically sophisticated. In a nation-wide survey in Argentina, we successfully replicate results originally found in a study in Brazil. In addition, we examine whether citizens process information about corruption differently depending on their partisan identities. At odds with our initial expectations, we find that copartisans, opposition partisans, and other/non-partisans distinguish between information sources in very similar ways. These results suggest that even though partisanship affects baseline assessments of political candidates, citizens of all types are sensitive to the credibility of information they receive about political corruption.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Corruption - Brazil'

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