Journal articles: 'Corruption – Kenya'

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Truntsevsky, Yuri Vladimirovich. "RESISTANCE CORRUPTION IN KENYA." Yugra State University Bulletin, no. 2 (December 15, 2018): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/byusu20180243-53.

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To consolidate the efforts of society and the state, to implement the National anti - corruption plan for 2018-2020 in our country, the experience of foreign countries in the field of anti-corruption is of interest. The Republic of Kenya has legislative and institutional examples. The results of the study showed that this African country has a stable anti-corruption regulatory framework, the presence of a successfully functioning anti-corruption body, the desire of the country's leadership to improve all institutions of state power in order to continue to reduce corruption in the country. However, a survey of the population of Kenya showed a number of unresolved problems in the area under consideration. This requires further reflection and development of measures to improve the effectiveness of the state anti-corruption policy. This is especially required in education and public administration. In Kenya, it is planned to strengthen interagency cooperation on exchange of information; to revise anti-corruption legislation to strengthen the penalties; to create a special anti-corruption courts, which will accelerate the decision of questions of fight against corruption and unethical behavior.

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Wachanga, Jesse. "The Kenya Anti‐Corruption Commission." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 34, no. 3 (September 2008): 673–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050710802268554.

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Otindo, Clement, Racheal Mbaire, and Jane Kanina. "Civic pride and tax compliance in Kenya." African Multidisciplinary Tax Journal 2021, no. 1 (February 2021): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/amtj/2021/i1a9.

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Every government aspires to foster voluntary tax compliance; thus, the need to understand what citizens think about paying taxes other than taxes being a legal requirement. This paper analysed data collected through a nationwide survey on tax compliance. An ordered probit regression model was employed to examine the relationship between civic pride and tax compliance in Kenya. The findings indicated that tax compliance pertains to the relationship between individuals and the state. Individuals who are proud to be Kenyan and have faith in both the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) and the government depicted higher levels of compliance than those who were not proud and did not have faith in the institutions. Other factors that were found to significantly influence voluntary tax compliance in Kenya included age, gender, satisfaction with democracy, corruption in government and a fair tax system. Therefore, to improve voluntary tax compliance, the government and tax administration should adopt strategies aimed at increasing taxpayers’ confidence in the system. This include improved service delivery to the citizenry especially health and education, fair and equitable distribution of resources, fair treatment to all, eradication of corruption and having a fair tax system.

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Lawson, Letitia. "The politics of anti-corruption reform in Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003662.

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ABSTRACTPrevious research on anti-corruption reform in Africa falls into two camps. The first explores ‘best practices’ and policy approaches to controlling corruption, while the second focuses on the politics of anti-corruption ‘reform’, arguing that official anti-corruption campaigns aim to mollify donors while using corruption charges instrumentally to undermine rivals and shore up personal loyalty to the president, and thus have no chance of controlling corruption. This paper suggests that, while the neopatrimonial context is a very significant limiting factor in anti-corruption reform, limited progress is possible. Examining the motivations and effects, intended and unintended, of anti-corruption reforms in Kenya and Nigeria, it finds that while the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission has indeed been politically marginalised and largely ineffectual, the more autonomous and activist, but politically instrumentalised, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission in Nigeria has had a measure of success. The analysis suggests that this is explained by the EFCC's independent prosecutorial powers and the institutionalisation strategies of its chairman.

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Taaliu, Simon Thuranira. "Corruption in Schools and Universities in Kenya." Open Journal of Social Sciences 05, no. 04 (2017): 227–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2017.54020.

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6

Hope, Kempe Ronald. "The police corruption “crime problem” in Kenya." Security Journal 32, no. 2 (August 2, 2018): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41284-018-0149-y.

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7

OTIENO, GLADWELL. "THE NARC'S ANTI-CORRUPTION DRIVE IN KENYA." African Security Review 14, no. 4 (January 2005): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2005.9627591.

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8

Gakuo Mwangi, Oscar. "Political corruption, party financing and democracy in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003224.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines political corruption and political party financing in multiparty Kenya. It uses the Goldenberg and Anglo-Leasing mega-scandals to demonstrate the existence of political corruption, particularly campaign financing, arguing that it has increased under multiparty rule and affected the nature of governance. It has adversely affected political participation and competition, the rule of law, transparency and accountability. Illegal funds to finance the Kenya African National Union's elections in the 1990s were raised through the Goldenberg Affair, whereas those aimed at financing the National Rainbow Coalition's elections in December 2007 were to be raised through the Anglo-Leasing scandal. Corrupt campaign financing, therefore, poses a threat to democracy in the country. The democratic space created and expanded by multipartyism has, however, provided new opportunities for waging the war against corruption. It is in the context of these arguments that the conclusion raises broader issues for corruption and democracy in Africa.

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9

Gathogo, Julius. "Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 1, no. 1 (August 3, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v1i1.20.

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This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in the colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns would include: socio-economic concerns such as poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other concerns. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911.

