Academic literature on the topic 'Côte d'Ivoire Civil War'
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Journal articles on the topic "Côte d'Ivoire Civil War"
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Minoiu, Camelia, and Olga Shemyakina. "Child Health and Conflict in Côte d'Ivoire." American Economic Review 102, no. 3 (May 1, 2012): 294–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.3.294.
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We examine the impact of the 2002-07 civil conflict in Cote d'Ivoire on children's health status measured by height-for-age. We use pre- and post-war survey data coupled with information on the location of violent incidents to capture exposure to the conflict of children born during 1997-2007. Our results indicate that children from regions more affected by the conflict suffered significant health setbacks compared with children from less affected regions. Further, household-level victimization -- such as war-related economic stress, health stress, and displacement -- has a large and negative effect on child health in conflict-affected regions.
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MacLean, Lauren Morris. "Mediating ethnic conflict at the grassroots: the role of local associational life in shaping political values in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 589–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000412.
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This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.
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Martin, Philip A., Giulia Piccolino, and Jeremy S. Speight. "Ex-Rebel Authority after Civil War: Theory and Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15923094954447.
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How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of "rebel rulers" and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants' power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels' local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Côte d'Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.
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Speight, Jeremy. "Youth politics and civil war in West Africa: Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire in comparative perspective." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 46, no. 2 (August 2012): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2012.705590.
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Blair, Robert A. "International Intervention and the Rule of Law after Civil War: Evidence from Liberia." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 365–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000031.
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AbstractWhat are the effects of international intervention on the rule of law after civil war? Rule of law requires not only that state authorities abide by legal limits on their power, but also that citizens rely on state laws and institutions to adjudicate disputes. Using an original survey and list experiment in Liberia, I show that exposure to the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) increased citizens’ reliance on state over nonstate authorities to resolve the most serious incidents of crime and violence, and increased nonstate authorities’ reliance on legal over illegal mechanisms of dispute resolution. I use multiple identification strategies to support a causal interpretation of these results, including an instrumental variables strategy that leverages plausibly exogenous variation in the distribution of UNMIL personnel induced by the killing of seven peacekeepers in neighboring Côte d'Ivoire. My results are still detectable two years later, even in communities that report no further exposure to peacekeepers. I also find that exposure to UNMIL did not mitigate and may in fact have exacerbated citizens’ perceptions of state corruption and bias in the short term, but that these apparently adverse effects dissipated over time. I conclude by discussing implications of these complex but overall beneficial effects.
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Hamer, Magali Chelpi-Den. "How to Certify Learning in a Country Split into Two by a Civil War: Governmental and Non-Governmental Initiatives in Côte d'Ivoire, 2002–06." Research in Comparative and International Education 2, no. 3 (September 2007): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/rcie.2007.2.3.191.
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Following political turmoil and rising socio-economic difficulties, Côte d'Ivoire has been split into two since September 2002. The rebellion controls the northern part of the country and the main towns of Bouaké, Korhogo and Man, while the government controls the southern part with Abidjan, Yamoussoukro, Daloa and all the ports in the coastal area. At the beginning of the war, civil servants who were in place in the north of the country were called back to Abidjan to be redeployed in government-controlled areas. These included many teachers and education officials, but not all, as some of them chose to stay in the war-affected areas to continue their initial work. This article focuses specifically on governmental and local non-governmental initiatives related to education which were put in place at the onset of the crisis. What type(s) of education have been offered to the children in war-affected areas and to the displaced children in government-controlled areas? What have been the difficulties of organizing national examinations in war-affected areas? How have educational attainments been certified on both sides? The study covers the period 2002–06, and is based on document analysis, grey literature collected on site and interviews with key informants.
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Adeleke, Ademola. "The Politics and Diplomacy of Peacekeeping in West Africa: The Ecowas Operation in Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021443.
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TheEconomic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established in May 1975 as an organisation to promote the development of the sub-region, and for 15 years did not deviate from this mandate. The 16 member-states – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo – restricted their interactions to purely economic matters and ran shy of political issues confronting West Africa. This tradition changed in 1990 when Ecowas decided to intervene in the civil war which had broken out in Liberia. Its strategy to resolve the conflict followed two parallel but mutually interactive channels — making and enforcing peace. The former involved negotiations and arbitration; the latter the deployment in August 1990 of a 3,000 strong multinational force to supervise a cease-fire.
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Yao, Kouassi. "The Chances for Success of the Francophone Centers for Distance Education of the GDLN Network: The Case of the Centre d'Education à Distance de Côte d'Ivoire." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 4 (2003): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903773004040.
