Journal articles: 'Corruption Scandals'

1

Ares, Macarena, and Enrique Hernández. "The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment." Research & Politics 4, no. 2 (April 2017): 205316801771418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168017714185.

Full text

Abstract:

Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Żemojtel-Piotrowska, Magdalena Anna, Alison Marganski, Tomasz Baran, and Jarosław Piotrowski. "Corruption and Sexual Scandal: The Importance of Politician Gender." Anales de Psicología 33, no. 1 (December 28, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/analesps.32.3.229171.

Full text

Abstract:

<p>The current experimental study analyzes individuals’ reactions to politicians involved in scandals as a function of scandal type and politician sex (<em>N</em> = 798). Corruption and sexual scandals were considered. The results indicate that female politicians were judged more harshly than male politicians involved in scandals regardless of the type of scandal. Scandal affected not only assessment of their morality but also competence, contrary to assessment of men. The results were discussed in reference to expectancy violations theory and shifting standards theory which predicts more negative evaluation of women involved in immoral behavior despite lack general prejudices toward women in politics.</p>

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Anirban, Gupta-Nigam. "How Systems Cohere: Niira Radia in 2017." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 8, no. 2 (December 2017): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927617728137.

Full text

Abstract:

Why do mediatized political scandals fail to effect discernable transformations of a systemic kind? This article offers one possible answer to this question by revisiting the media event known as “the Radia tapes scandal” to think through the reasons why, despite its explosive contents, the scandal changed little in the day-to-day workings of Indian political life. I argue that the noneventful temporality of mediatized political scandals is important to attend to because it is in the sphere of the everyday that we might be able to discern how corruption mediates relations between states and publics. That is to say: scandals do not change systems because systems rely on corruption, leaks, and information flows to render themselves stable. By fixating on leaks as a political tool, we run the risk of taking a system’s self-representation of disorder at face value. In making these points, I historicize the Radia affair within a longer arc of mediated corruption scandals in India and then juxtapose the leaks themselves to an artwork by the collective, CAMP.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Taylor, Andrew J., and Michael D. Cobb. "The Individual-Level Origins of Congressional Corruption Scandals." American Politics Research 48, no. 4 (May 22, 2019): 442–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x19850093.

Full text

Abstract:

To date, the literature on corruption scandals in Congress focuses exclusively on their consequences. Using theory that directs analyses of the causes of corruption scandals at the jurisdictional level in the American states and other countries, we test a variety of hypotheses about which kinds of members of the House are more likely to be caught in these episodes. We derive our hypotheses from three basic propositions about individual-level corruption—opportunity, culture, and target. There is evidence to support them all. Members with cultivated relationships, in positions of power, and elected from districts with traditions of or perceived tolerance for corruption are disproportionately scandalous. So, interestingly, are some potentially marginalized legislators, particularly racial minorities. We explore the finding that Black members are frequently associated with corruption scandals.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Mancini, Paolo. "Mediated corruption scandals." Civitas - Revista de Ciências Sociais 20, no. 3 (November 13, 2020): 390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-7289.2020.2.37878.

Full text

Abstract:

This essay proposes a possible typology of mediated corruption scandals: market-driven corruption scandals, “custodians of conscience” corruption scandals, politically oriented corruption scandals. This typology is proposed in connection to the different social and political contextual conditions within which scandals develop. Particular attention is placed on the nature and the proceedings of the media system and the journalistic professionalism connected to each type of mediated corruption scandals. The essay insists also on the necessity to go beyond the usual attention that is placed on the western world that addresses most of the studies on corruption scandals: this represents just a minor part of the observable corruption cases. Literature on corruption and on media studies constitutes the basis for this essay.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Pereyra, Sebastián. "Corruption Scandals and Anti-Corruption Policies in Argentina." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 348–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19894791.

Full text

Abstract:

The 1990s witnessed the spread of anti-corruption scandals in Latin American countries as well as a decade in which international transparency standards were developed. These two processes were closely related but they followed different local and global political dynamics. Transparency policies were perceived everywhere as a good response to the growing of corruption scandals. But, at the end of the day, the effectiveness of these policies was far from optimal. This article discusses the link between these two main aspects of the corruption as a public problem in Argentina. It reconstructs the dynamics of corruption scandals and state responses in Argentina during the 1990s, and asks how effective and efficient those responses were given the type of accusations and corruption cases exposed to the public through scandals. The hypothesis is that scandals, on the one hand, and public policy responses, on the other, refer to different aspects of the same problem and that the latter have failed to deal effectively with the demands and claims expressed through the scandals.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Carlson, Matthew M. "Sontaku and political scandals in Japan." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (April 10, 2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0033.