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10

Kimuyu, Peter. "Corruption, firm growth and export propensity in Kenya." International Journal of Social Economics 34, no. 3 (February 27, 2007): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290710726748.

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11

Mutonyi, John. "Fighting Corruption: Is Kenya on the Right Track?" Police Practice and Research 3, no. 1 (January 2002): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260290011318.

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12

Hope, Kempe Ronald. "Police corruption and the security challenge in Kenya." African Security 11, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392206.2017.1419650.

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13

Harrington, John, and Ambreena Manji. "Satire and the Politics of Corruption in Kenya." Social & Legal Studies 22, no. 1 (December 9, 2012): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663912458113.

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14

Sutherland, Ewan. "Bribery and corruption in telecommunications: the case of Kenya." info 17, no. 3 (May 11, 2015): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/info-01-2015-0013.

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Purpose – This paper aims to examine how telecommunications in Kenya was affected by the absence of good governance and the presence of rent-seeking by ministers. Design/methodology/approach – A single-country case study combining approaches of anti-corruption and telecommunications methodologies using secondary and legal sources. Findings – Corruption has been a significant factor, but has also led to distortions in the market which may have been more significant. Research limitations/implications – Given the sensitivity of corrupt dealing, it is impracticable to interview the principals, some of whose identities are concealed behind front companies. Practical implications – It is necessary to modify telecommunications practice to eliminate the use of front companies and those registered in opaque registries to identify conflicts of interests. Originality/value – This is one of only four countries examined in terms of bribery and corruption in telecommunications.

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15

D'Arcy, Michelle, and Agnes Cornell. "Devolution and corruption in Kenya: Everyone's turn to eat?" African Affairs 115, no. 459 (March 23, 2016): 246–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adw002.

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16

Blane, David. "Global Snapshots - Kenya: coping with a history of corruption." BMJ 326, Suppl S6 (June 1, 2003): 0306209a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sbmj.0306209a.

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17

Heald, Suzette. "Controlling Crime and Corruption from Below: Sungusungu in Kenya." International Relations 21, no. 2 (June 2007): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117807077003.

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18

Oindo, Joseph Ouma. "How African Kinship System Contributes to Corruption in Kenya." Open Journal of Social Sciences 09, no. 05 (2021): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2021.95003.

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19

Mwangi, Mercy, Amos Njuguna, and George Achoki. "Relationship between corruption and capital flight in Kenya: 1998-2018." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 8, no. 5 (August 26, 2019): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v8i5.318.

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The study established the relationship between corruption and capital flight in Kenya over the period 1998 to 2018. Quarterly time series data for calculation of capital flight and for GDP growth rate and exchange rates were collected from the Central Bank of Kenya and Kenya National Bureau of Statistics. Corruption perception index data was collected from the Transparency International website. Two Autoregressive Distributed-lagged models were fitted. Regression coefficients for corruption were -0.114 and 0.066 in the short run and -0.501 in the long run and the p values were 0.523 and 0.691 and 0.558 respectively, indicating no significant relationship. Regression results showed a coefficient of 0.01 and 0.003 for the Gross Domestic Product growth rate in the short run, and 0.049 in the long run. The p values were 0.670, 0.855 and 0.578 respectively denoting no significant relationship. Regression results showed a coefficient of 0.002 and 0.003 for the exchange rate in the short run, 0.43 for the exchange rate in the long run. The p values were 0.891 and 0.584 and 0.095 respectively indicating that a one % increase in the exchange rate would lead to a 0.043 % increase in capital flight in the long run. Regression results of lagged capital flight on capital flight showed a coefficient of 0.904. The p-value was 0.000 meaning that a one % increase in lagged capital flight would lead to a 0.904 % increase in capital flight. The study recommended that the government devises policies that would prevent further capital flight and generate capital flight reversal.

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20

Mosoti, Victor. "Reforming The Laws On Public Procurement In The Developing World: The Example Of Kenya." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 54, no. 3 (July 2005): 621–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei020.

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Kenya is one of the countries that are currently in the process of preparing a new law on government procurement as part of the anti-corruption efforts of a new democratically elected government which came into power in December 2002. Whereas it may be too early to judge the commitment of the new government to meaningful and consistent anti-corruption initiatives, one may already discern either a definite unwillingness to move forward with serious reforms or an implicit acquiescence towards corrupt practices, particularly in the government procurement process. In this paper, we shall examine Kenya's government procurement laws, and their practical application. We focus on two recent examples of the procurement process, one by a government ministry and the other by a parastatal body. The first example of application we shall look at is the controversy over the procurement of HIV-Aids testing equipment by the Ministry of Health, and the second is the procurement of cranes by the Kenya Ports Authority. We shall end with a brief examination of the proposed Public Procurement and Disposal Bill (2003)l which is currently before the Kenyan parliament and how it may revolutionalize the government procurement process in Kenya. This Bill has already received the approval of the Cabinet of Ministers and is due for the second reading in Parliament.2 Despite the Government having stated its commitment to have the bill enacted, the bill has not been passed yet.3 In the last substantive part of the paper, we assess the relevant international agreements and standards such as the UNCITRAL Model Law on Public Procurement and the WTO's Agreement on Government Procurement, and also highlight the regional procurement law.