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AbstractThe Centers of Distance Education of francophone Africa in Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, and Senegal were set up under a financial and educational agreement with the World Bank. They were inaugurated on June 21, 2000, at the same time as four other centers in English-speaking Africa and eight others on other continents (Appendix 1). Since September 2003, Mauritania has had its own center, thus increasing the number of centers in French-speaking African countries to four. As of November 2003, more than 60 centers were affiliated with the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN). It has known start-up difficulties because of the socioeconomic environment caused the sociopolitical crisis from December 1999 to the civil war in September 2002. It needs a re-adaptation of its missions by public authorities in order to realize its first mission, which is to improve the capabilities of a large number of government executives and decision-makers at a minimal cost. The strategies and educational approach used at the Center are new methods and tools, precursors of what will be used in the education of tomorrow. In this article, we will briefly present the history of the creation of the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN), and then I will draw up a diagnostic account of the two years' functioning of the CED-CI. Finally, I will give an outline for its future growth.
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Schiel, Rebecca, Christopher Faulkner, and Jonathan Powell. "Mutiny in Côte d'Ivoire." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 2 (August 2017): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200205.
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Since 1990, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced over a dozen army mutinies, with three major events occurring in the first half of 2017. This paper explores the underlying causes of these events, considering both this year's mutinies and the state's prior experiences with military insubordination. A review of the events of Côte d'Ivoire's tumultuous 2017 indicates a number of parallels with some of its earlier mutinies, though these more recent events are perhaps unique due to the presence of a larger range of dynamics and the scale of the mutineers' demands. Beyond requests for better pay, which are nearly ubiquitous, these events also illustrate the general hazards of post-conflict civil–military relations, including challenges related to demobilisation, integration of rebel forces, the consequences of soldiers having contributed to a leader's ascendance, and the perils of soldier loyalties lying with personalities instead of the state.
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Oltramonti, Giulia Prelz. "War veterans in postwar situations: Chechnya, Serbia, Turkey, Peru and Côte d'Ivoire." Peacebuilding 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2014): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2014.937075.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Côte d'Ivoire Civil War"
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Lemke, Jeslyn. "Frames and Monkeywrenching the Media in Côte d’Ivoire: How to Win a War in Françafrique." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23183.
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This study revisits the media coverage of Côte d’Ivoire’s 2010-2011 electoral crisis as a case study of the political, economic, and contextual stressors that impact journalists writing in francophone Africa in times of conflict. This dissertation demonstrates how the three key political parties in Côte d’Ivoire’s electoral crisis, France, Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara, all had a deep economic incentives in this civil war, and were using both hidden and public tactics to manipulate media coverage in their own interests. I explore these tactics in two locations: how the news is framed in the local and foreign news coverage of the crisis, using a textual analysis of 210 news articles; and how politicians monkey-wrenched journalists and news outlets to secretly impact news coverage, drawing on 31 interviews with Ivorian and foreign journalists.
Under the umbrella of international communication, I explore how the influence of France continues to assert immense editorial control over the media infrastructure of Côte d’Ivoire. I draw on postcolonial theory, political economic theory, frame studies in social movement theory and in media literature to locate the theoretical underpinnings of this research. A political economic framework helps explain this monkey-wrenching of journalists by inspecting who exerts control over journalistic coverage.
This dissertation is a critical, qualitative case study that employs a textual analysis of 210 newspaper articles and interviews with 24 journalists to explore the central questions of media imperialism and framing in Côte d’Ivoire and Françafrique. I drew articles from the local newspapers: Fraternité Matin, Notre Voie, Le Temps, Le Nouveau Courrier and Le Patriote from 2010 and 2011. From the international press, I pulled articles from Agence France-Presse, Jeune Afrique, Le Monde, Reuters and Associated Press from 2010 to 2017.
Little research has been done in the English-speaking world on the media in francophone West Africa. This study helps introduce the complications of media in Françafrique- where France earns enormous profits from African economies- to the English-speaking world.
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Ikpo, Ley G. "Côte d'Ivoire ˸ enjeux démocratiques : les acteurs politiques et leurs actions au sein de la société ivoirienne de 1940 à 2010." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB244/document.
