Relevant bibliographies by topics / Corruption Scandals

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Corruption Scandals'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Corruption Scandals"

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Ares, Macarena, and Enrique Hernández. "The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801771418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017714185.

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Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences.
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Żemojtel-Piotrowska, Magdalena Anna, Alison Marganski, Tomasz Baran, and Jarosław Piotrowski. "Corruption and Sexual Scandal: The Importance of Politician Gender." Anales de Psicología 33, no. 1 (December 28, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesps.32.3.229171.

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<p>The current experimental study analyzes individuals’ reactions to politicians involved in scandals as a function of scandal type and politician sex (<em>N</em> = 798). Corruption and sexual scandals were considered. The results indicate that female politicians were judged more harshly than male politicians involved in scandals regardless of the type of scandal. Scandal affected not only assessment of their morality but also competence, contrary to assessment of men. The results were discussed in reference to expectancy violations theory and shifting standards theory which predicts more negative evaluation of women involved in immoral behavior despite lack general prejudices toward women in politics.</p>
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Anirban, Gupta-Nigam. "How Systems Cohere: Niira Radia in 2017." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 8, no. 2 (December 2017): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927617728137.

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Why do mediatized political scandals fail to effect discernable transformations of a systemic kind? This article offers one possible answer to this question by revisiting the media event known as “the Radia tapes scandal” to think through the reasons why, despite its explosive contents, the scandal changed little in the day-to-day workings of Indian political life. I argue that the noneventful temporality of mediatized political scandals is important to attend to because it is in the sphere of the everyday that we might be able to discern how corruption mediates relations between states and publics. That is to say: scandals do not change systems because systems rely on corruption, leaks, and information flows to render themselves stable. By fixating on leaks as a political tool, we run the risk of taking a system’s self-representation of disorder at face value. In making these points, I historicize the Radia affair within a longer arc of mediated corruption scandals in India and then juxtapose the leaks themselves to an artwork by the collective, CAMP.
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Taylor, Andrew J., and Michael D. Cobb. "The Individual-Level Origins of Congressional Corruption Scandals." American Politics Research 48, no. 4 (May 22, 2019): 442–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19850093.

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To date, the literature on corruption scandals in Congress focuses exclusively on their consequences. Using theory that directs analyses of the causes of corruption scandals at the jurisdictional level in the American states and other countries, we test a variety of hypotheses about which kinds of members of the House are more likely to be caught in these episodes. We derive our hypotheses from three basic propositions about individual-level corruption—opportunity, culture, and target. There is evidence to support them all. Members with cultivated relationships, in positions of power, and elected from districts with traditions of or perceived tolerance for corruption are disproportionately scandalous. So, interestingly, are some potentially marginalized legislators, particularly racial minorities. We explore the finding that Black members are frequently associated with corruption scandals.
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Mancini, Paolo. "Mediated corruption scandals." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.37878.

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This essay proposes a possible typology of mediated corruption scandals: market-driven corruption scandals, “custodians of conscience” corruption scandals, politically oriented corruption scandals. This typology is proposed in connection to the different social and political contextual conditions within which scandals develop. Particular attention is placed on the nature and the proceedings of the media system and the journalistic professionalism connected to each type of mediated corruption scandals. The essay insists also on the necessity to go beyond the usual attention that is placed on the western world that addresses most of the studies on corruption scandals: this represents just a minor part of the observable corruption cases. Literature on corruption and on media studies constitutes the basis for this essay.
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Pereyra, Sebastián. "Corruption Scandals and Anti-Corruption Policies in Argentina." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 348–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19894791.