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21

Okiri, Felix O., Lynn Waithera Ngugi, and James Opiyo Wandayi. "Strengthening Integrity & Preventing Corruption in the Judiciary in Kenya." Beijing Law Review 10, no. 01 (2019): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2019.101008.

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22

Fredrick Onyango, Odhiambo. "Determinants of Corruption in Kenya: Born and Bred to Bribe." Social Sciences 4, no. 6 (2015): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ss.20150406.12.

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23

Obala, Luke M., and Michael Mattingly. "Ethnicity, corruption and violence in urban land conflict in Kenya." Urban Studies 51, no. 13 (December 23, 2013): 2735–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098013513650.

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24

Chang’ach, John Koskey, and David Kipkasi Kessio. "Education for Development: Myth or Reality? The Kenyan Experience." International Journal of Learning and Development 2, no. 3 (May 19, 2012): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijld.v2i3.1819.

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Education is seen as a powerful tool by which men and women are liberated from their natural state whether that described as ignorance, poverty, disease, selfishness, fear, corruption, injustice, enslavement, moral bankruptcy, or some other undesirable conditions and therefore freedom is the goal of education. Since attaining her political independence in 1963, Kenya has continued to invest heavily in education with the hope that this would help to transform the country into a modern progressive state. Kenya, fifty years after independence she is still bedeviled by corruption, bad governance, negative ethnicity and impunity. Although Kenyans have acquired literacy, academic knowledge and skills, education has not translated into the kind of thinking, mental attitudes and behaviour that is necessary for transforming society. This paper will explore the liberating and transforming power of education at the level of the individual and the society. It will then go on to demonstrate that only the right or intellectual learning at the expense of values and character education is responsible for our educational failure in Kenya.

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Onchoke, Aunga Solomon, and Okwako Eric. "Bribe and Bribery Labeling in Kenyan Anti-Corruption Discourse: A Conceptual Metaphor Perspective." Language Circle: Journal of Language and Literature 15, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/lc.v15i1.25063.

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Corruption in Kenya has been a particularly large problem since its independence from British rule in 1963. This paper explores the motivation behind a cultural specific metaphor of bribe and bribery labeling in Kenya as seen from the conceptual metaphor viewpoint. The study identifies and explains the different terms relating to a bribe and bribery, describes social-cultural values in Kenya, and accounts for the cognitive processes involved in their interpretation. The data includes a list of terms collected from traffic police officers, public transport workers and commuters from different parts of Kenya. These metaphors were identified by the Metaphor Identification Procedure (MIP) created by Pragglejaz Group (2007) and analyzed using the Cognitive Metaphor Theory from Lakoff and Johnson (1987). The results reveal that language spoken by a society is an essential part of its culture, and the lexical distinctions drawn by each language reflect culturally important features of objects, foods, institutions, games, air we breathe and other activities in the society in which the language operates. We argue that conceptual metaphors are conduits of communication, and it is prudent to apply the cognitive linguistic approach for their better contextual appreciation. This paper concludes by suggesting further avenues for research into socio-cultural metaphors, and by calling for the government to innovate new ways of fighting corruption because the players have invented ingenious ways of communicating about it metaphorically beyond comprehension for a lay person.

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Onguny, Philip. "The Politics of Impunity and the Shifting Media Landscape in Kenya." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MASS MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS 7, no. 1 (December 7, 2020): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.7-1-4.

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This article focuses on state-media relations and the shifts in the overall media landscape in Kenya. Drawing on a political economy approach to media operations in Kenya, it argues that while there are competing meanings over what constitutes "news values", "editorial independence", and "critical media", changes in political regimes and unclear media regulations contribute to political and/or corporate interference on media coverage of corruption and political impunity. This renders media operations problematic at the normative and operational levels. The discussion situates these arguments within the contexts of "policy laundering" and "critical junctures", seeking to establish whether the shifting media landscape is a function of increased information and communication affordability or, instead, an indication that critical media are on the decline. Overall, the article provides an assessment of key temporal periods that have shaped media regulatory frameworks to show how political and/or corporate interests have influenced journalistic practices and editorial independence over time and space. Keywords: Kenyan media, media regulations, editorial independence, political impunity, policy laundering, safety of journalists, critical junctures

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Bellaubi, Francesc, and Frederic Boehm. "Management practices and corruption risks in water service delivery in Kenya and Ghana." Water Policy 20, no. 2 (January 23, 2018): 388–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2018.017.