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La démocratie, selon le temps et l'espace, a été le commun de différentes civilisations. Plusieurs mouvements populaires ont été menés, afin de forger une véritable démocratie. Les réformes de 1936 du Front populaire en France permirent à la Côte d'Ivoire de fonder une classe politique et le PDCI tout seul dirigea le territoire jusqu'au 30 mars 1990. En 1999, Bédié fut renversé du pouvoir et remplacé par le Général Guei qui lui fut chassé du pouvoir confisqué par un mouvement de masse populaire, en octobre 2000. En septembre 2002, une attaque est lancée pendant que Gbagbo était en visite officielle en Italie. Le pays fut divisé en un nord musulman, et un sud chrétien. À la suite des accords de Linas-Marcoussis, de Prétoria et de Ouagadougou, des élections eurent lieu en 2010 et deux présidents en sortaient. Le Conseil Constitutionnel proclama Gbagbo, et Ouattara reconnu par la Commission Indépendante Électorale. Le pays une fut à nouveau déchiré. Gbagbo fut arrêté, le 11 avril 2011 et conduit à l'Haye, le 29 novembre, suivit de Blé Goudé 23 mars 2014, endroit où leur procès a continuellement lieu. Cependant, la démocratie ivoirienne reste toutefois une utopie comme dans le passéDemocracy has always been an activity practiced by many. Various popular revolutions had been enforced in order to achieve the most suitable form of democracy through time and space. Hence, the 1936 reforms enforced by the French Popular Front in France were also dispatched in the former colonies. Ivorians created then some political parties that were headed by the PDCI until March 30, 1990. In 1999, the first bloodless state coup was registered and Bédié was overthrown by Gen. Robert Guei. In October 2000, Guei was also removed from power through a mass popular uprising. Meanwhile, in September 2002, the country was divided into a northern Muslim bastion and a southern Christian headquarters, when Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. The Linas-Marcoussis, Pretoria and Ouagadougou agreements, led to new elections out of which the Constitutional Council proclaimed Gbagbo President while the Independent Electoral Commission legitimated Ouattara. The country fell once more into collapse. Gbagbo was then arrested on April 11, 2011 and sent to the Haye on November 29, where Blé Goudé joined him on March 23, 2014, and their trial is still on nowadays. Since the old days up till now, democracy seems to be a utopia among Ivoirians
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Klaas, Brian Paul. "Bullets over ballots : how electoral exclusion increases the risk of coups d'état and civil wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2492d39d-522f-494e-9549-28b3f6fc7db3.
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Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.
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Zanou, Benjamin. "Pour une utilisation démographique de l'état civil en Afrique : le cas de la Côte-d’Ivoire." Paris 1, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA010526.
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Les problèmes démographiques des pays en développement font l'objet de préoccupations des spécialistes. Les opérations de collecte se multiplient, alors qu'aucune attention particulière n'est accordée à l'utilisation démographique de l'état civil. Nous nous demandons si, dans son fonctionnement actuel l'état civil africain en général et celui de la Côte-d’Ivoire en particulier ne peut pas servir à l'estimation des indices du mouvement naturel. Dans la plupart des pays africains l'état civil a moins de cent ans d’âge. En Côte-d’Ivoire c'est l'arrêté général no 4602 ap du 16 aout 1950 qui l'a institué. Sa structure de fonctionnement est calquée sur l'organisation administrative du pays. L'état civil enregistre les naissances, les mariages et les décès. En Côte-d’Ivoire, l'état civil ne concernait qu'une partie de la population, à savoir celle qui vivait dans les localités de 10. 000 habitants et plus et dans un rayon de 10 km autour de ces localités. La loi no 64-374 du 7 octobre 1964 l'a généralisé à l'ensemble de la population. Les évènements sont enregistrés dans des centres principaux et secondaires d'état civil qui sont places sous le contrôle respectif des officiers et agents d'état civil. L'analyse des données collectées fait apparaitre un meilleur enregistrement des naissances par rapport aux décès quel que soit le milieu d'habitat et la zone écologique. On en déduit des taux bruts de natalité plus proches de la réalité que les taux de mortalité trop faibles. . . En considérant l'ensemble du pays sauf la ville d’Abidjan, le taux brut de natalité.
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Dakoury, Kouka Joseph. "La protection de l'emploi en Côte d'Ivoire." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0421.
