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Journal articles on the topic 'Cosmologia medieval'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Vecchio Alves, Daniel. "MORTE E VIDA PEREGRINA." Revista de Estudos de Cultura 7, no. 18 (July 5, 2021): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32748/revec.v7i18.15987.

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Muitas narrativas bíblicas, clericais e poéticas da Idade Média falam das coisas espirituais por meio de sua semelhança analógica com as coisas terrenas e corporais, analogias que se revelam como um grande esforço medieval de fixar, na alma, a crença na salvação e sua complexa rede de virtudes espirituais e vícios terrenos, interagindo, assim, com seus espaços imaginários de recompensas e punições. Para melhor compreender a representação dos diversos espaços imaginários que faziam e fazem parte da cosmologia cristã, observaremos, neste artigo, alguma das sutilezas histórico-culturais que fundamentaram os inúmeros percursos espirituais representados especificamente durante o Baixo Medievo, percursos que vão da busca pelo paraíso terreno no grande mar ainda desconhecido à busca pelo purgatório em diferentes planos espirituais. Para tanto, analisaremos, primeiramente, a representação da busca do paraíso terreno na marítima peregrinação da Navigatio Sancti Brendani Abbatis, de São Brandão (séc. VI) que passaram a ser redigidas a partir do século X, e, por conseguinte, analisaremos brevemente a Divina Comédia, de Dante, obra representativa do purgatório como terceiro espaço, um dos destinos sobrenaturais da alma, constituído não só por elementos infernais e edênicos, mas, sobretudo, por hábitos e necessidades humanas.Palavras-chave: Imaginário medieval. Representação narrativa. Espaços intermediários.

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2

Rudavsky, T. M. "Philosophical Cosmology in Judaism." Early Science and Medicine 2, no. 2 (1997): 149–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338297x00104.

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AbstractIn this paper I shall examine the philosophical cosmology of medieval Jewish thinkers as developed against the backdrop of their views on time and creation. I shall concentrate upon the Neoplatonic and Aristotelian traditions, with a particular eye to the interweaving of astronomy, cosmology and temporality. This interweaving occurs in part because of the influence of Greek cosmological and astronomical texts upon Jewish philosophers. The tension between astronomy and cosmology is best seen in Maimonides' discussion of creation. Gersonides, on the other hand, is more willing to incorporate astronomical material into his cosmological thinking. By examining these motifs, we shall arrive at a greater understanding of the dimension of temporality within Jewish philosophy.

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Parker, Sarah Jeanne S. "Vernacular Cosmologies: Models of the Universe in Old English Literature." Early Science and Medicine 26, no. 1 (May 21, 2021): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02610002.

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Abstract This article describes a tradition of early medieval cosmological thought in the prose and poetry of the Old English corpus. This Old English cosmology uses a small set of cosmological building blocks and a relatively limited vocabulary to describe and explore a variety of structural models of the Universe. In these texts – which include but are not limited to the Old English Prose Boethius, Ælfric’s De temporibus Anni, the Old English Phoenix, and The Order of the World – each structural model relies on a combination of terms for heaven, the firmament, and a cosmic-scale ocean and seafloor. These models, each distinct, appear to fall into two loose categories which may represent two schools of thought in vernacular cosmology.

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Djuric, Drago. "Kalam cosmological argument." Filozofija i drustvo 22, no. 1 (2011): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1101029d.

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In this paper it will be presented polemics about kalam cosmological argument developed in medieval islamic theology and philosophy. Main moments of that polemics was presented for a centuries earlier in Philoponus criticism of Aristotle?s thesis that the world is eternal, and of impossibilty of actual infinity. Philoponus accepts the thesis that actual infinity is impossible, but he thinks that, exactly because of that, world cannot be eternal. Namely, according to Philoponus, something can?not come into being if its existence requires the preexistence of an infinite number of other things, one arising out of the other. Philoponus and his fellowers in medieval islamic theology (Al-Kindi and Al-Ghazali), called kalam theologians, have offered arguments against the conception of a temporally infinite universe, under?stood as a succesive causal chain. On other side, medieval islamic thinkers, called falasifah /philosophers/ or aristotelians (Al-Farabi, Avicenna, and Averro?s), have offered arguments in favor of Aristotele?s conception of the eternity of the universe. Decisive problem in disccusion between kalam i falsafa medieval muslim thinkers was the problem of infinity. They have offered very interesting arguments and counterarguments about concept of infinity. In this paper it will be presented some of the crucial moments of that arguments.

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5

van Bladel, Kevin. "Heavenly cords and prophetic authority in the Quran and its Late Antique context." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 70, no. 2 (June 2007): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x07000419.