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Abstract Water sector reform has brought considerable changes in organizations in Kenya and Ghana while the overall water service delivery (WSD) performance has remained low. The changes have also brought a shift in the balance of power between the different actors involved in WSD as well as a number of integrity issues at an institutional level in terms of corruption risks. The paper analyzes the power distribution between the main actors involved in WSD in terms of principals and agents, in relation to identified corruption risks and organizational structures at policy and regulatory, provision, and consumption WSD levels. The results identify different water control domains that are compared to management situations described in the literature but, according to the opinion of the authors, are considered insufficient to reflect on the empirical observations found in the three case studies in Kenya and two in Ghana. Furthermore, the authors suggest complementing management practice definitions with the findings of this research.

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Mokaya, Nathan Oigo, Haileyesus Tessema Alemmeh, Cyrus Gitonga Ngari, and Grace Gakii Muthuri. "Mathematical Modelling and Analysis of Corruption of Morals amongst Adolescents with Control Measures in Kenya." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 2021 (April 21, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/6662185.

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In the present paper, we formulate a new mathematical model for the dynamics of moral corruption with comprehensive age-appropriate sexual information and provision of guidance and counselling. The population is subdivided into three (3) different compartments according to their level of information on sexual matters. The model is proved to be both epidemiologically and mathematically well posed. The existence of unique morally corrupt-free and endemic equilibrium points is investigated. The basic reproduction number with respect to morally corrupt-free equilibrium is obtained using next generation matrix approach to monitor the dynamics of corrupt morals and ascertain its level in order to suggest effective intervention strategies to control this problem. The local as well as global asymptotic stability of these equilibrium points is studied. The analysis reveals a globally asymptotically stable morally corrupt-free equilibrium whenever ℛ 0 ≤ 1 and a globally asymptotically stable endemic equilibrium if otherwise. Further analysis, using center manifold theory, shows that the model exhibits forward bifurcation insinuating that the classical epidemiological requirement of ℛ 0 ≤ 1 is necessary and sufficient for elimination of moral corruption. A brief discussion on the graphical results using the available numerical procedures is shown. From numerical simulations, it was ascertain that integrated control strategy is the best approach to fight against moral corruption transmission. Lastly, some key parameters that show significance in the moral corruption elimination from the society are also exploited.

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29

Ross, Stanley D. "The Rule of Law and Lawyers in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1992): 421–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001082x.

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Kenya has for many years enjoyed a reputation for political stability, democratic institutions, lack of corruption, and economic growth, unlike a number of other countries in Africa. The Government has sought to emphasise this image in order to retain and attract foreign investment and aid, and to maintain a booming tourist industry. But for some time a corrosion of the rule of law has been taking place behind the facade of legitimacy, a process so accelerated during 1990 and 1991 that many people have questioned the validity of Kenya's reputation.

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Cheeseman, Nic, Gabrielle Lynch, and Justin Willis. "Decentralisation in Kenya: the governance of governors." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1500097x.

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AbstractKenya's March 2013 elections ushered in a popular system of devolved government that represented the country's biggest political transformation since independence. Yet within months there were public calls for a referendum to significantly revise the new arrangements. This article analyses the campaign that was led by the newly elected governors in order to understand the ongoing disputes over the introduction of decentralisation in Kenya, and what they tell us about the potential for devolution to check the power of central government and to diffuse political and ethnic tensions. Drawing on Putnam's theory of two-level games, we suggest that Kenya's new governors have proved willing and capable of acting in concert to protect their own positions because the pressure that governors are placed under at the local level to defend county interests has made it politically dangerous for them to be co-opted by the centre. As a result, the Kenyan experience cannot be read as a case of ‘recentralisation’ by the national government, or as one of the capture of sub-national units by ‘local elites’ or ‘notables’. Rather, decentralisation in Kenya has generated a political system with a more robust set of checks and balances, but at the expense of fostering a new set of local controversies that have the potential to exacerbate corruption and fuel local ethnic tensions in some parts of the country.

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van den Berg, Paul, and Niels Noorderhaven. "A Users’ Perspective on Corruption: SMEs in the Hospitality Sector in Kenya." African Studies 75, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2015.1129138.

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32

Mbithi, Antony, Damiana Ndambuki, and Fredrick Owino Juma. "Determinants of Public Participation in Kenya County Governments." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (August 18, 2018): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618794028.

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The Constitution of Kenya 2010 introduced a framework for devolving public resources in Kenya’s forty-seven Counties. The Counties were given the responsibilities of maintaining health, roads and agriculture, among others. Using the Afrobarometer (2015) survey, we employ probit regression to examine the determinants of successful public participation in the Counties. We find that approval of the Governor’s performance has a positive and significant influence on public participation. However, difficulty among the citizenry in influencing County decision-making; lack of responsive County Assembly Members; difficulty in accessing information on County budgets, legislation and projects; and corruption in the Governor’s office have a negative significance.

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33

Gathogo, Julius. "Consolidating Democracy in Kenya (1920-1963)." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 1, no. 1 (August 10, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v1i1.22.