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S’interroger sur la protection de l’emploi en Côte d’Ivoire renvoie, du point de vue juridique, à l’analyse des mécanismes garantissant l’emploi ou permettant d’éviter ou de limiter, au moins pour un temps, la rupture de la relation d’emploi, y compris en assurant le bénéfice d’une protection sociale en cas de réalisation de certains risques sociaux. Il s’agit donc de saisir l’état et les variations d’intensité du droit de l’emploi des travailleurs relevant tant du droit de la Fonction publique que du droit du travail salarié, en tentant de mettre en exergue les tendances et enjeux contemporains. L’emploi public est organisé par le Statut général de la Fonction publique et les statuts autonomes. La titularisation dans le grade donne droit à une carrière jusqu’à la retraite. Ainsi, les agents publics titulaires peuvent s’engager au service de l’État en toute sécurité. Par contre, les non titulaires jouissent d’une sécurité relative. Quant à l’emploi privé, il est organisé par le droit du travail encadrant la conclusion, le déroulement et les hypothèses de fin des relations de travail subordonné, à durée déterminée ou indéterminée. Les clés de voûte de la protection de l’emploi sont incontestablement, dans la Fonction publique, la titularisation dans le grade, et dans l’emploi privé ou contractualisé, l’obligation de justification de la rupture. Ceci vaut pour l’emploi public et l’emploi privé « formalisé ». Toutefois, en Côte d’Ivoire comme dans tous les pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest, l’immense majorité des personnes employées le sont de façon « informelle ». Cet « emploi informel » ou cet « emploi sans droit » témoigne de l’état d’ineffectivité du droit du travail. Son développement est lié historiquement aux plans d’ajustements structurels, à la libéralisation économique et aux crises socio-politiques. Il est synonyme d’entretien de la vulnérabilité et de la précarité. La transition d’une économique majoritairement informelle à une économie majoritairement formelle est un enjeu central pour voir progresser la protection de l’emploi et se développer la Côte d’Ivoire. Pour ce faire, le recours au concept de « travail décent », proposé par l’OIT, paraît d’un apport limité. Il semble en revanche pertinent de réfléchir à l’élaboration d’un droit du travail plus adapté aux réalités socio-culturelles et économiques de la Côte d’Ivoire, de ce fait plus effectif, et sans doute plus efficace pour l’attraction de « l’emploi sans droit » dans le champ du droit de l’emploiQuestioning the protection of employment in the Ivory-Coast amounts, from a juridical point of view, to the analysis of the diverse mechanisms that guarantee employment or that help avoid or reduce, at least for a period of time, termination of the employment relationship. This also includes the benefit of social protection guarantees in the event of the occurrence of certain social risks. The idea is therefore to capture the state and variations in the intensity of the law of employment from which workers may benefit both as civil servants and employees from the private sector. This will allow shedding light on the contemporary implications and tendencies of such an evolution. Civil service is organized through the General Status of Civil Service and Autonomous Statuses. Tenure opens to the right to a career until retirement occurs. This means that Civil Servants can serve the State with a sense of security. In contrast, non-tenured civil servants only enjoy partial security. As for private employment, it is organized by private labor law that structures the signature, the course and the cases of termination of subordinate labor relationships both fixed-term and open-ended. The cornerstone of employment protection is, without contest, tenure in the law of Civil service, and the duty to justify termination in private or contractual labor settings. This is true for formal work settings. That being said, in the Ivory Coast, as is true in most Western African countries, the vast majority of employed persons work within “informal” settings. This “informal work” or “work without rights” shows just how ineffective labor law can be. Its development is historically linked to the structural adjustment plans, economic liberalization and to the socio-economic crises. It is synonymous with vulnerability and precariousness. Transitioning from a mainly informal economy to a mainly formal economy is a critical issue in order to allow protecting employment and help the Ivory Coast on the road to development. In this perspective, the notion of “decent work” put forward by the ILO seems of questionable support. In contrast, it appears more promising to contemplate a labor law system that is better adapted to the socio-cultural and economic realities of the Ivory Coast making it therefore more effective and efficacious in the process of integrating the many forms of “work without rights” in the field of employment law
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Meledje, Akpa Henri. "Les principes fondamentaux de célérité et des droits de la défense et le code de procédure civile commerciale et administrative ivoirien." Paris 2, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA020052.