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AbstractThe asbāb mentioned in five passages of the Quran have been interpreted by medieval Muslims and modern scholars as referring generally to various “ways”, “means”, and “connections”. However, the word meant something more specific as part of a biblical-quranic “cosmology of the domicile”. The asbāb are heavenly ropes running along or leading up to the top of the sky-roof. This notion of sky-cords is not as unusual as it may seem at first, for various kinds of heavenly cords were part of Western Asian cosmologies in the sixth and seventh centuries ce. According to the Quran, a righteous individual may ascend by means of these cords to heaven, above the dome of the sky, where God resides, only with God's authorization. The heavenly cords are a feature of quranic cosmology and part of a complex of beliefs by which true prophets ascend to heaven and return bearing signs.

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6

Obrist, Barbara. "Wind Diagrams and Medieval Cosmology." Speculum 72, no. 1 (January 1997): 33–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2865863.

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7

Buonanno, Roberto, and Claudia Quercellini. "The equations of medieval cosmology☆." New Astronomy 14, no. 3 (April 2009): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.newast.2008.10.005.

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8

Ilnitchi, Gabriela. "MUSICA MUNDANA, ARISTOTELIAN NATURAL PHILOSOPHY AND PTOLEMAIC ASTRONOMY." Early Music History 21 (September 4, 2002): 37–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127902002024.

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Emanating from a cosmos ordered according to Pythagorean and Neoplatonic principles, the Boethian musica mundana is the type of music that ‘is discernible especially in those things which are observed in heaven itself or in the combination of elements or the diversity of seasons’. At the core of this recurring medieval topos stands ‘a fixed sequence of modulation [that] cannot be separated from this celestial revolution’, one most often rendered in medieval writings as the ‘music of the spheres’ (musica spherarum). In the Pythagorean and Neoplatonic cosmological traditions, long established by the time Boethius wrote his De institutione musica, the music of the spheres is just one possible manifestation of the concept of world harmony. It pertains to a universe in which musical and cosmic structures express the same mathematical ratios, each of the planets produces a distinctive sound in its revolution and the combination of these sounds themselves most often forms a well-defined musical scale. Although the Neoplatonic world harmony continued to function in medieval cosmology as the fundamental conceptual premise, the notion of the music of the spheres, despite its popularity among medieval writers, was generally treated neither at any significant length nor in an innovative fashion. Quite exceptional in this respect is the treatise that forms the subject of the present study, a text beginning Desiderio tuo fili carissime gratuito condescenderem and attributed to an anonymous bishop in the late thirteenth-century manuscript miscellany now in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Barb. lat. 283, fols. 37r-42v) but probably coming from a Franciscan convent in Siena. This seldom considered work affords a remarkable and special insight into the ways in which old and new ideas converged, intermingled and coexisted in the dynamic and sometimes volatile cross-currents of medieval scholarship.

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9

Lamy, Alice. "Defining Nature in Medieval Cosmological Literature." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-7724613.

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The medieval Latin West has a long tradition of cosmological writings that stress the difficulty of conceptualizing nature as a single totality. “Nature” is subject to multiple definitions, torn between the sensory and the intelligible. “Nature” involves the universe and its immutable laws, but also the metaphysical principles of living beings, the totality of corruptible things, and creatures from the domain of physis. Engaging with the idea of nature as plastic and multifaceted in its richness, this article shows that contradiction is a dialectical principle necessary to the definition of nature. Whether understood as a broad, vague, and elusive notion, or, on the contrary, as a strong ordering principle, nature supports life and the world. Sometimes it is described as the simple element of matter, sometimes as an entity rivaling God himself. Nature inevitably conjures up the supernatural and therefore also its own supersession.

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10

Hodges, Richard. "The cosmology of the early medieval emporia?" Archaeological Dialogues 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203804221213.

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This characteristically thoughtful essay by Frans Theuws illustrates how far our analysis of central places in the early Middle Ages has advanced. Like his study of Maastricht (2001), it reveals a close reading of the archaeological and historical sources. Indeed, as Michael McCormick's encyclopaedic volume (2001) on the origins of the medieval economy shows with stunning authority, as archaeologists we have taken huge strides since Philip Grierson quipped, ‘It has been said that the spade cannot lie, but it owes this merit in part to the fact that it cannot speak’ (1959, 129). Hence it comes as no surprise that Theuws is exploring the ‘relationship between forms of exchange and the imaginary world from which “value” is derived’ (p. 121).

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Cristancho, Sebastián. "Plotino y Grosseteste: El neoplatonismo en la cosmología medieval." Areté 29, no. 2 (2017): 259–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.201702.002.

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12

Li, Lan A. "Numbing Aesthetics: Taste and Tempers of Peppercorn / Mountain Pepper / Sanshō." Gastronomica 20, no. 4 (2020): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2020.20.4.64.