Full text

Abstract:

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explain a new scandal ingredient in Japanese politics called sontaku. This word refers to cases when officials grant special treatment to a project because they believe they are acting in accordance with the wishes of an associated powerful person.Design/methodology/approachThis paper describes the specific construction of major scandals involving sontaku from 2017 based primarily on newspaper accounts, examines the consequences of these scandals for politicians and bureaucrats, and discusses their implications for combating corruption in Japan.FindingsThe scandals after 2017 damaged to some extent the public support for the current Japanese administration and influenced the prime minister's decision to call a snap election. The scandals also highlighted systematic problems in the bureaucracy and motivated the government to reform laws concerning the management of public documents.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful to scholars and policy makers interested in studying the causes and consequences of scandals and political corruption in Japan.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Zurnic, Marija. "Anti-corruption discourse and institutional change in Serbia: The money in Cyprus scandal." Filozofija i drustvo 24, no. 1 (2013): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1301119z.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper focuses on the scandal that occurred in 2001 during the intensive investigation of the financial transfers from Serbia to Cyprus during the 1990s. The paper looks at the strategies employed by politicians, practitioners and civil servants to achieve their political agendas. The findings prove that most actors take one of the following positions. They either share information about corruption scandals with the public in order to gain legitimacy for anti-corruption action, or they coordinate their joint response and avoid talking about the scandals in order to reduce political costs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Carlson, Matthew. "Policy Failure Scandals as Political Scandals in Japan." Asian Survey 57, no. 5 (September 2017): 933–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.933.

Full text

Abstract:

Major political corruption scandals were a common occurrence in postwar Japan. After the 1990s, policy failure scandals generated by bureaucratic rather than political corruption became more common. Among the crucial ingredients in generating policy failure scandals was the role of interparty competition and the functioning of a two-party system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Tella, Rafael Di, and Ignacio Franceschelli. "Government Advertising and Media Coverage of Corruption Scandals." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3, no. 4 (October 1, 2011): 119–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.3.4.119.

Full text

Abstract:

We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government's corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individual-corruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends. (JEL D72, K42, L82, M37, O17)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Quah, Jon S. T. "Combating corruption in Singapore: a comparative analysis of two scandals." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (June 8, 2020): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0031.

Full text

Abstract:

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to compare two corruption scandals in Singapore to illustrate how its government has dealt with these scandals and to discuss the implications for its anti-corruption strategy.Design/methodology/approachThis paper analyses the Teh Cheang Wan and Edwin Yeo scandals by relying on published official and press reports.FindingsBoth scandals resulted in adverse consequences for the offenders. Teh committed suicide on 14 December 1986 before he could be prosecuted for his bribery offences. Yeo was found guilty of criminal breach of trust and forgery and sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment. The Commission of Inquiry found that the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) was thorough in its investigations which confirmed that only Teh and no other minister or public official were implicated in the bribery offences. The Independent Review Panel appointed by the Prime Minister's Office to review the CPIB's internal controls following Yeo's offences recommended improvements to strengthen the CPIB's financial procedures and audit system. Singapore has succeeded in minimising corruption because its government did not cover-up the scandals but punished the guilty offenders and introduced measures to prevent their recurrence.Originality/valueThis paper will be useful for scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners interested in Singapore's anti-corruption strategy and how its government handles corruption scandals.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Ferrer, Sergi. "Responsibility attribution for corruption scandals." Local Government Studies 46, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03003930.2019.1583560.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Barrett, Patrick, and Daniel Zirker. "Corruption scandals, scandal clusters and contemporary politics in New Zealand." International Social Science Journal 66, no. 221-222 (September 2016): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/issj.12125.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Greer, Chris, and Eugene McLaughlin. "Theorizing institutional scandal and the regulatory state." Theoretical Criminology 21, no. 2 (May 9, 2016): 112–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480616645648.

Full text

Abstract:

One by one, UK public institutions are being scandalized for corruption, immorality or incompetence and subjected to trial by media and criminal prosecution. The state’s historic response to public sector scandal—denial and neutralization—has been replaced with acknowledgement and regulation in the form of the re-vamped public inquiry. Public institutions are being cut adrift and left to account in isolation for their scandalous failures. Yet the state’s attempts to distance itself from its scandalized institutions, while extending its regulatory control over them, are risky. Both the regulatory state and its public inquiries risk being consumed by the scandals they are trying to manage.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Kroeze, Ronald. "Political Corruption Scandals in the Netherlands in the Nineteenth Century: The Letters Affair of 1865." Public Voices 10, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.146.