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Cette etude se consacre a presenter puis a mesurer au regard de certains principes generaux de celerite ou de droits de la defense, un code de procedure judiciaire d'un type nouveau, celui dont s'est dote la cote-d'ivoire en 1972. Ce code s'intitule assez eloquamment: "code de procedure civile, commerciale et administrative". Une sorte de droit commun procedurier qui constitue ainsi la cheville ouvriere de la procedure judiciaire ivoirienne, une situation nouvelle rendu necessaire apparamment par un contexte precis au sein duquel on peut, inscrire certains parametres coloniaux et donc historiques, mais aussi des facteurs socio-economiques diverses. Le resultat de tout ceci que manifeste ce code qui par certaines simplifications, adaptations et unifications a su prendre un credit suffisant pour les objectifs notamment de celerite qui preoccupaient les auteurs essentiellement praticiens de ce code. Les vrais problemes de ce code sont essentiellement techniques. Pour l'ambition qu'il affiche ce code reste peu centralisateur des dispositions eparses qu'il voulait rassembler en son sein dans un ensemble intelligible. On notera dans le meme ordre d'idees que les dispositions du code restent quelquefois elliptiques et le fait qu'il rassemble 500 articles environs y compris les voies d'execution reste assez significatif de certains eclaircissements qui auraient ete souhaitables au niveau de ce code. Parce que le juge ivoirien de ce fait garde une grande liberte d'appreciation ce qui non seulement ne va pas toujours dans le sens souhaitable mais est de nature a menacer les droits de la defense. Face a l'inexperience affichee des plaideurs qui sont de ce fait attires vers d'autres voies paralleles de justice, justice coutumiere ou simplement "anarchique" suivant l'expression de vallimaresco il est preferable d'arranger ce code a la lumiere de la deja tres enrichissante experience passee. Il faudra surtout profiter des derniers progres accomplis dans le domaine de la technique de codification telle que presentee par le nouveaucode de procedure civile francais. Les idees reelles de ce code sinon, empruntent des allures genereuses dans les cadres precis de celerite et des droits de la defense. On constate de la sorte un grand theme sur l'unification des juridictions et de la procedure suivi sur ce plan-la, d'un systeme de juge unique au 1er degre des juridictions; toute la procedure du plein contentieux administratif confiee a la procedure de droit commun dont s'agit le contentieux de "l'exces de pouvoir" ou de la legalite des actes administratifs restant cependant a une juridiction specialiseeThis research is on a new model of procedural code concerning the civil rights trade and administration in the ivory-coast. The study was based on two fondamental principles: swiftness in the dispensation of justice and defence rights. Decreed on 1972, this code is a large extent a product of the country's history. Although modified, or adapted to suit the local environment, signs of colonial rule are still present. In fact the study tried to show the evolution in time and space of world event of which this code is the product. An effort has been made to show the originality of this code, and the differences between it and french procedure. The originality comes from the fact that there is a common judicial procedure to all branches of law as against french's which has a specific procedure for each branch of law. However, there is still a lot to do in the technicalities of the code as many procedural rule are either not covend at all or are shallowly treated. Furthermore, inspite of the sound structure for swiftness (unified tribunals and procedures, thereby reducing the nomber of steps and time required to complete a case) adopted by the authors of the code, many juges apparently and paradoxically make it difficult for suitors, maybe as a result of their training which was not originally geared to handle the new situation. Besides, the authors of the code completely ignored the theme "defence rights" apparenteltly because they were much more preoccuped with the dispensation of justice. And that is all the more reason why (the topic of) this study was chosen -knowing fully well that swiftness can make defence rights to suffer even more. Finally, one thing that can be said is that a code exists; but to have a code is one thing, and (to know) the reality is another
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Ahoure, Mobio Sophie Julie. "L'évolution de la conjugalité en France et en Côte d'Ivoire." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020TOU10017.
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La société a évolué dans bien de domaines ainsi elle a laissé ses empreintes sur certains d’où le droit de la famille. L’évolution dans le domaine familial est bien marquée par la liberté et l’égalité tout au long des siècles. Contraint quelquefois de fonder une famille de plein gré nous remarquons de nos jours cette liberté de contracter ou de ne pas contracter mariage. Ainsi chaque citoyen octroie le droit de choisir sa sexualité librement sans avoir à manquer aux normes préétablies. Ce même privilège lui donne aussi droit de rompre cette union de manière établie ou encadrée d’une part et d’autre part quelquefois de manière anarchique. Cette évolution montre alors nettement le désir de l’égalité de tous les citoyens devant la loi en accomplissant l’article premier de la déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme. L’histoire du droit de famille montre les tentatives de restauration d’égalité mais aussi la persistance de certaines inégalités aujourd’hui encore. Néanmoins le droit de la famille continue son chemin et doit faire face à plusieurs reformes parfois au détriment du droit naturel. Ces mutations portent atteinte de temps en temps à certaines valeurs morales d’où l’inacceptation de bon nombre de mouvements. Force est donc de reconnaître que les droits coutumiers et religieux se montrent conservateurs de certaines normes élémentaires de la vie humaine. Mais le maintien de certaines règles et la rigueur des églises catholique et musulmane ne font pas l’unanimité des opinions. Ce qui paraît logique et expression de la liberté de chacun. La liberté étant un droit primordial pour chacun, son exercice ne doit pas entraver celle de l’autre, d’où l’expression « Ma liberté s’arrête là où commence celle de l’autre ». C’est pourquoi ce travail se veut dénonciateur des changements des règles de la famille, des déviations, de l’acceptation de certaines cultures, et des positions quelque fois rigides des unes et des autres parties sans jugement ni passion. L’évolution de la société aura toujours les impacts sur la famille d’où cette perpétuelle mutation. L’avenir de la famille se dessine à travers la volonté de découvrir une famille mutante. Cela sera t-elle l’idéal pour toute l’humanité ? Ce qui paraît incertain et indéterminé. Une chose est sûre sans un retour aux normes du droit naturel ou aux valeurs morales, la recherche du modèle familial fera toujours objet de grands débats. Pouvons-nous alors avoir une liberté égale ou une égalité de liberté ? Par conséquent l’avenir de la famille dépend de la liberté de chacun et de l’égalité de tousSociety has evolved in many areas so it has left its mark on some of family law. The evolution in the family domain is well marked by freedom and equality throughout the centuries. Sometimes forced to start a family willingly, we nowadays notice this freedom to contract or not to marry. Thus each citizen grants the right to freely choose his sexuality without having to break the pre-established standards. This same privilege also gives him the right to break this union in an established or framed way on the one hand and sometimes on the other hand in an anarchic way. This development then clearly shows the desire for equality of all citizens before the law by fulfilling Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The history of family law shows attempts to restore equality, but also the persistence of certain inequalities today. However, family law continues to progress and has to face several reforms, sometimes to the detriment of natural law. These changes from time to time undermine certain moral values and hence the acceptance of many movements. It must therefore be recognized that customary and religious rights are conservative of certain elementary standards of human life. But the maintenance of certain rules and the rigor of the Catholic and Muslim churches did not meet with unanimous opinion. What seems logical and expression of the freedom of each. Freedom being a fundamental right for everyone, its exercise must not hinder that of the other, hence the expression “My freedom ends where that of the other begins”. This is why this work aims to denounce the changes in family rules, deviations, the acceptance of certain cultures, and the sometimes rigid positions of both parties without judgment or passion. The evolution of society will always have impacts on the family and hence this perpetual change. The family’s future is shaped by the desire to discover a mutant family. Will it be ideal for all of humanity? What seems uncertain and indeterminate. One thing is certain without a return to the norms of natural law or to moral values, the search for the family model will always be the subject of great debates. Can we then have equal freedom or equality of freedom? Therefore the future of the family depends on the freedom of each and the equality of all
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Barro, Mamadou. "Le droit matrimonial en Côte d'Ivoire 1901-2012. Entre unification législative et résistances coutumières." Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AZUR0002/document.
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L’ineffectivité du droit positif en Afrique est considérée comme l’une des principales causes de son sous-développement et/ou de son mal de développement. A titre d’illustration, la situation de « non-droit » qui prévaut en Côte d’Ivoire en matière matrimoniale apparaît comme l’une des plus édifiantes de cette corrélation entre ordonnancement juridique et développement (lato sensu)En effet, à l’instar de toutes les anciennes colonies françaises du bloc de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, la Côte d’Ivoire hérite du fait juridique (du moins dans son acception positiviste) de la colonisation. Il s’ensuit que, naturellement, le système juridique de l’ensemble de ces jeunes Etats africains trouve son inspiration, par le canal du droit colonial, dans le droit français. Mais la Côte d’Ivoire a adopté une solution différente de celles de la plupart des autres Etats. Les nouveaux gouvernants ivoiriens prirent le parti d’aligner purement et simplement leur droit sur celui de leur ancien colonisateur. Cela se traduisit au civil par l’adoption du Code français de 1804, donné comme un gage de développement et de révolution sociale, au détriment des innombrables coutumes civiles, considérées comme étant inconciliables avec le nouvel ordre constitutionnel et l’édification d’une nation ivoirienne. De cette volonté politique d'assimilation et d’unification juridique, qui se perpétue en Côte d’Ivoire depuis son accession à la souveraineté, naquit un véritable conflit de normes, entre d’une part, un droit étatique, notamment en matière matrimoniale, qui prévaut mais ne s’enracine pas, et d’autre part, des coutumes civiles, dont l’attrait pèse sur la crédibilité du droit officielThe inefficiency of the positive law in Africa is considered as one of the underlying reasons of its underdevelopment and/or of its development malaise. The state of lawlessness that prevails in Côte d’Ivoire in marriage-related issues appears to be the case in point, being one of the most instructive and globalizing within the correlations between legal order and development in its widest sense. As a matter of fact, like in all of the former French colonies of French West Africa block, Côte d’Ivoire’s legal (at least, in a positivist sense) system is a product of its colonial past. Therefore, the legal systems in all these young African states are naturally inspired by the French law, through the channel of colonial law. However, Côte d’Ivoire’s solution differs from most of those of its fellow regional states. The new Ivorian government opted for an outright alignment of their law and the legal system with that of the former colonizer. For the civil law, this translated into the adoption of the French Code of 1804, taken for a token of development and social revolution, at the expense of countless civil customs considered to be incompatible with the new constitutional order and nation-building. Out of this political will of assimilation and legal unification - that has been ongoing in Côte d’Ivoire since independence - was born a true conflict of norms. On the one hand, a state law, especially in matrimonial matters, is prevalent but still strives to take root. On the other hand, civil customs that are still attractive bite into the credibility of the official law
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Kouadio, Bertin K. "From Stability to Insurgency: The Root and Proximate Causes of the September 2002 Civil War in Cote d'Ivoire." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/115.
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This dissertation was an analysis of the root and proximate causes of the September 2002 civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The central question of this study was: Why did Côte d’Ivoire, which was relatively stable under President Houphouët-Boigny, suddenly begin to experience political violence in the 1990s and an explosion in 2002? Côte d’Ivoire was an interesting case because it was stable for a long period of time, apparently making it an infertile ground for conflict. It was also interesting for comparative purposes because of the fact that several states in West Africa (for instance, Benin, Togo, and Ghana) have experienced military coups but not have civil wars. Finally, this case was an opportunity to revisit the debate on the causes of civil wars in the African context. Chapter one has outlined the entire dissertation project and contextualized the analysis that follows in the subsequent chapters. Chapter two has reviewed the literature on civil wars in general, identified the different types of civil wars, and the type the Ivoiran war is. Chapter three has examined the domestic and international political economy as a source of the civil violence in Côte d’Ivoire. Chapter four has examined the role of ethnicity and region as identities of the war, while chapter five has analyzed the role of the foreign relations in the civil war, as well as the regional political context. Chapter six has distinguished between the root and proximate causes of the Ivoirian civil war, made judgments about the relative weight of the various causes, and the extent to which the weight of the causes can be measured. The study found that the “Ivoirité” was the most important trigger of the civil war in Côte d’Ivoire. The overall conclusion of my dissertation was that the September 2002 crisis in that country was a political crisis which occured in the context of a political reform. It first started with succession problems in 1993 followed by the controversial elections in 1995 and 2000. Later, this electoral politics spread beyond electoral issues, namely citizenship matters.
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Kouakou, Konan Jérôme. "Inscriptions administratives et réalités socioculturelles : une étude des représentations et pratiques d’état civil en Côte d’Ivoire." Thesis, Paris Est, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PEST0006.
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Ce travail est un regard socio-anthropologique sur les inscriptions administratives et les questions qu’elles soulèvent. Il analyse le cas spécifique de l’état civil de Côte d’Ivoire au regard du contexte socioculturel. Il dégage quelques particularités de l’état civil de Côte d’Ivoire à travers l’examen de l’articulation entre le système officiel et les réalités locales. Y a-t-il eu de la part de la Côte d’Ivoire, au moment d’adopter en tant qu’Etat indépendant son propre système d’état civil, un effort de prise en compte de son contexte socioculturel local ? Les modèles et représentations que véhicule le système mis en place à l’indépendance ont-ils un minimum de cohérence avec ceux en cours dans les sociétés ivoiriennes ? Pris entre les impératifs de l’appareillage officiel d’écriture qu’est l’état civil d’une part et le contexte socioculturel d’autre part, comment les acteurs et plus spécialement les usagers se comportent-ils ? Quels types de représentations et pratiques déploient-ils ? Telles sont les interrogations auxquelles tentent de répondre cette recherche. Contrairement à ce à quoi on pouvait s’attendre, au lendemain de son accession à l’indépendance, la Côte d’Ivoire fait le choix d’un système d’état civil qui tient très peu compte du contexte local. Les analyses effectuées font apparaître un décalage entre les modèles (de famille, de mariage, d’identité) véhiculés par l’appareil d’inscription et ceux du contexte socioculturel. Alors que l’état civil promeut des modèles axés sur l’individu et la vérité de l’écrit, les pratiques et usages locaux font une large part au groupe et au non écrit. Cette inadéquation entre le système officiel et les réalités socioculturelles du milieu favorise, bien loin des attentes, un ensemble de représentations et pratiques ambiguësThis essay is a socio-anthropological view on administrative inscriptions and the questions they give rise to. It is an analysis from the specific case of Côte d’Ivoire according to its socio-cultural context. It underlines a few particularities of the civil registry in Côte d’Ivoire through the examination of the articulation between the official system and local realities. Was there from the Côte d’Ivoire, at the time when the country adopted as an independent state its own civil registry system, an effort to consider its local socio-cultural context? Do the models and representations given and defended by the system that came into place at the independence, have a minimum of coherence with those that were already in place in the societies in Côte d’Ivoire? Caught between the imperatives of the official writing that civil registry represents on the one hand, and the sociocultural context on the other hand, how are people, especially users, reacting? What kind of representations do they use? What are their practices? Those are the questions this research is trying to answer to. Contrary to what could have been expected, the day after it gained its independence, the country of Côte d’Ivoire chose a system that did not really take into account the local context. The analyses show a difference between the models (of family, marriage and identity) given by the registration administration and those of the socio-cultural context. When the civil registry is promoting models built on the individual and the supremacy of the script, local customs and practices assign a considerable place to the group and are built on non-written elements. This discrepancy between the official system and the socio-cultural realities are supporting, far from the expectations, ambiguous representations and practices from the civil registry
Books on the topic "Côte d'Ivoire Civil War"
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Danigo, Bérengère. Côte d'Ivoire: Des lambeaux de république. Paris: Guibert, 2005.
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Le rempart: Attaque terroriste contre la Côte d'Ivoire. [Paris]: L'Harmattan, 2004.
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Hilaire, Gomé Gnohité. Le rempart: Attaque terroriste contre la Côte d'Ivoire. [Paris]: L'Harmattan, 2004.
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La Côte d'Ivoire en guerre: Le sens de l'imposture française. Paris: Harmattan, 2005.
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La guerre de Côte d'Ivoire: La dernière expédition coloniale. Paris: Harmattan, 2007.
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Hofnung, Thomas. La crise en Côte-d'Ivoire: Dix clés pour comprendre. Paris: Découverte, 2005.
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Kunz, Johannes B. Die Eidechsen des Amadou: Die Entstehung von Krieg und Frieden in Côte d'Ivoire. Zürich: Lit, 2006.
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Côte - d'Ivoire: La guerre civile de la France n'aura pas lieu. Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire: Frat Mat Editions, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Côte d'Ivoire Civil War"
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Barré, Louise. "Disputing parenthood at the civil registry in Côte d'Ivoire in the 1960s." In Identification and Citizenship in Africa, 239–53. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge contemporary Africa: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003053293-17.
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C., A., M. Anoumatacky, and M. D. Te Bonle. "War in Côte d'Ivoire and Management of Child’s Post Traumatic Stress Disorders." In Post Traumatic Stress Disorders in a Global Context. InTech, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/26414.
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Adou, Djané Dit Fatogoma. "Political violence, civil war and the paths of national reconciliation in Côte d’Ivoire." In Reconciliation after Civil Wars, 49–63. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351141802-4.
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Hultman, Lisa, Jacob D. Kathman, and Megan Shannon. "Successes and Failures in Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of Congo." In Peacekeeping in the Midst of War, 132–68. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845577.003.0006.
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This chapter explores two conflicts and their related UN missions: Côte d’Ivoire (UNOCI) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC and MONUSCO). The chapter conducts qualitative analyses of these missions to explore the effect peacekeeping capacity and constitution on civil war violence, noting the UN’s ability to engage in mechanisms of violence reduction. The conflicts are not two cases of obvious peacekeeping success, and there are clear instances of failure in both UN efforts. However, in many situations, the missions were more effective when capacity and constitution improved, indicating that relative effectiveness increases as UN missions are sufficiently outfitted. The chapter complements the quantitative analyses by highlighting the limits of the theory and the challenges to peacekeeping missions in the midst of war.
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"Civil War in Côte dIvoire: Another Perspective on the Economy and the Political Order in Africa." In The Challenge of Conflict: International Law Responds, 209–30. Brill | Nijhoff, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004145993.i-629.69.
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Medie, Peace A. "The Response to Violence against Women in Côte d’Ivoire." In Global Norms and Local Action, 109–20. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190922962.003.0007.
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This chapter covers the state’s, the women’s movement’s, and international actors’ responses to rape and domestic violence before, during, and after the Ivoirian conflict. It explains that unlike Liberia, there was some government and civil society attention to violence against women before the outbreak of armed conflict in 2002. Pressure from the UN and other international actors also contributed to the introduction of initiatives within the security sector to address violence against women during the conflict, including a specialized mechanism within the police force. The chapter explains how the UN’s attention to sexual violence during the Ivoirian conflict increased after the second civil war and generated pressure on the government to create the gender desks.