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This article explores a cultural history of peppercorn and its famous characterization as a “numbing spice.” It investigates how the quality of “numbing spice” extended from East Asian cosmologies that engaged with peppercorn, also known as mountain pepper or sanshō 山椒, as a medical, literary, and culinary object. Medieval and early modern encyclopedias in China described how the plant's vivid colors reflected cosmological relationships that promised better health and eternal youth. The plant's desirability represented what I call “numbing aesthetics,” in that its taste was directly tied to its appearance and utility. When burned, boiled, or crushed, forms of peppercorn could treat hemorrhages, hair loss, swollen scrotums, and toothaches. Beautiful peppers were more effective; ugly peppers were less effective. These many types of plants had many kinds of names with origin stories that derived from young girls, young couples, pigs, and frogs. As a social metaphor, pepper dust became a popular metaphor for describing confined concubines. This article later argues that these qualities fell away when biologists attempted to reduce the plant into its active molecular components in the twentieth century. Tokyo-based chemists imperfectly distilled numbing juices from the pepper's bark and fruit to define numbness as a single unit of flavor, even when numbness was not a classical kind of flavor and more closely resembled tingling vibrations. But by becoming a quasi-category of flavor, the molecularization of peppercorn would diminish its long history of cosmological associations that were gendered, practiced, and otherworldly.

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13

Feldman, Seymour. "The End of the Universe in Medieval Jewish Philosophy." AJS Review 11, no. 1 (1986): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400001513.

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Both the Bible and the earliest Greek philosophers begin with accounts of the world's genesis. It is thus not surprising that medieval cosmological thought was preoccupied, perhaps obsessed, with the issue of creation. But what about the end of the world? If the universe had a beginning, does it necessarily have an end? Does creation imply destruction? On this topic the Bible is not so explicit and unambiguous. Greek philosophy, however, was virtually unanimous in claiming that whatever has a beginning will have an end, and that whatever will have an end had a beginning. If this cosmological principle is construed strictly, then the world's past and its future are essentially and necessarily linked together, such that the finitude of one entails the finitude of the other. This would mean that if the temporal history of the world is finite a pane ante, then by virtue of this cosmological principle it will have a temporal end a pane post. The most vigorous and detailed defense of the strict interpretation of this general principle was given by Aristotle, who attempted to prove it in his treatise On the Heavens. Henceforth, I shall refer to this principle as “Aristotle's theorem.”

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14

Henson, Chelsea S. "Sexuality, Sociality, and Cosmology in Medieval Literary Texts." Medieval Feminist Forum 49, no. 1 (October 18, 2013): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/1536-8742.1954.

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15

Rampling, Jennifer M. "Depicting the Medieval Alchemical Cosmos." Early Science and Medicine 18, no. 1-2 (2013): 45–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-0003a0003.

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Alchemical images take many forms, from descriptive illustrations of apparatus to complex allegorical schemes that link practical operations to larger cosmological structures. I argue that George Ripley’s famous Compound of Alchemy (1471) was intended to be read in light of a circular figure appended to the work: the Wheel. In the concentric circles of his “lower Astronomy,” Ripley provided a terrestrial analogue for the planetary spheres: encoding his alchemical ingredients as planets that orbited the earthly elements at the core of the work. The figure alludes to a variety of late medieval alchemical doctrines. Yet the complexity of Ripley’s scheme sometimes frustrated later readers, whose struggles to decode and transcribe the figure left their mark in print and manuscript.

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16

Moreland, John. "Objects, identities and cosmological authentication." Archaeological Dialogues 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 144–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138020380423121x.

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Frans Theuws's paper reinforces and extends the developing critique of the early medieval economy as structured around gifts and commodities (for the ‘orthodoxy’, see Hodges 1982 and Hedeager 1993; for the critique, see Moreland 2000a and 2000b; Samson 1991; also Godelier 1999 (1996); and Thomas 1991). In the past, our assumptions about why certain objects were deemed valuable, and why they should have circulated as prestige gifts, have been influenced by notions of inherent worth (gold, silver and so on) or by the unthinking application of the laws of supply and demand (objects from afar are in short supply and must therefore be valuable). The proposition that value derives from the ‘imaginary world’ is one of the most significant in his paper and I will return to consider its implications in some detail.

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Wendry, Novizal. "Cosmological Interpretation: A View of Wind Concept Shi’a Literature." Jurnal Ushuluddin 27, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/jush.v27i2.7244.

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The debate over the origin of the wind between medieval scientists and theologians became a hot issue. Scientists that consist of philosophers based their arguments on empirical facts and theologians werebased on the revelation of al-Qur’an and Hadith. One of the medieval theologians was al-Majlisī (1037-1110/1627-98). He interpreted cosmological verses based on the process, categorization, and the term of al-Qur'an. This research is a library research usinga historical approach to obtain data and conducting content analysis. As for the term related to the Qur'an about wind, a semantic approach was used. Primary data was the work of al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwar. The results of the study indicated that al-Majlisī rejected the astrological theory which stated that wind is a spin of air originating from the smallest particular composition of the earth, heated, and subjected to evaporation. According to al-Majlisī, the wind caused by God's willin power to blow it with the intensity that He desired. According to al-Majlisī, the wind can be distinguished whether it is beneficial or not as found in al-Qur'an

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Carolina Sparavigna, Amelia. "The Ten Spheres of Al-Farabi: A Medieval Cosmology." International Journal of Sciences, no. 06 (2014): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18483/ijsci.517.