Full text

Abstract:

In recent years growing attention has been paid to public values and ethical behaviour in the public sphere. The Genesis of Public Value Systems project is concerned with understanding the development of public values, by analyzing historical examples of (alleged) corruption. In this article, I will discuss an example of a nineteenth-century political corruption scandal in the Netherlands, the so-called “Letters Affair.” A connection will be made between political corruption scandals and important political historical developments in the second half of the nineteenth century, in which the public sphere was dominated by the nineteenth-century liberal view on public rectitude. In Part I, I hope to offer more insight into they way in which cases of (alleged) corruption may help an in-depth analysis of public values and illustrate how the concept of political corruption scandals is used in this article. In Part II, the Letters Affair will be described in greater detail, and this section will also include an analysis of those values and rules of behaviour prevailing at the time of the Letters Affair that shaped dominant notions of public rectitude, and of the importance of these values within the debate on corruption. Finally, attention will be paid to how this particular case was dealt with: i.e., how was corruption handled and what kinds of measures were considered.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Toepfl, Florian. "Managing public outrage: Power, scandal, and new media in contemporary Russia." New Media & Society 13, no. 8 (June 10, 2011): 1301–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444811405021.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the past three decades, scholars studying the phenomenon of political scandal have mostly based their works on the premise that scandals can only occur in liberal democracies. Contradictory to this assumption, however, some of the most heavily discussed phenomena in contemporary semi-authoritarian Russia are scandals emanating from the new, vibrant sphere of social media thriving on a largely unfiltered internet. How are these ‘internet scandals’ impacting politics in the semi-authoritarian political environment? To address this and related questions, I juxtapose two case studies of police corruption scandals that erupted in the social media sphere in 2009/2010. Drawing on the findings, I argue that Russia’s ruling elites are presently very much capable of managing these outbursts of public outrage. Mainly with the help of the powerful state-controlled television, public anger is very swiftly redirected towards lower-level authorities and foreign, supposedly hostile powers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Batalla, Eric Vincent C. "Grand corruption scandals in the Philippines." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (June 10, 2020): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-11-2019-0036.

Full text

Abstract:

PurposeThe purpose of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of governance institutions in constraining grand corruption arising from the government procurement of large foreign-funded infrastructure projects in the Philippines. The weaknesses are revealed in the description and analysis of two major scandals, namely, the construction of the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant during the Marcos era and the National Broadband Network project of the Arroyo presidency.Design/methodology/approachThis research employs a historical and comparative case approach to explore patterns of grand corruption and their resolution. Primary and secondary data sources including court decisions, congressional records, journal articles and newspaper reports are used to construct the narratives for each case.FindingsTop-level executive agreements that do not require competitive public bidding provide an opportunity for grand corruption. Such agreements encourage the formation of corrupt rent-seeking relationships involving the selling firm, brokers, politicians and top-level government executives. Closure of cases of grand corruption is a serious problem that involves an incoherent and politically vulnerable prosecutorial and justice system.Originality/valueThis paper aims to contribute to research on grand corruption involving the executive branch in the Philippines, particularly in the procurement of large, foreign-funded government projects. It examines allegations of improprieties in government project contracting and the politics of resolving corruption scandals through the justice system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Costas-Pérez, Elena, Albert Solé-Ollé, and Pilar Sorribas-Navarro. "Corruption scandals, voter information, and accountability." European Journal of Political Economy 28, no. 4 (December 2012): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2012.05.007.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Ko, Ernie. "Scandals and reforms: combating police corruption in Taiwan." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 2 (December 30, 2019): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-07-2018-0114.

Full text

Abstract:

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyze the causes of police corruption in Taiwan and identify those factors which can enhance the status of police. Design/methodology/approach A literature review and eight in-depth interviews of informants are employed to support the arguments of environment, education, governance and culture and to formulate a typology of police corruption in Taiwan. Findings The literature review and eight interviews confirm that individual cases of police corruption have replaced systemic police corruption in Taiwan. The author concludes that police corruption should be addressed in the context of both environment and institutional design. Even though the public perceptions of police integrity in Taiwan have been trending positively over the years, the individual cases of police corruption which occur within certain precincts indicate the continued importance of initiating institutional reforms. The public perceptions of Taiwan’s police force will be further improved if police corruption can be minimized and properly controlled. Practical implications This paper can serve as a benchmark to evaluate future development of Taiwan police corruption. Originality/value This paper provides an analysis of the causes of police corruption in Taiwan and the measures taken to curb it.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Rocha, Silvia Pereira da, and Francisco Antonio Bezerra. "Timely loss recognition in Brazilian firms under corruption investigation." Revista Contabilidade & Finanças 32, no. 86 (August 2021): 224–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1808-057x202110570.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT This article evaluates the impact of the disclosure of the participation of Brazilian firms listed on the Bolsa Brasil Balcão (B3) in corruption scandals through media scrutiny and by disclosure of independent auditors on the quality of accounting information, measured from the perspective of accounting conservatism. We examine the possible theoretical link between the disclosure of corruption scandals and the quality of accounting information in the Brazilian context. Brazil has gone through successive corruption scandals involving firms and government entities in different levels. Accounting can be an important tool to mitigate said risks based on the artifacts it has to inform key stakeholders. However, it is necessary to identify the extent to which these artifacts can be influenced by the actors involved in these scandals. The research places accounting as an instrument subject to pressures from different interests and that may be shaped to them. Although accounting is an instrument that must aim to reduce information asymmetry, preventing the harmful effects of corruption, in specific contexts, it can be used in the opposite direction, such as in cases of corruption and economic crises. We used the model based on Ball and Shivakumar (2005) with specific modeling characteristics for corruption and crisis. The models were estimated using the Stata 13 software using the pooled approach using the Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) estimation method, clustered by year and economic sector, and the Generalized Least Squares (GSL) estimator. The results point to the presence of conservatism when disclosing involvement in investigations of corruption crimes in Brazil. This behavior was less intense in firms effectively mentioned in these events. These results highlight the relevance of studies aimed at clarifying the connections between corruption and accounting reports, enabling the development of measures to curb corruption in the business environment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Shabbir, Ghulam, and Mumtaz Anwar. "Determinants of Corruption in Developing Countries." Pakistan Development Review 46, no. 4II (December 1, 2007): 751–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v46i4iipp.751-764.

Full text

Abstract:

Corruption is a limp in the walk of human progress. It is not a new phenomenon; it is as old as the history of mankind itself. The corruption made itself visible when the institution of the government was established. According to Glynn, et al. (1997), “…..no region, and hardly any country, has been immune from corruption”. Like a cancer, it strikes almost all parts of the society and destroys the functioning of vital organs, means cultural, political and economic structure of society Amundsen (1999). All this was proved by the major corruption scandals of France, Italy, Japan, Philippine, South Korea, Mexico, United States etc. These scandals bring the corruption problem on the agenda of major international institutions like International Monetary Fund, World Bank, World Trade Organisation, Transparency International and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Kmetty, Zoltán. "Incumbent party support and perceptions of corruption – an experimental study." Szociológiai szemle 28, no. 4 (2018): 152–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.51624/szocszemle.2018.4.7.

Full text

Abstract:

In the recent national election in April 2018 in Hungary, the incumbent party (Fidesz) won again.During the campaign period, some of the media were full of stories about the scandals and corruption affairsof Fidesz. However, election results showed that these scandals did not decrease incumbent party support.What is the potential explanation for this? During the election campaign, we conducted an online surveyexperiment in Hungary, giving different treatments to respondents within the different sub-samples. Theformer were asked to read an article about a relevant corruption affair connected to different political actors.Our main hypothesis was that if people hear about scandals related to the government, support for theincumbent party will decrease. Results of the fitted logistic regression models suggest that information aboutincumbent-related corruption scandals did not affect voting for the incumbents. The most interesting resultwas that dominantly pro-government media consumers were more likely to vote for Fidesz after treatmentcompared to the control group. We thus think that the selection of information, the perceived credibilityof sources, and information processing were influenced by partisanship. In a natural reaction, partisanrespondents recalled their party identity and tried to respond to questions from the related viewpoints.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Daven, Mathias. "KORUPSI DAN DEMOKRASI." Jurnal Ledalero 15, no. 1 (May 4, 2016): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v15i1.28.46-73.

Full text

Abstract:

Democracy is often seen as a political system which is capable of lessening or preventing corruption. Countries with a democratic system are regarded as relatively free of corrupt practices. Meanwhile, authoritarian political systems are seen as riddled through with corrupt practices because they are not capable of protecting political officials from such practices. However it is apparent that corruption scandals are frequently encountered in democratic systems. Various corruption scandals that befall politicians in Western Europe, the USA and Japan indicate the reality that democratic procedures are not, on their own, capable of protecting officials from corruption. What calls for debate among academics is: Which aspect of democracy can prevent, and which aspect can permit corrupt practices? How can the relationship between corruption and democracy be explained? This essay is presented as a small contribution to this debate.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Kjellberg, Francesco. "Conflict of interest, corruption or (simply) scandals?" Crime, Law and Social Change 22, no. 4 (December 1994): 339–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01302924.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Żerkowska-Balas, Marta, and Anna Sroka. "The Influence of Corruption Scandals on Government Accountability." Political Preferences, no. 24 (December 2, 2019): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.24.45-56.