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The 1990s witnessed the spread of anti-corruption scandals in Latin American countries as well as a decade in which international transparency standards were developed. These two processes were closely related but they followed different local and global political dynamics. Transparency policies were perceived everywhere as a good response to the growing of corruption scandals. But, at the end of the day, the effectiveness of these policies was far from optimal. This article discusses the link between these two main aspects of the corruption as a public problem in Argentina. It reconstructs the dynamics of corruption scandals and state responses in Argentina during the 1990s, and asks how effective and efficient those responses were given the type of accusations and corruption cases exposed to the public through scandals. The hypothesis is that scandals, on the one hand, and public policy responses, on the other, refer to different aspects of the same problem and that the latter have failed to deal effectively with the demands and claims expressed through the scandals.
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Carlson, Matthew M. "Sontaku and political scandals in Japan." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0033.

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.
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Zurnic, Marija. "Anti-corruption discourse and institutional change in Serbia: The money in Cyprus scandal." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301119z.

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This paper focuses on the scandal that occurred in 2001 during the intensive investigation of the financial transfers from Serbia to Cyprus during the 1990s. The paper looks at the strategies employed by politicians, practitioners and civil servants to achieve their political agendas. The findings prove that most actors take one of the following positions. They either share information about corruption scandals with the public in order to gain legitimacy for anti-corruption action, or they coordinate their joint response and avoid talking about the scandals in order to reduce political costs.
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Carlson, Matthew. "Policy Failure Scandals as Political Scandals in Japan." Asian Survey 57, no. 5 (September 2017): 933–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.933.

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Major political corruption scandals were a common occurrence in postwar Japan. After the 1990s, policy failure scandals generated by bureaucratic rather than political corruption became more common. Among the crucial ingredients in generating policy failure scandals was the role of interparty competition and the functioning of a two-party system.
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Tella, Rafael Di, and Ignacio Franceschelli. "Government Advertising and Media Coverage of Corruption Scandals." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3, no. 4 (October 1, 2011): 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.3.4.119.

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We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government's corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individual-corruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends. (JEL D72, K42, L82, M37, O17)
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Corruption Scandals"

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Zhang, Yan. "How China media frame domestic and overseas corruption scandals : the comparison of media frames on scandals of Two Chen." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2162047.

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Yusha'u, Muhammad Jameel. "Coverage of corruption scandals in the Nigerian press : a comparative analysis of northern and southern newspapers." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10359/.

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This research is about the coverage of corruption scandals in the Nigerian press. It is a comparative study that This research is about the coverage of corruption scandals in the Nigerian press. It is a comparative study that develops an intra-national framework for the study of the Nigerian media system using corruption scandals. The scandals studied are the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) scandal and the Former Governors Scandal. The study used both interviews and qualitative content analysis by means of critical discourse analysis. The results of the study suggest that the press in Nigeria is regionally and ethnically divided. These factors influence the way the press report issues including corruption scandals. The study also suggests that factors like clientelism, regionalism, corruption within the press, and lack of training are among the challenges faced by the Nigerian press. It is the position of this study that the press in Nigeria is active in reporting stories about corruption scandals, but has not done enough when it comes to the application of such aspects of journalistic practice like investigative journalism which contributes in the watchdog role of the media. The study concludes by suggesting areas for further research.
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Coimbra, Mesquita Nuno, and Aníbal Corrado. "Corruption, media systems and governments: contexts of prosecution and defense from the public authority in Argentina and Brasil." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91698.