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Porath, Or. "The Cosmology of Male-Male Love in Medieval Japan." Journal of Religion in Japan 4, no. 2-3 (2015): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-00402007.

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Scholars have investigated the Japanese tradition of male-male love that arose in the context of the secular and commercial culture of the early modern era. Less often noted is the role of male-male sexuality within a religious framework. This article sheds light on the unexplored religious dimension of medieval Japanese male-male sexuality through an analysis of Ijiri Matakurō Tadasuke’s Nyakudō no kanjinchō (1482) and its Muromachi variant. Both works glorify male-male sexual acts and endorse their proper practice. I suggest that Kanjinchō attempts to perpetuate power relations that maintain the superiority of adult monks over young acolytes. Kanjinchō achieves this through constructing its own cosmology, built on a Buddhist cosmogony, soteriology, a pantheon of divinities and ethical norms, which, in effect, endows homoeroticism with sacrality. My analysis of Kanjinchō provides a nuanced understanding of male-male sexuality in Japanese Buddhism and the ideological context in which the text is embedded.

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Stoyanov, Yuri. "Medieval Christian Dualist Perceptions and Conceptions of Biblical Paradise." Studia Ceranea 3 (December 30, 2013): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.03.11.

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The article intends to draw attention to some of the most significant and telling appropriations of traditional themes of Biblical paradise in medieval Christian dualism (namely, Paulicianism, Bogomilism and related groups in Eastern Christendom and Catharism in Western Christendom) and initiate discussion on the important but presently not always explicable problem of their theological and literary provenance. The significance of this problematic is highlighted by the increasing amount of direct and indirect evidence of the role played by a number of early Jewish and Christian pseudepigraphic works in the formation of medieval Christian dualist cosmogonic, cosmological, satanological, Christological and biblical history traditions. The preliminary survey of medieval dualist conceptions of biblical Paradise shows also once more that the doctrinal evidence for Bogomilism and Catharism is too complex and polyvalent to be defined or ignored apriori as representing medieval heresiological constructs drawing on earlier heresiological texts and stereotypes. The material examined in the article shows that the text-critical treatment of the primary sources to first establish the most plausible literary and theological provenance of the respective teachings attributed to medieval Christian dualist groups or individuals still remains indispensable to the study of medieval heresy and needs to precede the application of models and approaches drawn from contemporary anthropological and sociological theory to the source material.

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Davenport, Anne. "Scotus as the Father of Modernity. The Natural Philosophy of the English Franciscan Christopher Davenport in 1652." Early Science and Medicine 12, no. 1 (2007): 55–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338207x166399.

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AbstractThis article examines the philosophical teaching of a colorful Oxford alumnus and Roman Catholic convert, Christopher Davenport, also known as Franciscus à Sancta Clara or Francis Coventry. At the peak of Puritan power during the English Interregnum and after five of his Franciscan confrères had perished for their missionary work, our author tried boldly to claim modern cosmology and atomism as the unrecognized fruits of medieval Scotism. His hope was to revive English pride in the golden age of medieval Oxford and to defend English Franciscans as more legitimately patriotic and scientifically progressive than Puritan millenarians.

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Tan, Daniela. "The Body as Place in Time(s): Concepts of the Female Body in Medieval Japan." KronoScope 20, no. 1 (May 20, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341452.

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Abstract The body reflects the various timescales of human existence, such as physical processes and cosmological patterns. This paper seeks to demonstrate conceptualizations of the female body in medieval Japan, using source texts specifically concerned with menstruation. Its investigative use of medical, religious and literary sources serves to address a variety of the dimensions of human existence. Medical writings such as the 14th century Man‘anpō and the Toni‘shō, both compiled by the monk physician Kajiwara Shōzen, deal with the female cycle as a physical phenomenon in correlation with natural cyclical patterns. The female cycle is not only connected to questions of reproduction and sexuality, but also to larger scale cosmological time frames, such as the cycle of the moon or the tides. Instructions given for the treatment of irregularities, along with preventive measures, take into consideration the large-scale time frame in resonance with the micro-level of the body. Medical knowledge is complemented by religious texts, such as the Blood Bowl Sutra (Ketsubonkyō), that contextualize the perception of the female body within a religious dimension. The Buddhist worldview that permeates medical and literary texts of this era is also reflected in ideas about the female body. The varying physical, cosmological and religious chronomorphologies of the body reflect a multiplicity of time frames in medieval Japan.

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Morrison, Robert G. "Cosmology and Cosmic Order in Islamic Astronomy." Early Science and Medicine 24, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 340–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-00244p02.