Full text

Abstract:

The objective of the article is to examine whether corruption scandals involving members of the ruling party lead to changes in support for the government. It will also explore the extent to which the eruption of such scandals and reporting on them leads to an increase in the number of those opposed to the government, and whether in the long run this leads to the activation of the carrot-and-stick mechanism in respect of the governing political party, reflected in increased voting instability during subsequent elections.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Drápalová, Eliška, and Fabrizio Di Mascio. "Islands of Good Government: Explaining Successful Corruption Control in Two Spanish Cities." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (May 28, 2020): 128–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2730.

Full text

Abstract:

Between 2012 and 2018, Spanish public opinion has been shaken by a seemingly endless series of corruption scandals, to the point that corruption has become one of the main long-term concerns of the Spanish population, according to nation-wide surveys. Despite the sharp rise in corruption scandals within local authorities, there are Spanish cities that have managed to limit corruption and build a transparent and efficient government, which stand out as islands of integrity and good governance. This article qualitatively investigates two cities in Spain—Alcobendas and Sant Cugat del Vallès—which, despite being in a region with comparatively lower quality of government, have managed to successfully control corruption. We argue that the key to success is the administrative reorganization prompted by the appointment of city managers that institutionalized professional management. Findings also have implications for practitioners, meaning that complex anti-corruption legislative frameworks will not work within an overburdened administration unless the administrative structure is reformed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Schopf, James C. "From One-Stop Graft to Costly Corruption Webs: Democratisation and Shifting Patterns of Corruption in Korea." Asian Journal of Social Science 40, no. 5-6 (2012): 635–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-12341267.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Democratisation has brought a new, riskier pattern of corruption to Korea. More groups and institutions have secured a role in a more inclusive democratic policy making process. As a result, corruption schemes now require the consent of a wide and diverse set of veto players, often including the political opposition, producing expansive democratic ‘corruption webs’. The key democratic element of competition for votes rewards opposition members in the web for blowing the whistle. Increased likelihood of exposure and punishment deter many from corruption, which has subsequently declined in Korea under democracy, as measured by perception polls, experience surveys and objective measures of elite rent exchange. The Roh Moo-hyeon NACF scandals demonstrate that democratic corruption webs also mitigate damage from scandals — forcing participants to limit rent exchange to minimise exposure to clean veto players. Democratic oversight ensures that even bribe-taking officials implement policy according to publicly-declared objectives. Finally, competition for votes encourages timely exposure of democratic corruption rackets.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Gakuo Mwangi, Oscar. "Political corruption, party financing and democracy in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003224.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThis article examines political corruption and political party financing in multiparty Kenya. It uses the Goldenberg and Anglo-Leasing mega-scandals to demonstrate the existence of political corruption, particularly campaign financing, arguing that it has increased under multiparty rule and affected the nature of governance. It has adversely affected political participation and competition, the rule of law, transparency and accountability. Illegal funds to finance the Kenya African National Union's elections in the 1990s were raised through the Goldenberg Affair, whereas those aimed at financing the National Rainbow Coalition's elections in December 2007 were to be raised through the Anglo-Leasing scandal. Corrupt campaign financing, therefore, poses a threat to democracy in the country. The democratic space created and expanded by multipartyism has, however, provided new opportunities for waging the war against corruption. It is in the context of these arguments that the conclusion raises broader issues for corruption and democracy in Africa.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Zirker, Daniel, and Patrick Barrett. "Corruption vs. corruption scandals in New Zealand: bridging a wide Gulf?" Political Science 69, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323187.2017.1327798.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Quah, Jon S. T. "Corruption scandals in six Asian countries: a comparative analysis." Public Administration and Policy 23, no. 1 (May 15, 2020): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pap-01-2020-0002.

Full text

Abstract:

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to compare and evaluate how the governments in six Asian countries have dealt with selected grand corruption scandals.Design/methodology/approachThis paper is based on the comparative analysis of 11 corruption scandals examined in the six articles on India, Japan, Macau, Malaysia, Philippines and Singapore included in this special issue of Public Administration and Policy.FindingsThe responses of the governments in the six countries depend on the strength of their political will in combating corruption. The responses of the governments in Malaysia, Philippines, India and Japan reflect their weak political will in combating corruption and lack of accountability of the corrupt offenders. By contrast, the strong political will of the governments in Singapore and Macau is reflected in the investigation and punishment of the corrupt offenders without any cover-up of the scandals.Originality/valueThe findings would be of interest to scholars, policymakers and anti-corruption practitioners and activists.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Marcelino, Carolina Wünsch, and Samir Adamoglu de Oliveira. "Atacar, Anuir ou Defender? Respostas (Políticas) Estratégicas em Escândalos de Corrupção." Organizações & Sociedade 28, no. 96 (March 2021): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-92302021v28n9608pt.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This study aims to identify strategic responses in the official statements issued by the group of political agents mentioned on "Fachin's List". These statements in response to corruption accusations comprise a mediatized corpus of secondary data that was investigated using interpretive discourse analysis. This study uses an institutionalist approach to the political context considering the complexity and plurality of the institutional sphere, in which each voter is an interlocutor of political discourse. This study also included analyses on how the discursive constructions are formed using intertextual, rhetorical, ambiguous and semantic elements. The results outline five distinct strategies in the official notes, which apply both to individuals as well as organizations: (a) attack by expressing consternation; (b) empathy for supporting anti-corruption actions; (c) manipulation by projecting a political ethos ; (d) manipulation by revoking legitimacy; and (e) an adaptive posture in raising ambiguity – contributing to reflection and assessment of reactive behaviors of individuals and organizations in situations of crisis, scandals, guiltiness and corruption.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Pasculli, Lorenzo. "The responsibilization paradox: The legal route from deresponsibilization to systemic corruption in the Australian financial sector." Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 15, no. 4 (November 9, 2021): 2114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/paab068.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Recent corruption scandals suggest that the legal structures developed to responsibilize corporations might paradoxically enable the systematization of corruption across entire industry sectors. This study uses grounded theory methodology to develop a preliminary theoretical model of the correlations between the law, responsibilization, and the causes of systemic corruption. Through a qualitative examination of documental evidence from the case study of the recent Australian banking scandal, this article conceptualizes a two-way process of ‘legal deresponsibilization’. On the one hand, legal dysfunctions fail to effectively support the situational and cultural goals of responsibilization. On the other hand, the pursuit of such goals transforms the law in ways that can lead to the deresponsibilization of both corporations and the state. The article suggests that structural reforms are needed to correct this process and the underlying systemic imbalances between the legal promotion of financial interests and that of countervailing values of integrity and accountability.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Rudkin, Bradley, Danson Kimani, Subhan Ullah, Rizwan Ahmed, and Syed Umar Farooq. "Hide-and-seek in corporate disclosure: evidence from negative corporate incidents." Corporate Governance: The International Journal of Business in Society 19, no. 1 (February 4, 2019): 158–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cg-05-2018-0164.

Full text

Abstract:

PurposeThis paper investigates the legitimacy tactics used in the annual reports of UK listed companies in the aftermath of major corporate scandals.Design/methodology/approachWe carried out a content analysis of annual reports of 19 companies that have been involved in corporate scandals with a view to understand how firms communicate negative scandals affecting them.FindingsThe findings reveal that firms use a wide range of legitimisation strategies in the manner that contribute to shape disclosure communications concerning negative incidents. For instance, some firms may offset the negativity linked to an incident by rendering such explanations amidst positive information.Originality/valueContrary to earlier studies conducted on accounting scandals, the authors incorporated extensive corporate scandals such as human rights violations, controversies concerning child labour, environmental scandals, corruption, financial embezzlement and tax evasion.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Riera, Pedro, Pablo Barberá, Raúl Gómez, Juan Antonio Mayoral, and José Ramón Montero. "The electoral consequences of corruption scandals in Spain." Crime, Law and Social Change 60, no. 5 (September 19, 2013): 515–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-013-9479-1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Boudreaux, Christopher John, Gokhan Karahan, and Morris Coats. "Bend it like FIFA: corruption on and off the pitch." Managerial Finance 42, no. 9 (September 12, 2016): 866–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mf-01-2016-0012.

Full text

Abstract:

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the institutional background and the incentive for FIFA executives to engage in corrupt activities. The authors also highlight recent FIFA scandals and discuss approaches that may affect FIFA’s corruption in the future. Design/methodology/approach The authors approach this subject through a historical narrative. The authors review the literature on corruption and apply these findings to the FIFA organization. Due to many similarities, the authors are able to juxtapose the successes and failures of the Olympics, and apply these findings to FIFA. Findings Based on the examination, the authors find that FIFA’s corruption can be mitigated, but it is a very difficult task to accomplish. The US Department of Justice has helped to jump start a corruption reform in FIFA. This has also facilitated the activities of the FIFA ethics committee. However, only time will tell whether these changes will be meaningful and last. Originality/value The contribution is that the authors closely link the sports management and economics literature on corruption using FIFA as the subject of analysis. Because of the recent FIFA scandal, the authors are able to update the corruption literature as it applies to this organization and, more generally, in sports.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Briquet, Jean Lpuis. "Questione morale e crisi di regime. La prima Repubblica italiana alla prova degli scandali (1992-1994)." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 32 (December 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2009-032003.

Full text

Abstract:

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Kennedy, James, Pieter Wagenaar, Mark Rutgers, and Joris Van Eijnatten. "Corruption and Public Values in Historical and Comparative Perspective: An Introduction." Public Voices 10, no. 2 (December 8, 2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.144.