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This article analyzes the role of political scandals at different times of the government’sactivity, with the intention to verify if news of corruption differs in electoral and non-electoral periods. We try to verify in what contexts Argentinean and Brazilian governments are more permeable to political scandals and respond more actively. We consider the electoral schedule and the type of Presidentialism in Argentina and Brazil. We argue that after an accusation of corruption in media, public officials assess risks in order to consider if their reputation were erode by not facing scandals of corruption. During electoral periods politicians fear of punishment from voters through mechanisms of electoral accountability. Finally we say that the majority Presidentialism is less permeable to allegations that coalition one. To corroborate these hypotheses we investigate responses of governments in Argentina (as a case of majoritarian Presidentialism),and in Brazil (as a case of coalitional Presidentialism).
Este artículo se propone analizar el papel de los escándalos políticos en diferentes momentos de actividad de un gobierno, con la intención de verificar si existen variaciones en los niveles de denuncias de corrupción entre los períodos electorales y los no eleccionarios. Asimis- mo, se intenta verificar en qué contextos los gobiernos de Argentina y Brasil son más permeables a las denuncias mediáticas y responden más activamente. Para ello, consideramos el calendario electoral y el tipo de presidencialismo de cada país. Se argumenta que, tras una acusación de corrupción en los medios, los funcionarios públicos evalúan los riesgos de ver sus reputaciones erosionadas por no enfrentar la denuncia. El costo para contrarrestar la opinión pública tiende a ser mayor en los períodos electorales, ya que el temor al castigo de los votantes mediante mecanismos de accountability electoral también aumenta. Finalmente, afirmamos que el presidencialismo mayoritario resulta menos permeable a las denuncias que uno de coalición. Para corroborar estas hipótesis se investigan las respuestas de los gobiernos en Argentina, como caso de presidencialismo mayoritario, y en Brasil, como caso de presidencialismo de coalición.
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ARAUJO, Cletiane Medeiros. "Corrupção e Accountability: Uma análise sobre a onda de escândalos de corrupção no governo Dilma." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2012. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/18737.

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Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-08T18:55:42Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Cletiane Medeiros Araújo.pdf: 817504 bytes, checksum: 9e547ad8c99e10e02475f50d56ce9e0a (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-08T18:55:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Cletiane Medeiros Araújo.pdf: 817504 bytes, checksum: 9e547ad8c99e10e02475f50d56ce9e0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Em que medida os escândalos de corrupção impactam na probabilidade de responsabilização dos agentes públicos denunciados? Mobilizando a literatura sobre accountability democrática e relação Executivo-Legislativo, este estudo tem como objetivo analisar quais são os determinantes para a onda de demissão de parte dos ministros do Governo Dilma Roussef ao longo dos dezessetes primeiros meses de mandato. Para isto, foram selecionadas 677 notícias de três jornais de larga circulação nacional, a saber: Folha de S.Paulo; O Estado de S. Paulo; e O Globo. Este trabalho argumenta que a maior intensidade de notícias sobre denúncias de corrupção envolvendo ministros do governo impacta positivamente na probabilidade da saída do agente público da pasta ministerial, destacando assim o papel da mídia no processo de prestação de contas. Quanto às questões que enfocam o processo de negociação de decisões pelos agentes dos Poderes Executivo-Legislativo argumenta-se que o maior número de cadeiras na Câmara dos Deputados pertencentes ao partido do ministro denunciado impacta positivamente na probabilidade de sua saída, caracterizando o comportamento de puxar o tapete em meio a um ambiente de recursos limitados e horizonte temporal curto. Por fim, o fato de o ministro denunciado ser de um partido ideologicamente distante em relação ao partido do presidente lhe confere maior instabilidade no cargo, em outros termos, haveria uma menor tolerância por parte da chefia do Executivo para com os ministros denunciados em escândalos de corrupção quando estes forem membros de partidos mais distantes ideologicamente em relação ao PT.
To what extent corruption scandals impacting the likelihood of accountability of public officials denounced? Mobilizing the literature on democratic accountability and Executive-Legislative relations, this study aims to examine what are the determinants for the wave of resignation from the ministers of the government Dilma Rousseff over the seventeen first months in office. For this, we selected 677 reports of three newspapers of wide national circulation, namely: Folha de S. Paulo, Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo. This paper argues that the greater intensity of news about corruption allegations involving government ministers have a positive impact on the probability of exit from the public official ministerial portfolio, thus underscoring the role of media in the process of accountability. The questions that focus on the process of negotiation of decisions by agents of the Executive-Legislative argued that the largest number of seats in the House of Representatives belonging to the party of the minister denounced a positive impact on the probability of its output, characterizing the behavior of pulling carpet amid an environment of limited resources and short time horizon. Finally, the fact that the minister denounced be a party ideologically distant relative to the president's party gives greater instability in the job, in other words, there would be less tolerance by the chief of Executive to the ministers reported on scandals corruption when they are members of parties more ideologically distant relative to PT.
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Da, Silva Maria Terezinha. "A constituição simbólica de um acontecimento : uma análise do processo de individualização do “Mensalão”." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100233.