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Abstract This article analyzes how the astronomy of Islamic societies in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries can be understood as cosmological. By studying the Arabic translations of the relevant Greek terms and then the definitions of the medieval Arabic dictionaries, the article finds that Arabic terms did not communicate order in the way implied by the Greek ho kósmos (ὁ κόσμος; the cosmos). Yet, astronomers of the period sometimes discussed cosmic order in addition to describing the cosmos. This article finds, too, that a new technical term, nafs al-amr (the fact of the matter) became part of later discussions of cosmic order.

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24

Yoshiko Reed, Annette. "Was there science in ancient Judaism? Historical and cross-cultural reflections on "religion" and "science"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 461–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600303.

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This article considers the place of scientific inquiry in ancient Judaism with a focus on astronomy and cosmology. It explores how ancient Jews used biblical interpretation to situate "scientific" knowledge in relation to "religious" concerns. In the Second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.) biblical interpretation is often used to integrate insights from Mesopotamian and Greek scientific traditions. In classical rabbinic Judaism (70-600 C.E.) astronomy became marked as an esoteric discipline, and cosmology is understood in terms of Ma'aseh Bereshit, a category that blurs the boundaries between "science" and "religion." Whereas modern thinkers often see Judaism and "science" as incompatible, medieval Jewish thinkers built on these ancient traditions; some even viewed themselves as heirs to a Jewish intellectual tradition that included astronomy, cosmology, medicine and mathematics.

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Golan, Nurit. "A Portal to Knowledge." Nuncius 33, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 25–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03301002.

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Abstract This article engages with the Creation cycle (hexaemeron) sculpted on the vault of the south portal of the choir of the Holy Cross Church at Schwäbisch Gmünd (1351–1377). Several reliefs depict the cosmological creation, which was a rather rare topic in monumental sculpture on public display during the Middle Ages. Being based on cosmological theories, taught at the universities, but not expected to be shared with the laity, it is a unique intellectual cultural phenomenon. The article seeks to interpret anew the full scientific significance of these unprecedented iconographic cosmological depictions. The choice of topic and location of the cosmological reliefs will be explained in relation to the town’s socioeconomic and political developments that brought to substantial changes in the lives of the burghers. Presenting these novel ideas to the medieval public in an ecclesiastic context suggests an important change in the intellectual history of the region in the late fourteenth century.

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Malino, Jonathan W. "Time Matters: Time, Creation, and Cosmology in Medieval Jewish Philosophy." AJS Review 30, no. 2 (October 27, 2006): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406310203.

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Goddu, A. "Mechanics and Cosmology in the Medieval and Early Modern Period." Annals of Science 66, no. 2 (April 2009): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00033790701664788.

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Alvaro, Alvaro Jiménez. "Romanticismo y alegoría en la cosmología: consideraciones estéticas e ideológicas en el sistema heliocentrico de Nocolás Copernico." Griot : Revista de Filosofia 20, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 228–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31977/grirfi.v20i1.1442.

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La obra De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (1543) instaló la piedra fundacional de una mentalidad que concibió un nuevo modelo de racionalidad. La hipótesis heliocéntrica ideada por Nicolás Copérnico ha ingresado en la narrativa contemporánea como una de las batallas libradas en contra de la cosmología medieval, lo que se traduce como un enfrentamiento a la hegemonía socio-política que la iglesia católica proyectaba sobre las cuestiones más decisivas de la humanidad. No obstante, la cosmología, vista a través de una mirada hermenéutica propuesta por Ernst Cassirer, nos permite suspender la condición ascendente de la historia para dirigir nuestra atención a la filiación neoplatónica, pitagórica y gnóstica de ciertas cualidades que finalmente jugaron a favor de la aceptación de la nueva imagen del mundo. Estas doctrinas fueron clave en la articulación de aquella nueva cosmología, y sin embargo, nuestra modernidad no ha sabido reconocer sus aportes a una historia de la ideas. Por estos motivos pondremos en relación la obra con algunos preceptos cosmológicos en el contexto epistemológico del Renacimiento, lo cual arrojará luz sobre ciertas zonas desconocidas de la obra, y también, porqué no, sobre ciertas zonas ignotas del espíritu de nuestra modernidad.

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Todorova, Rostislava. "Icons as Maps." Eikon / Imago 4, no. 1 (June 7, 2015): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/eiko.73424.

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Although a comparison between Orthodox icons and geographic maps sounds like an extravagant idea, if we set them in a broader context, we will see that they are actually akin. Both, the Orthodox εικών and the medieval mappamundi are symbolic images that represent cosmological concepts, showing the essence and character of the Universe in images. They enable people to overcome their natural limitations and see what is invisible to their eyes.

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Averbuch, Irit. "Reflections of Buddhist Thought in Kagura Dance, Song, and Structure." Journal of Religion in Japan 2, no. 2-3 (2013): 244–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118349-12341259.