Full text

Abstract:

What are our public values? That question can perhaps best be answered by considering it in a deeper historical perspective. It is only through in-depth, case-by-case studies that we can hope to comprehend the meaning of public values and their change over time.In this regard, episodes of conflict are extremely important in discerning which public values are really salient, and how such values change as a result of such conflicts. We argue that public values, as they relate to corruption or other matters, are often only visible in moments of crisis or in moments of scandal.That is why we have focused on corruption cases that signal changes in the development of public values. These cases are almost always, by definition, “scandals,” states of affairs which generated public emotion and vigorous debate. “Scandals,” in contrast to “normal” corruption cases, are often indications of a changing mindset among key actors in the public sphere about the moral (un)acceptability of certain public practices. Most typically, scandals signal public moral opposition to practices to which hitherto had been considered acceptable or at least condoned. By analyzing such cases, and historically contextualizing them, we hope to come to better historical understanding of how the public values of the present day found their “genesis.”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Taylor, Matthew M. "Brazil's Ebbing Tide." Current History 113, no. 760 (February 1, 2014): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.760.57.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Fernández-Vázquez, Pablo, Pablo Barberá, and Gonzalo Rivero. "Rooting Out Corruption or Rooting for Corruption? The Heterogeneous Electoral Consequences of Scandals." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 2 (July 22, 2015): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.8.

Full text

Abstract:

Corruption scandals have been found to have significant but mild electoral effects in the comparative literature (Golden 2006). However, most studies have assumed that voters punish all kinds of illegal practices. This article challenges this assumption by distinguishing between two types of corruption, according to the type of welfare consequences they have for the constituency. This hypothesis is tested using data from the 2011 Spanish local elections. We exploit the abundance of corruption allegations associated with the Spanish housing boom, which generated income gains for a wide segment of the electorate in the short term. We find that voters ignore corruption when there are side benefits to it, and that punishment is only administered in those cases in which they do not receive compensation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Zurnic, Marija. "Researching corruption scandals in Serbia: New approaches and challenges." Socioloski pregled 48, no. 2 (2014): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socpreg1402183z.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Lealand, Geoff. "Review: Scandals: Media, Politics and Corruption in Contemporary Australia." Media International Australia 94, no. 1 (February 2000): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009400134.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Marcelino, Carolina Wünsch, and Samir Adamoglu de Oliveira. "Attack, Assent or Defend? Strategic (Political) Responses to Corruption Scandals." Organizações & Sociedade 28, no. 96 (March 2021): 187–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-92302021v28n9608en.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This study aims to identify strategic responses in the official statements issued by the group of political agents mentioned on "Fachin's List". These statements in response to corruption accusations comprise a mediatized corpus of secondary data that was investigated using interpretive discourse analysis. This study uses an institutionalist approach to the political context considering the complexity and plurality of the institutional sphere, in which each voter is an interlocutor of political discourse. This study also included analyses on how the discursive constructions are formed using intertextual, rhetorical, ambiguous and semantic elements. The results outline five distinct strategies in the official notes, which apply both to individuals as well as organizations: (a) attack by expressing consternation; (b) empathy for supporting anti-corruption actions; (c) manipulation by projecting a political ethos ; (d) manipulation by revoking legitimacy; and (e) an adaptive posture in raising ambiguity – contributing to reflection and assessment of reactive behaviors of individuals and organizations in situations of crisis, scandals, guiltiness and corruption.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Nassif, Nadim. "Corruption in Sport." Middle East Law and Governance 6, no. 2 (July 30, 2014): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-00602003.

Full text

Abstract:

Corruption in sport may have different forms: bribes to International Olympic Committee officials, gambling scandals in football games, doping… But these scourges are not only related to bribery in winning a bid to organize an international sport event or to an athlete cheating, they are also very present in the policy of the government in this field. In fact, the economic, social and political growth of sport in the end of the 20th century has put this sector on the national agendas. Today, sport policy is subject to a structure mechanism and a financing system defined and implemented by the government. Therefore, if a country has a public sector tainted with corruption, it is very likely to affect the whole government apparatus, including the sport sector. When it comes to the public sector, corruption is mainly found in the bribery of officials, kickbacks in procurement and embezzlement of funds. This article examines corruption in the Lebanese sport system. It argues that the latter is highly influenced by the state’s multiconfessional political system. This system, which is officially based on a communitarian balance that is difficult to reach, is transformed in reality into a struggle for overrepresentation, even in the field of sport. As the main goal for the different religious groups is to lead the political scene, this often implies corruptive and nepotistic behavior.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Damgaard, Mads. "Cascading corruption news: explaining the bias of media attention to Brazil’s political scandals." Opinião Pública 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 114–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-01912018241114.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Through a content analysis of 8,800 news items and six months of front pages of three Brazilian newspapers, all dealing with corruption and political transgression, the present article documents the remarkable bias of media coverage toward corruption scandals. Said bias is examined as an informational phenomenon, arising from key systemic and commercial factors of Brazil’s news media: an information cascade of news on corruption formed, destabilizing the governing coalition and legitimizing the impeachment process of Dilma Rousseff. As this process gained momentum, questions of accountability were disregarded by the media, with harmful effects for democracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Ramos, Miguel R., and Marcelo Moriconi. "Corruption in Latin America." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617729884.