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Dans cette recherche, nous avons étudié le processus de constitution symbolique du « Mensalão », l’un des plus importants événements de l’histoire politique récente du Brésil, qui a eu lieu en 2005 et montre l’implication de membres du Parti des Travailleurs et du gouvernement Lula dans des dénonciations liées à la corrption, avec une grande répercussion, dans le pays, auprès du public et des médias. Nous avons plus particulièrement cherché à identifier la façon selon laquelle le « Mensalão » est individualisé, prenant ainsi une signification et une identité en tant qu’événement singulier. Nous sommes partis de l’approche de l’événemnt proposée par Louis Quéré (1997; 2005). Nous en avons retiré la grille analytique afin d’étudier le processus d’individualisation du « Mensalão », qui a été appliquée sur un corpus de 1269 textes journalistiques. Nous avons analysé : 1) la description, qui révèle la dispute entre les acteurs par la définition et le cadrage de l’événement ; 2) le récit, qui montre les principaux protagonistes et les différents passés et futurs convoqués pour l’événement ; 3) la dimension pragmatique, avec les actions constituantes de cet événement; 4) la commercialisation du soutien politique et la pratique de fonds secrets électoraux comme principaux problèmes publics exposés, la façon selon laquelle ils sont traités et comment les cadrages conditionnent le traitement du problème; et 5) la normalisation de l’événement à travers la mise en cause de certains des impliqués dans les dénonciations. La radiographie de la mis en récit et de la normalisation de l’événement montre comment les problèmes publics révélés ont été dilués dans la personnalisation du problème de la corruption
In this research we analyze the process of symbolic constitution of “Mensalão” (a scandal of corruption of members of the Congress by the main governmental party), one of the most important occurrences of the recent political history of Brazil, which happened in 2005. We try to identify, more specifically, the way it is individualized by getting a meaning and an identity as a singular event. We get support in the approach of the event proposed by Louis Quéré (1997; 2005) and take from it the analytical tools to study the “Mensalão”: the description, the narration, the pragmatic dimension, the public issues exposed, and the normalization of the event. We apply this analytical framework over a cluster of 1,269 journalistic texts, which were selected from the covering made by the Folha de São Paulo newspaper between June and December of 2005. Through a qualitative analysis of the written material, we identify and analyze the process of individualization of the “Mensalão”: 1) the description, which reveals, among other aspects, the dispute between the actors for the framing of the happening; 2) the narration, which indicates the main protagonists and shows the different pasts and futures called by this happening; 3) the pragmatic dimension, with all the actions that constitute this type of occurrence; 4) the trade of political support and the practice of unofficial financial support for elections as the main public issues exposed, the way they are treated by the actors and the way the mobilized framings guides the treatment of the issue; and 5) the normalization of the happening through “punishment” of some of those who are accused. The enlightening of the construction of the narrative and of the normalization of the occurrence show how the public issues were diluted in the personification of the problem of corruption
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Akcetin, Elif. "Corruption at the frontier : the Gansu fraud scandal /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10488.

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Lu, Yi Zhi. "Framing Ao Man-Long's corruption scandal : a comparative analysis of Macao and Hong Kong newspapers coverage of Ao Man-Long's corruption scandal." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2272602.

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Rayner, Hervé. "Les scandales politiques : l'opération mains propres en Italie /." Paris : M. Houdiard, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb400776604.

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Hamedi, Karine. "Scandale et suicide politiques : destins croisés de Pierre Bérégovoy et Robert Boulin /." Paris ; Montréal (Québec) : l'Harmattan, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb370442340.

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Roussel, Violaine. "Les magistrats dans les scandales politiques en France (1991-1997)." Paris 10, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA100021.

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Cette these prend pour objet les activites des magistrats dans les scandales politiques en france depuis 1991. Une partie preliminaire est destinee a circonscrire precisement ce dont ces pratiques, qui sont vecues par les protagonistes comme largement inedites, sont faites. La premiere partie de cette these s'interroge sur les ressorts de pratiques percues comme risquees par les interesses, et sur la valeur explicative d'une analyse en termes de dispositions a l'action. Elle conduit a la mise a l'ecart d'une explication par la frustration sociale ou politique des magistrats, a laquelle on gagne a substituer une attention aux effets de la distance croissante qui s'instaure entre deux univers, politique et judiciaire, qui n'ont progressivement plus rien de commun. Pour comprendre pourquoi certains juges seulement s'engagent, a un moment donne, dans les mobilisations constitutives des scandales, il faut encore reconstruire l'enchainement des echanges de coups qui aboutit a la transformation du faisable et du probable aux yeux des juges et a leur investissement croissant dans l'action. Se repete et se consolide ainsi une dynamique qui porte en elle-meme le principe de sa propre perpetuation, et pourtant dont le resultat n'etait nullement joue a l'avance, ce qu'on nomme un processus d'autoconsolidation. La deuxieme partie apprehende les logiques individuelles de l'action. On s'interesse non seulement au travail des juges pour mobiliser localement des allies mais aussi aux effets de concordance observables entre les activites, diversement produites, de plusieurs types d'acteurs. On explore ensuite la tendance a la consolidation de certains etats de jeu, a la faveur de laquelle les magistrats font l'experience de la transformation de leur "grandeur" sociale et professionnelle. La troisieme partie examine certains des effets majeurs attaches, pour les espaces judiciaire et politique, aux pratiques etudiees. On soutient que des phenomenes d'autonomisation de l'univers judiciaire sont ici a l'oeuvre, et que les "bonnes formes" de l'action politique se trouvent dans ce contexte egalement partiellement redefinies. Enfin, on s'interesse a la maniere dont du droit emerge a la faveur des scandales, en apprehendant cette production de regles avant tout comme l'effet secondaire d'activites tournees vers d'autres enjeux.
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Books on the topic "Corruption Scandals"

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Scherer, Randy. Political scandals. Edited by Scherer Randy. Detroit: Greenhaven Press, 2008.

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Tiffen, Rodney. Scandals: Media, politics & corruption in contemporary Australia. Sydney: UNSW Press, 1999.

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Business scandals, corruption, and reform: An encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood, 2013.

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Tiffen, Rodney. Scandals: Media, politics & corruption in contemporary Australia. Sydney, Australia: UNSW Press, 1999.

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Yusha'u, Muhammad Jameel. Regional Parallelism and Corruption Scandals in Nigeria. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96220-7.

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Famous presidential scandals. Hillside, N.J., U.S.A: Enslow Publishers, 1990.

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Presidential scandals. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2000.

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Long, Kim. The Almanac of Political Corruption, Scandals & Dirty Politics. New York: Random House Publishing Group, 2008.

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Presidents and scandals. San Diego, CA: Lucent Books, 2001.

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Political corruption in America: An encyclopedia of scandals, power, and greed. 2nd ed. Millerton, N.Y: Grey House Pub., 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Corruption Scandals"

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Mancini, Paolo. "Corruption scandals and the media system." In The routledge companion to media and scandal, 156–64. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351173001-16.

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Ares, Macarena, Sofía Breitenstein, and Enrique Hernández. "The political consequences of corruption scandals." In The routledge companion to media and scandal, 456–65. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351173001-46.

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Osei, Philip Duku. "Corruption Scandals and Anti-Corruption Institution Building Interventions in Jamaica." In Corruption and Development, 167–81. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230590625_9.

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Naylor, R. T. "Corruption In The Modern Arms Business: Lessons From The Pentagon Scandals." In Economics of Corruption, 35–59. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4935-2_3.

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Zurnić, Marija. "Conclusions: Political Scandals and Political Action." In Corruption and Democratic Transition in Eastern Europe, 195–203. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90101-5_8.

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Wickberg, Sofia. "The Role of Mediated Scandals in the Definition of Anti-corruption Norms." In Corruption and Norms, 91–112. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66254-1_6.

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Zurnić, Marija. "Introduction: Political Scandals and Transition in Serbia." In Corruption and Democratic Transition in Eastern Europe, 1–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90101-5_1.

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Yusha’u, Muhammad Jameel. "Reporting Corruption Scandals in Nigeria: Perspectives from Journalists." In Regional Parallelism and Corruption Scandals in Nigeria, 171–221. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96220-7_7.

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Yusha’u, Muhammad Jameel. "Conclusion: Comparing Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa." In Regional Parallelism and Corruption Scandals in Nigeria, 259–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96220-7_9.

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Yusha’u, Muhammad Jameel. "Introduction: Corruption Scandals and Intranational Framework for Media Systems Research in Africa." In Regional Parallelism and Corruption Scandals in Nigeria, 1–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96220-7_1.

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Reports on the topic "Corruption Scandals"

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Tella, Rafael Di, and Ignacio Franceschelli. Government Advertising and Media Coverage of Corruption Scandals. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w15402.

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Megersa, Kelbesa. Tax Transparency for an Effective Tax System. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.070.

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This rapid review examines evidence on the transparency in the tax system and its benefits; e.g. rising revenue, strengthen citizen/state relationship, and rule of law. Improvements in tax transparency can help in strengthening public finances in developing countries that are adversely affected by COVID-19. The current context (i.e. a global pandemic, widespread economic slowdown/recessions, and declining tax revenues) engenders the urgency of improving domestic resource mobilisation (DRM) and the fight against illicit financial flows (IFFs). Even before the advent of COVID-19, developing countries’ tax systems were facing several challenges, including weak tax administrations, low taxpayer morale and “hard-to-tax” sectors. The presence of informational asymmetry (i.e. low tax transparency) between taxpayers and tax authorities generates loopholes for abuse of the tax system. It allows the hiding of wealth abroad with a limited risk of being caught. Cases of such behaviour that are exposed without proper penalty may result in a decline in the morale of citizens and a lower level of voluntary compliance with tax legislation. A number of high-profile tax leaks and scandals have undermined public confidence in the fairness of tax systems and generated a strong demand for effective counteraction and tax transparency. One of the key contributing factors to lower tax revenues in developing countries (that is linked to low tax transparency) is a high level of IFFs. These flows, including international tax evasion and the laundering of corruption proceeds, build a major obstacle to successful DRM efforts. Research has also identified an association between organisational transparency (e.g. transparency by businesses and tax authorities) and stakeholder trust (e.g. between citizens and the state). However, the evidence is mixed as to how transparency in particular influences trust and perceptions of trustworthiness.
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Rocha, Camila. The New Brazilian Right and the Public Sphere. Maria Sibylla Merian International Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities and Social Sciences Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/rocha.2021.32.

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This paper traces the origins of the New Brazilian Right, regarding the emergence of new leaders, new forms of expression and organization, as well as new sets of ideas, namely libertarianism and anti-globalism. Based on more than thirty in-depth interviews, conducted between 2015 and 2019 with right-wing leaders and activists; on a collection of historical data from right-wing organisations’ archives between 2015 and 2018, and on public data, I argue that this phenomenon started in the mid-2000s, after the onset of a corruption scandal related to the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and the dissemination of the pioneering social network Orkut in Brazil. This social network, founded in 2004, preceded Facebook’s popularity in Brazil and enabled the creation of alternative and disruptive spaces of debate, referred to here as “counterpublics”. By mid- to late 2010s, during the 2014 protests for the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff and Jair Bolsonaro’s 2018 presidential campaign, this emerging new right would be at full throttle.
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