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Abstract The influence of Buddhist thought, cosmologies and practices on the formation of folk kagura and other minzoku geinō (folk performing arts) forms in medieval Japan is widely recognized. The Buddhist worldview was often spread through the ritual performing arts of the yamabushi (Shugendō practitioners) of medieval times. Today the evidence for such influences is relatively obscure, due to the impact of Shintō policies since the nineteenth century. However, traces of Buddhist cosmologies, ideas and practices can still be found, to a greater or lesser degree, in most forms of kagura. Such ‘traces’ may range from but a preserved memory of abandoned practices in some schools, to explicit Buddhist texts in others. This paper presents examples of Buddhist ‘echoes’ in a number of kagura schools from around Japan. These serve to illuminate the extant to which Buddhist ideas and practices were imbedded in the ritual texts and kami uta of the various kagura schools, in their dance choreographies, and in the structures of their kagura spaces. A special characteristic common to all (otherwise extremely variegated) kagura forms is the construction of the kagura space as a symbolic universe. This paper argues for a probable Buddhist origin of the kagura stage-universe.

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31

PECKER, JEAN-CLAUDE. "The provocative razor of William of Occam." European Review 12, no. 2 (May 2004): 185–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000183.

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A consideration of medieval astronomy and the views of the philosopher William of Occam leads to a consideration of the ambiguities in the application of the principle of Occam's razor as it applies to problems in science, including the constants applicable to Einstein's Theory of General Relativity and cosmology. The principle can both be used to eliminate unnecessary irrelevancies, but also to constrain the development of imaginative theories.

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32

Donahue, William. "Book Review: Mechanics in Early Modern Cosmology: Mechanics and Cosmology in the Medieval and Early Modern Period." Journal for the History of Astronomy 40, no. 4 (November 2009): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860904000408.

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Panzica, Aurora. "L’hypothèse de la cessation des mouvements célestes au xive siècle : Nicole Oresme, Jean Buridan et Albert de Saxe." Vivarium 56, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2018): 83–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-12341350.

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Abstract Aristotelian cosmology implies the plurality of celestial motion for the process of generation and corruption in the sublunar world. In order to investigate the structure of the cosmos and the degree of dependence of the sublunar on the supralunar region, medieval Latin commentators on Aristotle explored the consequences of the cessation of celestial motion. This paper analyses the position of some philosophers of the fourteenth-century Parisian school, namely Nicole Oresme, John Buridan and Albert of Saxony.

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Liu, Yi, and Casey Lee. "Medieval Daoist Concepts of the Middle Kingdom." Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, no. 2 (March 22, 2019): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340063.

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AbstractThe ancient Chinese people believed that they existed at the center of the world. With the arrival of Buddhism in China came a new cosmic worldview rooted in Indian culture that destabilized the Han [huaxia 華夏] people’s long-held notions of China as the Middle Kingdom [Zhongguo 中國] and had a profound influence on medieval Daoism. Under the influence of Buddhist cosmology, Daoists reformed their idea of Middle Kingdom, for a time relinquishing its signification of China as the center of the world. Daoists had to acknowledge the existence of multiple kingdoms outside China and non-Han peoples [manyi 蠻夷] who resided on the outskirts of the so-called Middle Kingdom as potential followers of Daoism. However, during the Tang dynasty, this capacious attitude ceased to be maintained or passed on. Instead, Tang Daoists returned to a notion of Middle Kingdom that reinstated the traditional divide between Han and non-Han peoples.

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35

Speer, Andreas. "The Discovery of Nature: The Contribution of the Chartrians to Twelfth-Century Attempts to Found aScientia naturalis." Traditio 52 (1997): 135–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036215290001196x.

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If one takes standard overviews of the history of natural science or natural philosophy as his measure, the object appearing in the title of this study would literally appear not to exist. For, apart from a few scattered encyclopedia entries — which are always of necessity rather summary in character — one searches in vain for studies on the medieval interest in the natural sciences. For the contemporary cosmologist, be he first and foremost philosopher or physicist, the Middle Ages lie in a very deep darkness indeed.

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36

Hutchison, Keith. "An Angel's View of Heaven: The Mystical Heliocentricity of Medieval Geocentric Cosmology." History of Science 50, no. 1 (March 2012): 33–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/007327531205000102.

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37

Bower, Richard G., Tom C. B. McLeish, Brian K. Tanner, Hannah E. Smithson, Cecilia Panti, Neil Lewis, and Giles E. M. Gasper. "A medieval multiverse?: Mathematical modelling of the thirteenth century universe of Robert Grosseteste." Proceedings of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 470, no. 2167 (July 8, 2014): 20140025. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspa.2014.0025.

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In his treatise on light, written about 1225, Robert Grosseteste describes a cosmological model in which the universe is created in a big-bang-like explosion and subsequent condensation. He postulates that the fundamental coupling of light and matter gives rises to the material body of the entire cosmos. Expansion is arrested when matter reaches a minimum density and subsequent emission of light from the outer region leads to compression and rarefaction of the inner bodily mass so as to create nine celestial spheres, with an imperfect residual core. In this paper, we reformulate the Latin description in terms of a modern mathematical model, teasing out consequences implicit in the text, but which the author would not have had the tools to explore. The equations which describe the coupling of light and matter are solved numerically, subjected to initial conditions and critical criteria consistent with the text. Formation of a universe with a non-infinite number of perfected spheres is extremely sensitive to the initial conditions, the intensity of the light and the transparency of these spheres. In this ‘medieval multiverse’, only a small range of opacity and initial density profiles leads to a stable universe with nine perfected spheres. As in current cosmological thinking, the existence of Grosseteste’s universe relies on a very special combination of fundamental parameters.

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38

Abuali, Eyad. "Visualizing the soul: Diagrams and the subtle body of light (jism laṭīf) in Shams al-Dīn al-Daylamī’s The Mirror of Souls (Mirʿāt al-arwāḥ)." Critical Research on Religion 9, no. 2 (May 13, 2021): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20503032211015299.

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Light is a discursive tool that Sufis have drawn upon over the centuries in order to elucidate systems of thought and practice. In medieval Islamic thought, light was closely associated with the soul as well as conceptions of sight and the eye. It also occupied an important place in cosmology. By the twelfth- and thirteenth-centuries, Sufis began to consider notions of light more systematically, creating close correspondences between vision, cosmology, and anthropology within Sufi thought. This coincided with the increased production of complex diagrams in Sufi texts. This article shows that these developments were interrelated. By analyzing Shams al-Dīn al-Daylamī’s (d. 587/1191) diagrams alongside his theories of light with respect to the nature of the soul and body, it demonstrates that the theory of the soul as light played an important part in shaping Sufi thought, practice, and visual culture.

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Emerton, Norma E., Pierre Duhem, and Roger Ariew. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862805.

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40

Powell, James M., Pierre Duhem, and Roger Ariew. "Medieval Cosmology: Theories of Infinity, Place, Time, Void, and the Plurality of Worlds." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 2 (1987): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204290.

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41

Freudenthal, Gad. "Time Matters: Time, Creation, and Cosmology in Medieval Jewish Philosophy. T. M. Rudavsky." Isis 92, no. 1 (March 2001): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385082.

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42

Rupiewicz, Romana. "The Motion of Celestial Bodies in Medieval Iconography: Christian Assimilation of Ancient Cosmology." IKON 13 (January 2020): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.5.121565.

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43

Gorbachov, Yaroslav. "What Do We Know about *Čьrnobogъ and *Bělъ Bogъ?" Russian History 44, no. 2-3 (June 23, 2017): 209–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04402011.

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As attested, the Slavic pantheon is rather well-populated. However, many of its numerous members are known only by their names mentioned in passing in one or two medieval documents. Among those barely attested Slavic deities, there are a few whose very existence may be doubted. This does not deter some scholars from articulating rather elaborate theories about Slavic mythology and cosmology. The article discusses two obscure Slavic deities, “Black God” and “White God,” and, in particular, reexamines the extant primary sources on them. It is argued that “Black God” worship was limited to the Slavic North-West, and “White God” never existed.

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Bracken, Damian. "Virgil the Grammarian and Bede: a preliminary study." Anglo-Saxon England 35 (December 2006): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675106000020.

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AbstractThe chapters in Bede's De temporum ratione begin with an etymology for the name of the subject to be examined. Sources and analogues for some have not hitherto been identified. This article shows that some of these etymologies of words for the divisions of time come ultimately, though perhaps not directly, from bk XI of Virgil the Grammarian's Epitomae. These accounts of the origins of calendrical and cosmological terms wound their way through early western computistical works and eventually into Bede's De temporum ratione. The article identifies examples of Virgil's influence on anonymous early medieval biblical commentaries and discusses their significance as pointers towards their place of composition.

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45

Adorno, Rolena. "El fin de la historia en la Nueva corónica y buen gobierno de Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala." Letras (Lima) 85, no. 121 (June 30, 2014): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30920/letras.85.121.2.

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El mapamundi de la Nueva corónica y buen gobierno combina y celebra una gran constelación de imágenes e ideas. Guaman Poma lo construye gráficamente, aprovechando la representación simbólica del espacio de la Europa medieval igual que la cosmología y cosmografía andinas. Guaman Poma complementa la organización espacial del mapamundi pictórico con formulaciones de valor temporal: su conceptualización de tiempos pasados, “las edades del mundo” en la Nueva corónica, y la de tiempos futuros, en el capítulo de “Conzederaciones” morales en el Buen gobierno. Propongo que el enigmático mapamundi es el ápice de la obra, la culminación simbólica que resume y condensa la compleja visión de su autor. Postulo, además, que el mapamundi presenta su conceptualización profética del “fin de la historia,” es decir, el cumplimiento del destino histórico y trascendental de “las Indias del Perú”.

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46

Cole, Richard. "When Gods Become Bureaucrats." Harvard Theological Review 113, no. 2 (April 2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816020000048.

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AbstractEven gods are not always above bureaucracy. Societies very different from each other have entertained the idea that the heavens might be arranged much like an earthly bureaucracy, or that mythological beings might exercise their power in a way that makes them resembles bureaucrats. The best-known case is the Chinese “celestial bureaucracy,” but the idea is also found in (to take nearly random examples) Ancient Near Eastern cosmology, the Hebrew Bible, Late Antiquity, and modern popular culture. The primary sources discussed in this essay pertain to an area of history where bureaucracy was historically underdeveloped, namely medieval Scandinavia. Beginning with the Glavendrup runestone from the 900s, I examine a way of thinking about divine power that seems blissfully bureaucracy-free. Moving forwards in time to Adam of Bremen’s description of the temple at Uppsala (1040s–1070s), I find traces of a tentative, half-formed bureaucracy in the fading embers of Scandinavian paganism. In the 1220s, well into the Christian era, I find Snorri Sturluson concocting a version of Old Norse myth which proposes a novel resolution between the non-bureaucratic origins of his mythological corpus and the burgeoning bureacratization of High Medieval Norway. Although my focus is on medieval Scandinavia, transhistorical comparisons are frequently drawn with mythological bureaucrats from other times and places. In closing, I synthesise this comparative material with historical and anthropological theories of the relationship between bureaucracy and the divine.

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47

Cooper, Glen M. "Approaches to the Critical Days in Late Medieval and Renaissance Thinkers." Early Science and Medicine 18, no. 6 (2013): 536–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-0186p0003.

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Galen’s astrological doctrine of the critical days, as found in his De diebus decretoriis (Critical Days), Book III, was at the center of a long discussion in the Latin West about the relationship between astrology and medicine. The main problem was that Galen’s views could not be made to square with the prevailing cosmology, which derived both from Aristotle and Abū Maʿshar. The views of selected Latin thinkers concerning the critical days, from Pietro d’Abano, down through Girolamo Cardano, are considered in the context of a fourfold scheme that aims to classify the main approaches to the critical days. The criticisms of Pico della Mirandola are discussed, as well as two kinds of responses to him: the progressive views of Giovanni Mainardi and Girolamo Fracastoro, as well as the conservative views of Thomas Bodier and Girolamo Cardano.

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McNeill, T. E., and N. B. Aitchison. "Armagh and the Royal Centres in Early Medieval Ireland: Monuments, Cosmology, and the Past." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (June 1996): 825. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169452.

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49

Nederman, Cary J. "The Puzzling Case of Christianity and Republicanism: A Comment on Black." American Political Science Review 92, no. 4 (December 1998): 913–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586312.

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Antony Black argues that Christian republicanism was one of the discourses at work in framing the history of Western republican thought. But he neglects to confront the theoretically unique character of the Christian approach to republican institutions. First, Christian republicanism derived from more general beliefs about the divinely ordained organic structure of the universe. Second, it evinced no necessary hostility toward monarchic rule; indeed, quite to the contrary, its cosmological premise of organic hierarchy supported the office of the king (whether papal or secular). Once these elements of Christian republicanism are supplied, the medieval contribution to the history of republican ideas takes on a complexion very different from that described by Black.

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Andreev, Gennady Petrovich. "Maimonides’ Metaphysics and Cosmology in “The Guide for Perplexed” and in “The Epistle to the Sages of Marseille”." Philosophy of Religion: Analytic Researches 5, no. 1 (2021): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2587-683x-2021-5-1-32-46.

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Rabbi Moshe ben Maimon (Maimonides) in the Second part of his main philosophical treatise The Guide for Perplexed analyzes geocentric cosmology which was for his epoch as paradigm. Also there he considers peripatetic ideas on Pre-eternity of the Universe and concept of multitude of worlds. He challenges and queries Post-Ptolemaic concept of epicycles what is so indistinctive for 12th century. Also two Medieval Jewish mysterious doctrines named Ma’ase Bereshit (Action of Creation) and Ma’ase Merqava (Action of Charriot) are analyzed by him in light of popular for Jewish High Middle Age interpretation as Physics and Metaphysics respectively. Mystical Talmudic teaching on Kise ha-Kavod (the Throne of [Divine] Glory) is interpreted as Peripatetic view on superlunary world. In The Epistle to the Sages of Marseille Maimonides sets some criteria up for rational faith and regards fundamental arguments against astrology by dividing pre-scientific cosmology and superstitions. He considers concept of rea’ya brura (pure viewing or clear proof) in epistemological and ontological sense. To rabbi Moshe logic of mathematical proof (and Pre-Scientific Knowledge at all) and sensual perception have got more weight than Biblical prophets literary words.

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