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Kenya became a Crown Colony of the British government on 23 July 1920. Before then, 1895 to 1919, it was a protectorate of the British Government. Between 1887 to 1895, Scot William Mackinnon (1823-1893), under the auspices of his chartered company, Imperial British East Africa (IBEA), was running Kenya on behalf of the British Government. This article sets out to trace the road to democracy in colonial Kenya, though with a bias to electoral contests, from 1920 to 1963. While democracy and/or democratic culture is broader than mere electioneering, the article considers electoral processes as critical steps in consolidating democratic gains, as societies now find an opportunity to replace bad leaders and eventually installs a crop of leadership that resonates well with their pains, dreams, fears and joys. With its own elected leaders, the article hypothesizes, a society has a critical foundation because elected people are ordinarily meant to address cutting-edge issues facing a given society. Such concerns may include: poverty, corruption, racism, marginalization of minority, ethnic bigotry, economic rejuvenation, gender justice, and health of the people among other disquiets. Methodologically, the article focusses more on the 1920 and the 1957 general elections. This is due to their unique positioning in the Kenyan historiography. In 1920, for instance, a semblance of democracy was witnessed in Kenya when the European-Settler-Farmers’ inspired elections took place, after their earlier protests in 1911. They were protesting against the mere nomination of leaders to the Legislative Council (Parliament) since 1906 when the first Parliament was instituted in Kenya’s history. Although Eliud Wambu Mathu became the first African to be nominated to the Legislative Council in 1944, this was seen as a mere drop in the big Ocean, as Africans had not been allowed to vote or usher in their own leaders through universal suffrage. The year 1957 provided that opportunity even though they (Africans) remained a tiny minority in the Legislative Council until the 1963 general elections which ushered in Kenya’s independence. What other setbacks did the Kenyan democratic process encounter; and how were the democratic gains consolidated? While the article does not intend to focus on the voice of religious societies, or the lack of it, it is worthwhile to concede that a democratic process is an all-inclusive enterprise that invites all cadres to “come and build the barricading wall” for all of us.

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Mubangizi, John C., and Prenisha Sewpersadh. "A Human Rights-based Approach to Combating Public Procurement Corruption in Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 10, no. 1 (August 18, 2017): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340015.

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Corruption is a threat to human rights as it erodes accountability and violates many international human rights conventions. It also undermines basic principles and values like equality, non-discrimination, human dignity, and social justice – especially in African countries where democratic systems and institutional arrangements are less developed than in most European, Asian and American countries. Corruption occurs in both the public and private sectors and affects human rights by deteriorating institutions and diminishing public trust in government. Corruption impairs the ability of governments to fulfil their obligations and ensure accountability in the implementation and protection of human rights – particularly socio-economic rights pertinent to the delivery of economic and social services. This is because corruption diverts funds into private pockets – impeding delivery of services, and thereby perpetuating inequality, injustice and unfairness. This considered, the focus of this paper is on public procurement corruption. It is argued that by applying a human rights-based approach to combating public procurement corruption, the violation of human rights – particularly socio-economic rights – can be significantly reduced. Through a human rights-based approach, ordinary people can be empowered to demand transparency, accountability and responsibility from elected representatives and public officials – particularly those involved in public procurement. In the paper, reference is made to selected aspects of the national legal frameworks of five African countries: South Africa, Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria and Botswana.

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Orayo, Joseph Abuga, and George Nyarigoti Mose. "A Comparative Study on Contribution of Governance on Economic Growth Countries in the East African Community." International Journal of Regional Development 3, no. 2 (September 12, 2016): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijrd.v3i2.9848.

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This study sought to explore the relationship between good governance and economic growth among the East Africa Community (EAC) countries. The study utilized panel data to analyse six major World Bank governance indicators namely: Voice and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law and Control of Corruption effect on economic growth in the respective country and region for the period 1999-2013. The Random effect model (REM) and Ordinary Least Square (OLS) estimation techniques were employed for comparative analysis. The study showed that among the governance indicators, political stability, quality regulatory and control of corruption were significant. The first two indices were negatively related to economic growth rate while the latter was positively related to economic growth rate. From the OLS models, voice and accountability had a significant effect on economic growth rate in Kenya and Uganda. The quality of regulation had significant effect in Kenya and Tanzania while rule of law was found to be significant only in Kenya. The study suggests that in order to advance the economic performance in EAC countries, the EAC states need to invest in more effective regulation on both public and private institutions to enhance social, political and sustainable economic interactions. Similarly, the government needs to encourage national cohesion and peaceful co-existence that would foster political stability and reduce violence. By investing in good governance through establishment of key institutions of governance are likely to spur economic growth.

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Noor, Ibrahim Moge. "Sentiment Analysis on New Currency in Kenya Using Twitter Dataset." Proceeding International Conference on Science and Engineering 3 (April 30, 2020): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/icse.v3.503.

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Social media sites recently became popular, it is clear that it has major influence in society, and almost one third of the entire world are in social media. It became a platform where people express their feelings, share their ideas, wisdoms and give feedback of an event or a product, with help of new technology it gave us an opportunity to analyse these contents easily. Twitter being one of these sites, with full of people opinions, where one can truck sentiment express about different kind of topics, instead of wasting time and energy for long surveys, due to advance sentiment analysis we can now collect a huge data of opinions of people. Sentiment analysis was one of the major interesting research area nowadays. In this paper we focused Sentimental insight into the 2019 Kenya currency replacement. Kenya government has announced that the country currency is to be replace wıth new generatıon of bank notes, the government ordered the Kenyan citizen to return back the old 1000 shilling notes ($10) to bank by 1st October 2019, in a bid to fight against corruption and money laundering. Kenyans citizen expressed their reaction over new banknotes. We perform sentiment analysis of the tweets using Multinomial Naïve Bayes algorithm by utilizing data from one of the social media platform–Twitter and I have collected during this period of demonetization, 1122 tweets from twitter using web scrapper with help of twitter advance search.

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Bunei, Emmanuel K., Gerard McElwee, and Robert Smith. "From bush to butchery: cattle rustling as an entrepreneurial process in Kenya." Society and Business Review 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 46–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sbr-10-2015-0057.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the changing practices of cattle rustling in Kenya from a relatively small isolated and opportunistic activity to a much more planned and systematic entrepreneurial business involving collusion and corruption. Design/methodology/approach – This paper provides a conceptual approach using key literature and documentary evidence to show how, in the northern part of Kenya, cattle rustling is common occurrence with criminals taking advantage of remote rural environments with minimal surveillance and consequently less opportunity of being stopped and searched by police. Findings – Results evidence significant differences in how rustling is perceived and valorized. Rustling in Kenya is now an entrepreneurial crime with the involvement of rural organized criminal gangs (ROCGs), who are operating in food supply chains throughout Kenya and the African continent. Practical/implications – This paper suggests that a more nuanced understanding of the entrepreneurial nature of some illegal practices in a rural Kenya is necessary and how it requires multi-agency investigation. Originality/value – The paper is unique in that it considers how cattle rustling is becoming a more entrepreneurial crime than previously. Little prior work on this subject exists in Kenya. The paper utilizes the framework of Smith and McElwee (2013) on illegal enterprise to frame cattle rustling as an entrepreneurial crime.

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Jablonski, Ryan S. "How Aid Targets Votes: The Impact of Electoral Incentives on Foreign Aid Distribution." World Politics 66, no. 2 (March 28, 2014): 293–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887114000045.

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Despite allegations that foreign aid promotes corruption and patronage, little is known about how recipient governments' electoral incentives influence aid spending. This article proposes a distributional politics model of aid spending in which governments use their informational advantages over donors in order to allocate a disproportionate share of aid to electorally strategic supporters, allowing governments to translate aid into votes. To evaluate this argument, the author codes data on the spatial distribution of multilateral donor projects in Kenya from 1992 to 2010 and shows that Kenyan governments have consistently influenced the aid allocation process in favor of copartisan and coethnic voters, a bias that holds for each of Kenya's last three regimes. He confirms that aid distribution increases incumbent vote share. This evidence suggests that electoral motivations play a significant role in aid allocation and that distributional politics may help explain the gap between donor intentions and outcomes.

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Akech. "Abuse of Power and Corruption in Kenya: Will the New Constitution Enhance Government Accountability?" Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 18, no. 1 (2011): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/indjglolegstu.18.1.341.

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Oguso, Alex, Francis M. Mwega, Nelson H. Wawire, and Purna Samanta. "Analysis of Budget Imbalance Dynamics in Kenya." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 4, no. 4 (November 24, 2018): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v4n4p352.

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Kenya needs substantial and sustained fiscal consolidation to create fiscal space for financing the government’s election pledges, the Vision 2030 development projects, and sustainable development goals. However, the government has found it hard to sustain its fiscal consolidation attempts. This study investigates the fiscal consolidation constraints that act through the budget imbalance dynamics in Kenya using the Olivera-Tanzi effect approach. The study covers the period 2000-2015 using time series data and employs three Auto-regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) error correction models in the analysis. The study showed that a rise in the general price levels in the economy, adjustment of minimum wages, rise in perceived levels of corruption in the public sector and the political budget cycles (occurrence of a general election) worsen the budget imbalances (deficits) thus constrain fiscal consolidation efforts in Kenya. The study also demonstrated that budget imbalance dynamics in Kenya could partly be explained by the Olivera-Tanzi proposition. The study recommends measures to reduce the fiscal imbalance gap in Kenya, which include controlling both supply and demand side inflationary pressure and dealing with rent seeking behavior in the public sector.

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Boamah, Festus, David Aled Williams, and Joana Afful. "Justifiable energy injustices? Exploring institutionalised corruption and electricity sector “problem-solving” in Ghana and Kenya." Energy Research & Social Science 73 (March 2021): 101914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.erss.2021.101914.

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Gathii, James Thuo, and Harrison Mbori Otieno. "Assessing Kenya's Cooperative Model of Devolution: A Situation-Specific Analysis." Federal Law Review 46, no. 4 (December 2018): 595–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x1804600407.

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Kenya's form of quasi-federalism termed devolution was introduced under the Constitution of Kenya (2010) (‘ 2010 Constitution’). This governance system establishes 47 county governments which are constitutionally independent sub-national units with direct election of county level leaders. Given the complexity of devolution's relationship to national politics, as well as the broad variation in how devolution has unfolded in the 47 counties since 2013, this article argues in favour of a situation-specific assessment of devolution in Kenya. This analysis departs from the emerging scholarly consensus of devolution in Kenya represented in two predominant approaches. One approach contends that devolution in Kenya has simply devolved corruption and patronage from the national to the county level. Another approach argues that devolution has so far been relatively successful because it has introduced a new political system at the county level that has a robust system of checks and balances but that has empowered a new dynamic in Kenya's politics at the sub-national level. This article argues the first approach paints the emerging devolution experience with a broad brush that is not reflected in every county or even on every issue. This article has more in common with the second view. However, we argue for a more situation-specific, case by case analysis of devolution to show variations in how devolution has or has not facilitated the delivery of services and opportunities that were prior to 2013 likely to be unavailable particularly in the most economically disadvantaged counties.

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Kiambati, Kellen K. "The Levels of transparency and county service delivery in Kenya." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 9, no. 3 (April 30, 2020): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v9i3.617.

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In order to push development to the grassroots and ensure citizens contribute meaningfully to development, many African countries have adopted the devolved governance system. However, it has been observed that the devolution of political powers has not translated equally to envisioned overall development. In Kenya County governments have achieved various milestones towards development demonstrated through the infrastructure, social amenities, and standards of living. However, corruption has been increasing mainly due to a lack of transparency. This paper sought to examine the contribution of transparency levels in County government service delivery. The study adopted mixed method approach using survey and in-depth interviews concurrently. Stratified multi stage cluster sampling was deployed. Quantitative data was collected using questionnaires and qualitative data using interview schedules. Data was analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics and a typological theory developed to explain the study results. The study findings showed that the level of transparency in the counties was low which affected service delivery. The study concluded that county governments should ensure that public participation and sharing of information is bidirectional to involve both users and management so as to improve service delivery.

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Kamiru, John. "DISTORTIONARY EFFECT OF CORRUPTION, INVESTMENT BEHAVIOR AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: KENYA MANUFACTURING SECTOR AND FUTURE POLICY OUTLOOK." Journal of Academy of Business and Economics 19, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/jabe-19-2.3.

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Cavanagh, Connor J. "Anthropos into humanitas: Civilizing violence, scientific forestry, and the ‘Dorobo question’ in eastern Africa." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 4 (November 17, 2016): 694–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775816678620.

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Early interactions between state administrators and forest-dwelling communities in eastern Africa yield significant insight into colonial attempts to grapple with difference across hierarchically conceptualized ‘races’, classes, tribes, and radically alternative livelihoods. In particular, uncertainties related to the governance of forest-dwellers resulted in a problematic known as the ‘Dorobo question’ in Kenya Colony, the former word being a corruption of the Maasai term for the poor, the sinful – and hence – the cattle-less. Drawing upon archival research in Kenya and the United Kingdom, I argue that halting attempts to govern such communities illuminate an historically and geographically specific dimension of late imperial Britain’s apparently ‘liberal’ biopolitics, which entailed not the ‘abandonment’ of populations, per se, but rather the elimination and subsequent transformation of livelihoods, ontologies, and sustainablities perceived as fiscally barren or otherwise of little use to the colonial state. Far from being resolved, however, the afterlives of these logics of elimination highlight the stakes of contemporary struggles over eastern African forests, and particularly so in the context of an emergent transition to ostensibly ‘green’ forms of capitalism in the region.

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Manji, Ambreena. "The grabbed state: lawyers, politics and public land in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 3 (September 2012): 467–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000201.

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ABSTRACTIn 2002, Kenya's new National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) undertook to investigate and ensure the recovery of all public lands illegally allocated by the outgoing government. A Commission of Inquiry into the Illegal and Irregular Allocation of Public Land, chaired by the lawyer Paul Ndung'u, was appointed. The commission's report sets out the illegal land awards made to powerful individuals and families, provides important information about the mechanisms by which public land was misallocated, and shows how the doctrine that public land should be administered and allocated ‘in the public interest’ was consistently perverted. This paper explores what the Ndung'u report tells us about the role of the legal profession in the illegal and irregular misallocation of public land. It makes clear that the legal profession, far from upholding the rule of law, has played a central role in land corruption, using its professional skills and networks to accumulate personal wealth for itself and others. This stands in contrast to the role of the legal profession in promoting good governance and the rule of law envisaged by donors of international development aid. This paper focuses on ‘local’ land grabbing, and argues that the ‘global land grab’ or ‘investor rush’ needs to be understood alongside local manifestations of land privatisation.

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Egesa Natwoli, Robert. "Challenges Facing the Directorate of Criminal Investigation On Management of Criminal Gang Activities in Nairobi County, Kenya." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 1 (January 24, 2021): 134–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.81.9501.

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Abstract This paper uses data collected for an MA Thesis on the challenges facing the Directorate of Criminal Investigation Department on management of criminal gang activities, in Nairobi County, Kenya. This study has been necessitated by continued concern among policymakers, security pundits and citizens about the rising criminal gang activities in the country, more pertinently in Nairobi County. Although there are few studies that tried to scratch this area, there has never been a detailed and systematic inquiry and analysis of this problem. The study was guided by several specific objectives; the first objective examined the tactical challenges that the police face in policing gang related activities in Nairobi County, Kenya; assessed the effect of corruption in undermining the war against gang related activities in Nairobi County, Kenya; and finally explored other technological challenges that the police face in policing gang related activities in Nairobi County, Kenya. The study adopted descriptive research design and purposive sampling technique to collect data. Interview schedules and key informants (K.I) guide were the main tools used to collect data using the interview method of data collection. 60 officers of the Special Crime Prevention Unit were the main respondents. Major challenges faced by the DCI officers when dealing with criminal gang activities especially within Nairobi County include; poor relationship between police and the general public as reported by 89.1% of the respondents, increased involvement of women in gang activities which is exacerbated by low ratio of female-male officers for undercover operations and 90.9%. of respondents indicated due to woman innocence will create a greater challenge. Others include; gang related activities with networks and markets especially for stolen vehicles across the borders as a result of corruption along the borders by both police, custom and military officers. Further, 85.5% indicated that cross border gang activities were worsened by lack of harmonized law for the regulation and prevention of these activities that led to enhanced proliferation of weapons as well as drugs to and from the neighboring countries. Major recommendations for policy considerations included; increased recruitment and deployment of female officers to beef up their ratio in undercover operations. Harmonized laws for the neighboring East African community countries and increased cooperation between the security organs of these countries in order to have a coordinated approach of tracking and apprehending criminals who escape to neighboring countries. The study also recommends mandatory training for DCI officers in computer/ technological skills to be able to intercept, interpret and or decode gang related communication and cybercrime related activities.

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Mutemi, Dorothy Muthoni, and Professor Kennedy Onkware. "Challenges and Opportunities in the Management of Electoral Conflicts in Nairobi County, Kenya." International Journal of Innovative Science and Research Technology 5, no. 6 (June 27, 2020): 381–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20jun549.

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This study sought to examine the challenges and opportunities in the management of electoral conflicts in Nairobi County, Kenya. The study used a descriptive research design. Questionnaires, interview guides, and FGDs were used to collect primary data whereas secondary data was gathered from journals and reports. Quantitative data was analysed by SPSS version 22 while qualitative data was analysed through coding, verbatim and thematic organization. The study found out that the major challenges to the peacebuilding process include suspicion, lack of trust, ethnicity, corruption within the electoral body, misinterpreting the constitution, and rampant unemployment across the country. From the findings and the expansive literature review, peacebuilding efforts can be boosted by training security forces, conducting voter awareness campaigns, developing citizens trust, conducting civic education, training and planning, and monitoring and watchdog initiatives. The findings and recommendations of this study will benefit scholars in the field of peacebuilding and related fields, policy makers, and other stakeholders in peacebuilding and conflict management.

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Deacon, Gregory, Gregory Deacon, and Gabrielle Lynch. "Allowing Satan in? Moving Toward a Political Economy of Neo-Pentecostalism in Kenya." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 2 (2013): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341247.

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Abstract Neo-Pentecostalism provides African elites with an avenue for legitimation of authority and wealth and, to some extent, bolsters power and authority. Simultaneously, ordinary people look for control over their lives—realities that help explain the explosion of neo-Pentecostal beliefs across sub-Saharan Africa that began in the 1980s. The political legitimacy provided is open to contestation and debate, liable to be rejected by some and questioned by others. Neo-Pentecostalism can offer defence mechanisms or strategies that assist with survival, but rarely socioeconomic or political change. Instead, it tends to detract from a class-based identification of and opposition to structural violence, inequality, corruption, and oppression, and often contributes to a general sense of uncertainty and insecurity regarding relevant and appropriate responses. The outcome is an unsteady reinforcement of unequal relations of power and wealth. This paper sets out these arguments with reference to Kenya, and more specifically the declarations and actions of both politicians and slum residents.

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Mbati, Bryan Atemba, and Dr Anthony Osoro. "Factors Affecting Ethics And Anti-Corruption Commission On Performance Of Procurement Personnel In Trans-Nzoia County, Kenya." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 10, no. 8 (August 6, 2020): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.10.08.2020.p10425.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Corruption – Kenya'

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