Full text

Abstract:

Latin America has experienced a series of recent corruption scandals, resulting in an unprecedented uncertainty in political leadership across the whole region. Within this context, we have conducted a survey study comprising nine countries in Latin America ( n = 1,250) examining the stereotype content of politicians. We tested a dual effects model in which the stereotypes of politicians were predicted to shape perceptions of justice directly and indirectly through the activation of affect. Our findings revealed that politicians tended to be stereotyped with negative morality traits and with a certain degree of negativity across other stereotype dimensions. Results supported a positive direct effect of morality on perceived justice and a positive indirect effect through the activation of affect. We discuss the implications of these findings for the current political context in Latin America and also for our understanding of perceptions about politicians and their relationship with leader and power legitimacy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Jaung, Hoon. "Politics, Economy, and Dynamics of Presidential Popularity in the Kim Dae Jung Government in South Korea." Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (February 2002): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000746.

Full text

Abstract:

What determines the public evaluation of South Korean president? Is it a temporal cycle of presidential tenure, the economy or political events? This paper explores these questions by examining the case of President Kim Dae Jung who enjoyed high popularity in the early phase of his tenure but experienced consistent decline of popularity after 18 months in office, much like his predecessors did. The paper argues that the high and low of public support for the president is not simply a function of the temporal cycle and that the fluctuation of public rating is strongly influenced by the public's consideration of economic matters and corruption scandals. In the case of the current South Korean president, one's performance in resuscitating the economy could not rescue a president besieged by one corruption scandal after another. Also, the improved economic conditions did not save Kim Dae Jung's public approval rate from tumbling, because reforms failed to alleviate the economic hardship felt by the lower class. All of this demonstrates that the public does separate economic and political issues and weigh them disproportionately in evaluating presidential performance.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Baviera, Aileen S. P. "Corruption, Political Scandals, and the Frail Democracies of Southeast Asia." Asian Politics & Policy 6, no. 4 (October 2014): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aspp.12140.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Solé-Ollé, Albert, and Pilar Sorribas-Navarro. "Trust no more? On the lasting effects of corruption scandals." European Journal of Political Economy 55 (December 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2017.12.003.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Kozlowski, Mark T. "A Monsoon in Delhi: Anna Hazare, the Lokpal Bill, and the Future of India." Pitt Political Review 8, no. 1 (December 16, 2011): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2011.11.

Full text

Abstract:

Political corruption in India is a perennial problem that has recently been exposed by two spectacular scandals involving the sale of telecommunications spectrum and the troubled 2010 Commonwealth Games. A disgust for this graft and corruption bred a massive protest in Delhi with a hunger strike by veteran activist Kisan Baburao “Anna” Hazare as its centerpiece. Hazare demanded the passage of a specific version of a bill that would establish an anti-corruption ombudsman called the Jan Lokpal. After Hazare had starved himself for approximately two weeks, the Indian parliament passed the legislation that Hazare had demanded. In this article, I examine the political implications of this movement, as well as whether or not the Lokpal will be effective in its mission of combating corruption.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Pollack, Ester, and Sigurd Allern. "Disclosure of Scandinavian telecom companies’ corruption in Uzbekistan: The role of investigative journalists." European Journal of Communication 33, no. 1 (January 11, 2018): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117750697.

Full text

Abstract:

Transparency International’s yearly Corruption Perceptions Index ranks Scandinavia as one of the least corrupt regions in the world. However, during the past decades, large Scandinavian corporations in the telecommunications, oil and defence industries have – in their struggle for business contracts in other countries – been involved in several large-scale bribery scandals. There has also been a growing range of corruption cases in the Swedish and Norwegian public sectors. In many of these cases, investigative journalists have played a crucial role in the disclosure of corruption, sometimes cooperating across media organisations and countries, demonstrating the importance of journalism as a public good for democracy. In this article, we explore, discuss and analyse the work of and methods used by investigative journalists in revealing large-scale corruption related to the expansion of Nordic telecom companies in Uzbekistan.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Corruption Scandals'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles