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1
Minoiu, Camelia, and Olga Shemyakina. "Child Health and Conflict in Côte d'Ivoire." American Economic Review 102, no. 3 (May 1, 2012): 294–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.102.3.294.
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We examine the impact of the 2002-07 civil conflict in Cote d'Ivoire on children's health status measured by height-for-age. We use pre- and post-war survey data coupled with information on the location of violent incidents to capture exposure to the conflict of children born during 1997-2007. Our results indicate that children from regions more affected by the conflict suffered significant health setbacks compared with children from less affected regions. Further, household-level victimization -- such as war-related economic stress, health stress, and displacement -- has a large and negative effect on child health in conflict-affected regions.
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MacLean, Lauren Morris. "Mediating ethnic conflict at the grassroots: the role of local associational life in shaping political values in Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 4 (November 3, 2004): 589–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04000412.
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This article attempts to understand why ethnic-regional civil war has challenged the national unity of Côte d'Ivoire and not Ghana, two neighbouring countries with nearly identical ethnic, religious and regional divisions, by examining politics at the grassroots. Based on a carefully controlled comparison of two similar regions of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, the study investigates how participation in local voluntary associations reinforces the local experience of the state to shape the ongoing development of political values and affect the prospects for ethnic peace and democracy. The article finds that participation in ethnically heterogeneous voluntary associations does not necessarily promote democratic values and practice. In fact, in Côte d'Ivoire, participation in ethnically heterogeneous cocoa producer and mutual assistance organisations reinforces vertical patronage networks based on narrower ethnic identities. In contrast, in Ghana, participation in more ethnically homogeneous local church groups encourages the development of democratic values and practices at the local level that mediate the potential for ethnic conflict and support the consolidation of a democratic regime.
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Martin, Philip A., Giulia Piccolino, and Jeremy S. Speight. "Ex-Rebel Authority after Civil War: Theory and Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire." Comparative Politics 53, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x15923094954447.
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How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of "rebel rulers" and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants' power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels' local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Côte d'Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.
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Speight, Jeremy. "Youth politics and civil war in West Africa: Sierra Leone and Côte d'Ivoire in comparative perspective." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 46, no. 2 (August 2012): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2012.705590.
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Blair, Robert A. "International Intervention and the Rule of Law after Civil War: Evidence from Liberia." International Organization 73, no. 02 (2019): 365–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000031.
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AbstractWhat are the effects of international intervention on the rule of law after civil war? Rule of law requires not only that state authorities abide by legal limits on their power, but also that citizens rely on state laws and institutions to adjudicate disputes. Using an original survey and list experiment in Liberia, I show that exposure to the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL) increased citizens’ reliance on state over nonstate authorities to resolve the most serious incidents of crime and violence, and increased nonstate authorities’ reliance on legal over illegal mechanisms of dispute resolution. I use multiple identification strategies to support a causal interpretation of these results, including an instrumental variables strategy that leverages plausibly exogenous variation in the distribution of UNMIL personnel induced by the killing of seven peacekeepers in neighboring Côte d'Ivoire. My results are still detectable two years later, even in communities that report no further exposure to peacekeepers. I also find that exposure to UNMIL did not mitigate and may in fact have exacerbated citizens’ perceptions of state corruption and bias in the short term, but that these apparently adverse effects dissipated over time. I conclude by discussing implications of these complex but overall beneficial effects.
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Hamer, Magali Chelpi-Den. "How to Certify Learning in a Country Split into Two by a Civil War: Governmental and Non-Governmental Initiatives in Côte d'Ivoire, 2002–06." Research in Comparative and International Education 2, no. 3 (September 2007): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/rcie.2007.2.3.191.
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Following political turmoil and rising socio-economic difficulties, Côte d'Ivoire has been split into two since September 2002. The rebellion controls the northern part of the country and the main towns of Bouaké, Korhogo and Man, while the government controls the southern part with Abidjan, Yamoussoukro, Daloa and all the ports in the coastal area. At the beginning of the war, civil servants who were in place in the north of the country were called back to Abidjan to be redeployed in government-controlled areas. These included many teachers and education officials, but not all, as some of them chose to stay in the war-affected areas to continue their initial work. This article focuses specifically on governmental and local non-governmental initiatives related to education which were put in place at the onset of the crisis. What type(s) of education have been offered to the children in war-affected areas and to the displaced children in government-controlled areas? What have been the difficulties of organizing national examinations in war-affected areas? How have educational attainments been certified on both sides? The study covers the period 2002–06, and is based on document analysis, grey literature collected on site and interviews with key informants.
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Adeleke, Ademola. "The Politics and Diplomacy of Peacekeeping in West Africa: The Ecowas Operation in Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021443.
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TheEconomic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established in May 1975 as an organisation to promote the development of the sub-region, and for 15 years did not deviate from this mandate. The 16 member-states – Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo – restricted their interactions to purely economic matters and ran shy of political issues confronting West Africa. This tradition changed in 1990 when Ecowas decided to intervene in the civil war which had broken out in Liberia. Its strategy to resolve the conflict followed two parallel but mutually interactive channels — making and enforcing peace. The former involved negotiations and arbitration; the latter the deployment in August 1990 of a 3,000 strong multinational force to supervise a cease-fire.
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Yao, Kouassi. "The Chances for Success of the Francophone Centers for Distance Education of the GDLN Network: The Case of the Centre d'Education à Distance de Côte d'Ivoire." African and Asian Studies 2, no. 4 (2003): 523–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920903773004040.
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AbstractThe Centers of Distance Education of francophone Africa in Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, and Senegal were set up under a financial and educational agreement with the World Bank. They were inaugurated on June 21, 2000, at the same time as four other centers in English-speaking Africa and eight others on other continents (Appendix 1). Since September 2003, Mauritania has had its own center, thus increasing the number of centers in French-speaking African countries to four. As of November 2003, more than 60 centers were affiliated with the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN). It has known start-up difficulties because of the socioeconomic environment caused the sociopolitical crisis from December 1999 to the civil war in September 2002. It needs a re-adaptation of its missions by public authorities in order to realize its first mission, which is to improve the capabilities of a large number of government executives and decision-makers at a minimal cost. The strategies and educational approach used at the Center are new methods and tools, precursors of what will be used in the education of tomorrow. In this article, we will briefly present the history of the creation of the Global Development Learning Network (GDLN), and then I will draw up a diagnostic account of the two years' functioning of the CED-CI. Finally, I will give an outline for its future growth.
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Schiel, Rebecca, Christopher Faulkner, and Jonathan Powell. "Mutiny in Côte d'Ivoire." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 2 (August 2017): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200205.
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Since 1990, Côte d'Ivoire has experienced over a dozen army mutinies, with three major events occurring in the first half of 2017. This paper explores the underlying causes of these events, considering both this year's mutinies and the state's prior experiences with military insubordination. A review of the events of Côte d'Ivoire's tumultuous 2017 indicates a number of parallels with some of its earlier mutinies, though these more recent events are perhaps unique due to the presence of a larger range of dynamics and the scale of the mutineers' demands. Beyond requests for better pay, which are nearly ubiquitous, these events also illustrate the general hazards of post-conflict civil–military relations, including challenges related to demobilisation, integration of rebel forces, the consequences of soldiers having contributed to a leader's ascendance, and the perils of soldier loyalties lying with personalities instead of the state.
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Oltramonti, Giulia Prelz. "War veterans in postwar situations: Chechnya, Serbia, Turkey, Peru and Côte d'Ivoire." Peacebuilding 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2014): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2014.937075.
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Charbonneau, Bruno. "War and Peace in Côte d'Ivoire: Violence, Agency, and the Local/International Line." International Peacekeeping 19, no. 4 (August 2012): 508–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2012.709776.
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Jones, Briony, and Dit Fatogoma Adou Djané. "Reading the ‘uncivil’ in civil society resistance to transitional justice in Côte d'Ivoire." Political Geography 67 (November 2018): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2017.10.004.
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van der Gaag, Jacques, Morton Stelcner, and Wim Vijverberg. "Wage Differentials and Moonlighting by Civil Servants: Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire and Peru." World Bank Economic Review 3, no. 1 (1989): 67–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/3.1.67.
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Bah, A. B. "Democracy and civil war: Citizenship and peacemaking in Cote d'Ivoire." African Affairs 109, no. 437 (August 19, 2010): 597–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adq046.
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Babo, Alfred. "Sociopolitical Crisis and the Reconstruction of Sustainable Periurban Agriculture in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire." African Studies Review 53, no. 3 (December 2010): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600005692.
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Abstract:This article examines the effects of the post-2002 sociopolitical crisis in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire, on urban and peri-urban agriculture. Based on the case study of Abidjan, it argues for a conceptualization of sustainability that includes social as well as environmental dimensions and focuses on coping strategies of producers and merchants. In Abidjan, these strategies included internal migration within the city and its periphery, the use of organic fertilizers, and changes in market structure. The study illustrates how such strategies allowed producers to continue to supply produce to the market, despite the difficulties of war.
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Lawler, Nancy. "Reform and repression under the Free French: economic and political transformation in the Côte d'Ivoire, 1942–45." Africa 60, no. 1 (January 1990): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160428.
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Opening ParagraphFew dispute the proposition that the Second World War marked the beginning of the end of colonialism in Africa. The thesis developed by Hodgkin (1956), Crowder (1968, 1978) and Schachter-Morgenthau (1964)—that coalitions of African veterans, disgruntled planters, peasants and chiefs gave rise to anti-colonialist, nationalist political movements in the immediate post-war era—has not been seriously challenged. The general acceptance of this view has resulted in a neglect of the history of the colonies during the war years themselves. While there is now a growing interest in this subject, most studies of the independence movements begin with the emergence, in 1946, of recognisable political parties in British and French Africa. They take as starting points such visible events as the Brazzaville Conference, the 1946 French Constitution, the launching of the Convention Peoples Party in Ghana, or the founding of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africaine (RDA) in Bamako. What is needed now are thorough case studies of the specific policies and practices of the imperial powers during the Second World War and a consideration of the extent to which they acted as internal catalysts in the struggle for independence. This article, which is offered as a contribution to that end, looks at one chapter in the war experience of the Cote d'Ivoire.
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Heitz-Tokpa, Kathrin. "The onset of war as a novel experience: dislocation and familiarisation in Côte d'Ivoire, late 2002." Social Anthropology 24, no. 4 (November 2016): 419–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8676.12332.
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HANRETTA, SEAN. "‘TO NEVER SHED BLOOD’: YACOUBA SYLLA, FÉLIX HOUPHOUËT-BOIGNY AND ISLAMIC MODERNIZATION IN CÔTE D'IVOIRE." Journal of African History 49, no. 2 (July 2008): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003666.
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ABSTRACTAfter an ill-fated religious revival, the Sufi teacher Yacouba Sylla and his followers became wealthy and politically influential in post-Second World War Côte d'Ivoire. They argued for an understanding of democratization and development that defined both ideas in terms of their community's own mystical experiences and world-historical significance, rather than in terms of modernity. As a way of making sense of their own past and defending their place in an increasingly tense political environment, these efforts achieved their most explicit articulation in a powerful story about Yacouba Sylla's refusal of a gift from Ivoirian President Félix Houphouët-Boigny.
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Sonia-Estelle, Essé, Yeboué Kouamé Hermann, and Amoikon Kouakou Ernest. "Situation Socio-Demographique, Culturelle Et Comportement Nutritionnel Des Femmes Enceintes En Consultation Prenatale Au Chu De Cocody-Abidjan (Cote d’Ivoire)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 18 (June 30, 2018): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n18p288.
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The objective of this work is to evaluate the socio-demographic and cultural status, and the nutritional behavior of pregnant women received in medical consultation at the Gynecology-Obstetrics Department of the University Hospital Center of Cocody-Abidjan (Côte d'Ivoire). A survey was conducted on a cohort of 504 pregnant women attending antenatal clinics in the period from August 26, 2015 to February 23, 2017. The survey method consisted of collecting information on socio-demographic, cultural and nutritional status, pregnant women, from a survey card. The results showed that these women, whose age varies between 15 and 44 years, are predominantly Ivorian, with 49.23 % of them belonging to the Akan ethnic group. Burkinabe women represent more than half of non-Ivorian women. The Christian women represent 68.25 %, against 29.76 % of Muslim women. Of those surveyed, 82.14 % are single, 82.54 % are literate, compared to 17.86 % married and 17.46 % illiterate. Living conditions have revealed that 3-room apartment buildings are the most inhabited, and many of them enjoy the amenities of a modern home. At the nutritional level, 1.19 % of respondents followed a diet recommended by a doctor and 31.35 % have dietary prohibitions. 0.99 % of this study population regularly consume alcohol. Food groups such as breads, cereals, starchy foods and pulses are the most consumed (68.06 %); meat is more consumed than fish. Fresh fruits and vegetables are less present in the dietary habits of these respondents. From this study, it could be concluded that the respondents have a satisfactory sociodemographic situation. However, civil marriage is not a proof of marital stability. The percentage of divorced could give an indication of this stability, although in Côte d'Ivoire, customary marriage is the most recognized by the community. Finally, in Côte d'Ivoire, eating habits are often known. But it is a good and balanced diet that the population often ignores.
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François, Kouassi N’goran, and N’drin Beugré Anselme. "Conflits Fonciers Intercommunautaires Et Fracture Sociale Dans Les Régions Du Guémon Et Du Cavally À L’ouest De La Côte d’Ivoire." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 14 (May 29, 2016): 240. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n14p240.
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The armed conflict that ravaged Côte d'Ivoire after the post-election crisis in november 2010 was sparked by several factors (land disputes, armed uprising of september 2002, tribal militias conquest of state power). In the regions of Guémon and Cavally that formed the epicenter of the war, intercommunal land disputes were instrumental in the outbreak of the war. These tensions between peasants have long caused confusion in the far west forest and contributed in part to the social division between indigenous and migrant communities. This qualitative study based on the phenomenological approach and firstly analyses the dynamics of these communal land disputes before the post-election crisis of 2010. Then, it situates the impact of these conflicts in the social division between communities.
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MEHLER, ANDREAS. "Making War in Côte d'Ivoire by Mike Mcgovern London: Hurst and Company, London 2011. 240 pp. £20 (pbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 1 (February 25, 2013): 189–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000153.
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Nordås, Ragnhild. "Religious demography and conflict: Lessons from Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana." International Area Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2014): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865914529118.
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Statistical models of civil war onset are often unsupportive of a link between measures of cultural demography and conflict. This study suggests that this is in part because most studies fail to account for what factors make demographic cleavages salient, such as policies of exclusion and repression against growing minorities that are threatening to incumbent regimes. A comparison of Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana is used to shed light on this process. Based on a state of the art statistical model of civil war onset, the countries had strikingly similar conflict risk in the early 2000s, but conflict only erupted only in Côte d’Ivoire in 2002. An important factor to explain this is the exclusion and repression in the Ivorian case, spurred by a perceived increase in the northern Muslim population, vs the more accommodative policy in neighboring Ghana. Implementing lessons from this study could improve future statistical models of civil war.
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Ajulo, Sunday Babalola. "The Economic Community of West African States and International Law." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000046x.
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The Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) was established by the Treaty signed in Lagos on 25 May 1975 by the Heads of State and Government (or their representatives) from Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo. They were joined a few months later by Cape Verde, thereby increasing the number of member-states to 16. Following the post-World War II convention whereby international organisations formally insert in their constitutive instruments a declaratory statement concerning their status, it is not surprising that Article 60(1) stipulated that the Community ‘shall enjoy legal personality’. Although such organisations may be similar they are never identical, and this is why the nature and scope of the legal personality of each needs to be ascertained and discussed.
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Cronin, Katherine M. "Reforming Land Tenure Policies After Civil War: A Comparative Analysis of Rwanda & Côte d’Ivoire." Policy Perspectives 21 (April 28, 2014): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v21i0.13346.
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Using Côte d’Ivoire and Rwanda as case studies, this paper explores the challenges of implementing strong land tenure policies and promoting peace in post-conflict environments. This paper analyzes the degree to which a lack of clear time horizons, land boundaries, land transfer laws, and enforcement capacity to uphold land tenure laws increases the risk for land-related conflict to occur. Furthermore, this paper adds to the existing literature that supports the implementation and promotion of new and more equitable land tenure laws in post-conflict reconstruction processes in order to fix the deficiencies that contributed to the initial conflict.
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Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Refugees, Evacuees, and Repatriates: Biafran Children, UNHCR, and the Politics of International Humanitarianism in the Nigerian Civil War." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (September 2020): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.43.
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Abstract:The Nigeria-Biafra war contributed to the rise of post-colonial moral interventionism, ushering in a new form of human rights politics. During the war, relief agencies evacuated 4,000 children from the conflict zones to Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire to protect them from the conflict. This was part of a broader international humanitarian airlift operation that brought relief supplies to the besieged Biafra territory. At the end of the war, most of the children were returned to their homes in Nigeria through an international humanitarian repatriation effort. Ibhawoh examines how state interests and the politics of international humanitarian interventionism manifested in debates about classifying and protecting displaced children, the most vulnerable victims of the conflict.
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Bah, Abu Bakarr. "Civil Non-State Actors in Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding in West Africa." Journal of International Peacekeeping 17, no. 3-4 (2013): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-1704008.
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This paper advances the notion of civil non-state actors in peacekeeping and peacebuilding. Using Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire as cases studies, the paper identifies three kinds of civil non-state actors in war-torn countries: international non-governmental organizations (NGOs), community-based NGOs, and ad hoc community organizations. In addition, it argues that civil non-state actors play a critical problem-solving role in peacekeeping and peacebuilding and complement the role of state actors. The paper examines the role of civil non-state actors through their dialectical affinity with state actors in the peacekeeping and peacebuilding processes. It further expands the notion of non-state actors in peacekeeping and peacebuilding to encompass community-based NGOs and ad hoc community organizations. Moreover, it points to the positive role of civil non-state actors and the wide range of activities they perform, especially in peace mediation and post-war reconstruction.
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Serrano, Mónica. "The Responsibility to Protect and its Critics: Explaining the Consensus." Global Responsibility to Protect 3, no. 4 (2011): 425–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598411x602017.
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AbstractWhile critics have claimed that the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) is a North-South polarising issue and is therefore controversial, this is a deliberate misrepresentation in a rhetorical war led by a small minority of UN member states. The first section of this article briefly reviews the evolution of this emerging norm from its inception in the 2001 report by the International Commission on State Sovereignty and Intervention (ICISS), to its endorsement in 2005 by more than 150 heads of states in the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, to its more recent configuration in a three-pillar structure. The next part seeks to identify the main criticisms that have been levelled at R2P. It touches on some of the myths and allegations that have long accompanied R2P, as well as on the chief legitimate concerns underlying the shift towards implementation. The third and concluding section briefly touches upon the impact of the interventions in Libya and Côte D'Ivoire upon the evolving R2P consensus, and critically assesses the implications of a normative strategy that has put a premium on unanimity and unqualified consensus.
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McCaskie, Tom. "TELLING THE TALE OF OSEI BONSU: AN ESSAY ON THE MAKING OF ASANTE ORAL HISTORY." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000394.
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ABSTRACTThis paper is about the Asante perception and understanding of Asante history as expressed in the apae or ‘praise songs’ of Asantehene (King of the Asante) Osei Tutu Kwame, known as Osei Bonsu (1804–23). As such, it offers an indigenous portrait of kingship and the expectations and behaviours attaching to it in Asante thought. The core of the paper is centred on the role of Osei Tutu Kwame as a leader in war, against the Fante of the southern Gold Coast in 1806–07 and against the Abron of Gyaman (today in the eastern Côte d'Ivoire) in 1818–19. Both campaigns are interpreted from the point of view of Asante thinking about their own historical goals and understandings, and of the fit and proper role of an Asantehene in such matters. Throughout, extensive oral historical materials are used in conjunction with the apae, and a rich range of European sources are deployed as a counterpoint. The paper's claim to originality is that it offers an Asante view, at once intellectual and ideological, of their own constructions of their past and of the nature of their history as they themselves chose to understand it.
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Whitaker, Beth Elise. "Citizens and Foreigners: Democratization and the Politics of Exclusion in Africa." African Studies Review 48, no. 1 (April 2005): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0047.
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Abstract:In the ongoing context of political liberalization, many African leaders have adopted the rhetoric of democracy while at the same time devising ways to limit political competition. This article focuses on one such strategy: the effort to disqualify or discredit political opponents based on challenges to their citizenship. In recent years, several African leaders have initiated court cases and produced evidence to question the right of opposition candidates and other critics to participate in the political process. By examining specific examples in Côte d'Ivoire, Zambia, and elsewhere, the article explores the implications of this strategy. While citizenship rights are clearly important in any democracy, their explicit manipulation for the ruling party's political purposes is a risky approach that threatens to slow or even reverse the process of democratization. In the end, a tactic initially designed to exclude specific individuals from the political process has the potential of fueling broader xenophobic sentiments and legitimizing exclusionary nation-building strategies. At best, the resulting widening of social cleavages reduces the likelihood of democratic consolidation. At worst, it plants the seeds for future political conflict and possibly even war.
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Recchia, Stefano. "Overcoming Opposition at the UNSC: Regional Multilateralism as a Form of Collective Pressure." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 265–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogaa013.
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Abstract Research suggests that military interveners often seek endorsements from regional international organizations (IOs), in addition to approval from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), to reassure international and domestic audiences. Toward that end, interveners should seek the endorsement of continent-wide regional IOs with the broadest and most diverse membership, which are most likely to be independent. In practice, however, interveners often seek endorsements from subregional IOs with narrow membership and aggregate preferences similar to their own. This should weaken the reassurance/legitimation effect significantly. I argue that such narrower regional endorsements are sought not so much to reassure skeptical audiences, as to pressure reluctant UNSC members to approve the intervention by putting those members’ relations with regional partners at stake. To illustrate this argument and probe its plausibility, I reconstruct France's successful efforts to obtain UNSC approval for its interventions in Côte d'Ivoire (2002–2003) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2003) at a time when the United States was hesitant to support France because of the two countries’ falling-out over the Iraq War. For evidence I rely on original interviews with senior French and US officials.
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Quaynor, Laura, and Bright Borkorm. "Remapping citizenship: Relationships between education levels and ethnonational identities in Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, and Liberia." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 15, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197919861075.
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This article investigates the relationships between ethnonational identity and educational level in three West African contexts: Liberia, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire. Citizens in these neighboring countries identify with overlapping ethnic groups, but have varied historical experiences, with Americans settling in Liberia; the British colonizing Ghana, and the French colonizing Côte d’Ivoire. In the recent era, Côte d’Ivoire elected an opposition leader at the end of its civil war in 2010; Ghana is considered as the most stable democracy in West Africa; and Liberia experienced two protracted conflicts over the past 30 years and completed its first peaceful transition of power in 2017. We analyze 2014 Afrobarometer data from these three countries to consider if respondents are more likely to value local identities, national identities, or equally value both in each context, and how these valuations vary according to schooling experiences and national context. The findings do not show a linear relationship between education and civic identity, as more respondents who completed only primary school identified primarily with ther national group than those who completed secondary school. Most respondents who completed graduate study in all three countries identified with both their national and ethnic group; none identified primarily with their ethnic groups. In addition, the trends in identity and schooling in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire are more similar to each other than to Liberia.
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Schreiner, Tanja. "Information, Opinion, or Rumor? The Role of Twitter During the Post-Electoral Crisis in Côte d’Ivoire." Social Media + Society 4, no. 1 (January 2018): 205630511876573. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305118765736.
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On the African continent, the use of Internet and social media has been growing at an incredible speed in the past decade. Social media have thus been used in an array of instances such as election periods, natural disasters, and political crises. However, previous research on social media has barely taken a look at the use of social media during war. By investigating on the use of Twitter during the post electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire in 2010/2011, this study wants to emphasize the potential of social media for the development of democracy in the context of crisis, war, and limited media freedom. Through a content analysis of Twitter and qualitative expert interviews with Ivoirian bloggers, this study found that Twitter was mainly used for political debate and crowdsourcing information. The crisis turning over to a civil war, the network was used in particular by a small group of active citizens and bloggers, operating as technically versed opinion leaders, to provide humanitarian help for the population caught in the crisis. Results further showed that mobile devices played a crucial role for the use of Twitter within the country and indicated that the post electoral crisis considerably contributed to the discovery of Twitter in Côte d’Ivoire. A central finding is that Twitter, on the one hand, was used for diffusing false information and expressing verbal violence and, on the other hand, it served to verify information and throwback rumors.
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Valíková, Barbora. "Lisa Hultman, Jacob D. Kathman and Megan Shannon: Peacekeeping in the Midst of War." Mezinárodní vztahy 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1754.
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Are United Nations peacekeeping missions effective at reducing violence in civil wars? Although UN peacekeeping is a notable intervention tool, the international community lacks systematic knowledge of how well it mitigates civil war violence. Given that UN peacekeeping is increasingly used in the midst of war, this is a significant research gap with direct policy relevance. This book systematically explores if and how the capacity and constitution of UN peacekeeping missions affect the amount of violence in civil conflicts. It argues that peacekeeping effectiveness needs to be assessed in relative terms, theorizing that more robust missions are increasingly capable of addressing combatant incentives for employing violence. The authors conduct large-n analyses of the number of combatants and civilians killed during each month for all civil wars globally from 1992 to 2014, measuring the capacity and constitution of UN missions with unique data on the number and type of peacekeeping personnel deployed. The analyses reveal that increasing UN military troop and police personnel deployed to a conflict significantly reduces violence against civilians, and increasing UN military troop personnel significantly mitigates battle-related violence. By contrast, smaller missions and missions composed of observers are not associated with reduced violence. The book complements the large-n analyses with qualitative explorations of peacekeeping mechanisms on violence in Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The authors conclude that while peacekeeping is not without detriments, it is an effective tool of violence reduction.
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Grillo, Laura S. "Catachresis in Côte d’Ivoire: Female Genital Power in Religious Ritual and Political Resistance." Religion and Gender 3, no. 2 (February 19, 2013): 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18785417-00302003.
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Ivoirian women vehemently protest the violence and calamity of civil war by deploying an embodied rhetoric of ritual, appealing to the traditional religious concept of “Female Genital Power.” I propose that their imagistic resistance to the postcolonial state represents a catachresis, with a few interesting twists. Most salient is that what women reinscribe onto the political scene is not as a feature of the imperial culture but the concept-metaphors of indigenous religion, and especially the image of Woman as the source of moral and spiritual power from which proceeds all political, religious, and juridical authority. Whereas the logocentrism of the academy, and postcolonial theory in particular, leads to aporia, ritual remands scholars into the situation of the actual world, where women are actively engaged in self-representation that both defies projected depictions of them and rejects their absence from state conceptions of power
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Ghazzawi, Issam, Angie Urban, Renee Horne, and Claire Beswick. "Standard bank: exploring opportunities to make Côte d’Ivoire ‘home’." Emerald Emerging Markets Case Studies 10, no. 3 (September 9, 2020): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eemcs-01-2020-0009.
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Learning outcomes After completion of this case, students will be able to: define and understand the external and internal components of the strategic management process; define and explain various alternative strategies that help companies create a sustainable competitive advantage; understand and explain the five main choices of entry mode that are available to organisations when considering entry into a foreign market, suggest an entry mode that is relevant to Standard Bank and explain the pros and cons of each entry mode; and understand how a company can offer or phase in its service offerings. Case overview/synopsis This case situates Sola David-Borha, CEO for the Africa Region at the Standard Bank Group, in April 2018, considering whether and how to expand into personal and business banking in Cote d’Ivoire – a country that Standard Bank had just re-entered, having exited there in 2003 because of the civil war. The bank has operations in 20 sub-Saharan African countries and its growth strategy is focussed on Africa. This strategy is reflected in its slogan: “Africa is our home. We drive her growth”. David-Borha has a number of questions on her mind. These include: can the bank offer financial services that will meet the needs of the Ivorian people, how can the bank expand into personal a business banking – indeed is rapid expansion into this sector the right decision for now? Complexity academic level Advanced/graduate courses in strategic management and international business. Supplementary materials Teaching Notes are available for educators only. Subject code CSS 5: International business.
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POPKO, Serhii. "MILITARY EXERCISES AND PEACEKEEPING OPERATIONS OF THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE (2014–2016)." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-38-47.
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The features of the participation of military personnel of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFU) in multinational military exercises held in our country and abroad in 2014–2016 are considered. The occupation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation (RF), the veiled appearance of Russian troops on the territory of Donetsk and Lugansk regions, which marked the beginning of the so-called "Hybrid warfare" forced the leadership of our state to intensify contacts with the member countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and pay considerable attention to multinational training, as within the framework of the Partnership for Peace program. During military exercises («Saber Guardian / Rapid Trident»), «Flaming Thunder», «Flaming Sword», «Anakonda», «Hunter», «Combined Resolve» etc.), military personnel exchange knowledge and combat experience, strengthening partnerships, compatibility, and ability of the military of Ukraine, NATO member states, and their partners to work together. The features of the AFU servicemen's peacekeeping activities at the initial stage of the modern Russian-Ukrainian war (United Nations operations in Côte d'Ivoire, Liberia, Afghanistan, the UN Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo etc.) are considered. It was stated that during peacekeeping operations, military personnel mainly patrolled the areas of responsibility, transported United Nations (UN) personnel, escorted humanitarian aid, controlled the ceasefire, as well as the withdrawal of troops. Keywords: NATO, Ukraine, Partnership for Peace, international military exercises, peacekeeping operations, Armed Forces of Ukraine.
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Riester, Andrea. "Failure of a National Construction of Belonging: Social Integration of Burkinabe Migrants Displaced from Côte d’Ivoire." African Diaspora 4, no. 2 (2011): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254611x607750.
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AbstractThis case study analyzes how the government of Burkina Faso tried to rhetorically and practically integrate migrants who returned to the country in the wake of the Ivorian civil war in 2002. Their experience of migration and displacement has shaped these migrants’ political subjectivity but not led to the creation of a separate group identity. In Burkina Faso, however, these so-calledrapatriéswere seen as a homogeneous group and either treated as needy victims of persecution, or, following the current international discourse on migration and development, as particularly enterprising individuals. In describing different political subjectivities amongst the displaced in their interaction with local authorities in the town of Batié in combination with efforts of the administration to implement particular development goals, the article also reflects on Geschiere’s argument, that decentralization and the resulting decline in state power fuels autochthony claims. In the Burkinabe case it is not the absence of the state, but rather its entanglement with local actors that heightens ethnic tensions.
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Barankanira, Emmanuel, Nicolas Molinari, Philippe Msellati, Christian Laurent, and Kirsten A. Bork. "Stunting among children under 3 years of age in Côte d’Ivoire: spatial and temporal variations between 1994 and 2011." Public Health Nutrition 20, no. 9 (April 3, 2017): 1627–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980017000544.
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AbstractObjectiveTo investigate spatial heterogeneity of stunting prevalence among children in Côte d’Ivoire and examine changes in stunting between 1994 and 2011, to assess the impact of the 2002–2011 civil war that led to temporary partitioning of the country.DesignData from 1994, 1998 and 2011 Côte d’Ivoire Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) were analysed using a geostatistical approach taking into account spatial autocorrelation. Stunting data were interpolated using ordinary kriging; spatial clusters with high and low stunting prevalence were identified using Kulldorff spatial scan statistics. Multilevel multivariable logistic regression was then carried out, with year of survey as the main independent variable and an interaction term for time by geographic zone (Abidjan, South, North).SettingCôte d’Ivoire, West Africa.SubjectsChildren aged 0–35 months included in three DHS (n6709).ResultsOverall stunting prevalence was 30·7, 28·7 and 27·8 % in 1994, 1998 and 2011, respectively (P=0·32). Clusters with high prevalence were found in 1994 (in the West region,P<0·001) and 1998 (in the West and North-West regions,P<0·01 andP=0·01, respectively), but not in 2011. Abidjan was included in a cluster with low prevalence in all surveys (P<0·05). Risk of stunting did not change between 1994 and 2011 at national level (adjusted OR; 95 % CI: 1·39; 0·72, 2·64), but decreased in the South (0·74; 0·58, 0·94) and increased from 1998 to 2011 in Abidjan (1·96; 1·06, 3·64).ConclusionsIn Côte d’Ivoire, significant changes in stunting prevalence were observed at the sub-national level between 1994 and 2011.
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Kiyani, Asad G. "Third World Approaches to International Criminal Law." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001550.
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A pattern of affording impunity to local power brokers throughout Africa pervades the application of international criminal law (ICL) in Africa. The International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into Uganda is a notorious but representative example, although similar analyses can be made of the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Libya. In Uganda, only members of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) have been indicted for international crimes, even though the United Nations, international human rights groups, and local NGOs have documented years of abuses perpetrated by government troops and local auxiliary units, often against the same populations victimized by the LRA. The ICC is thereby implicated in the power structures and political arrangements of a repressive state that both combats the LRA and often brutalizes the civilian populations of northern Uganda. Inserting itself into Uganda, the ICC becomes a partisan player in the endgame of a civil war that extends back over a generation, and is itself rooted in ethnic and tribal animosities cultivated through 19th century Euro-colonial benedictions of favor. Here, the ICC and the war it adjudicates become surprising bedfellows, repurposed by local elites for the consolidation of domestic power.
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Arnaut, Karel. "Marching the nation: an essay on the mobility of belonging among militant youngsters in Cote d’Ivoire." Afrika Focus 21, no. 2 (February 15, 2008): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02102007.
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This programmatic paper seeks to develop a new perspective on the military-political identity and performance of militias particularly in urban environments. The militia under consideration is the Groupement Patriotique pour la Paix (GPP), one of the oldest and most prominent of the southern militias. The G PP came into being as a civil society initiative in the aftermath of the September 2002 insurgency in Cote d'Ivoire a country which since then has lingered in a no-peace-no-war situation. The new perspective, here called 'ludus pro patria', looks at how the militias' activity, organisation, and discourse is deployed in the urban public sphere and to what effect. Within the scope of this paper, this perspective serves to deconstruct the alleged process of 'milicianisation' as the combined effect of discursive appropriation and concrete insinuation of a subaltern youth initiative by national elites and international actors. In conclusion, this paper argues that the proposed approach is essential for a proper understanding of two main dimensions of the militias' raison d'être and modus operandi: mobility and belonging.
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Cole, Jennifer. "Foreword: Collective Memory and the Politics of Reproduction in Africa." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.1.
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When Bamileke women in urban Cameroon give birth, older women often recall the ‘troubles’, the period between 1955 and 1974 when the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) waged a battle of national independence, as a way of teaching their daughters about the hazards of reproduction and threats to Bamileke integrity as a people (Feldman-Savelsberget al.). Slightly to the north-west, in the Nigerian city of Kano, Igbo talk constantly about their memories of the Biafran war, using them to forge a sense of Igbo ethnic distinctiveness that reinforces patterns of patron-client relations critical to the maintenance of transregional connections (Smith), while further to the south many Yoruba are reassessing the meaning of the old practice of pawning children (Renne). Meanwhile in Botswana, where the AIDS epidemic exacts a high death toll, members of an Apostolic church create distinctive practices of remembering what caused a person's death. In so doing, they counter the attenuation of care and support that often occurs when people interpret death as due to illnesses transmitted through blood and improper sexual relations (Klaits). By contrast in a Samburu community in Kenya, the cultural practice ofntotoi, a complex board game, reproduces a male-dominated history of kinship, while systematically erasing a female narrative of adulterous births and forced infanticide. And among rural Beng in Côte d'Ivoire, beliefs and practices that structure infant care serve as an indirect critique of the violence of French colonialism and of its aftermath that continues to interfere in Beng lives in the form of high rates of infant mortality (Gottlieb). As these examples taken from this volume indicate, the papers gathered together in this special issue examine the complex and often contradictory ways in which the reproduction of memories shapes the social and biological reproduction of people.
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Musah, Halidu. "DEMOCRATIC SUSTAINABILITY AND CONFLICT RESILIENCE IN GHANA’S DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (June 21, 2020): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i2.13.
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Ghana could be described as an island of peace in an ocean of conflicts. This is because most of Ghana’s West African neighbours have experienced (and some are still experiencing) various forms of national civil conflicts which have never occurred in Ghana. In the last three decades, the West Africa sub-region has been plagued with many intra-state conflicts. In Liberia, Sierra-Leone, Côte d’Ivoire and Mali, conflicts have escalated into full scale war, bringing with it numerous loss of lives, destruction of property and causing social despair for the citizenry. The peace of some countries like Senegal, Nigeria, Niger and recently Burkina Faso also continues to be threatened by different dissident groups and popular uprisings. While most of these countries’ democracies remain fragile due to the conflicts within these states, Ghana remains one of few examples whose current democratic structures have stood the test of time for the last three decades. This study inquired into Ghana’s conflict resistance capacities and its ability to continue to sustain its democracy as a country. Mixed methods approach was employed to select 132 community residents from 3 purposefully sampled conflict-prone communities in Ghana, and 5 key informants as well as 462 political party delegates for interviewing and data collection for the study.The study found that the very nature of Ghana’s internal conflicts with respect to their geographical limitations, the conflict parties involved as well as the issues at stake contribute to confine these internal conflicts within their areas of occurrence. In addition, some conscious social and institutional measures (put in place) in the Ghanaian democratic system help to promote peace and maintain order. Finally, majority of the respondents (63.6%) were of the opinion that Ghana is unlikely to have a national civil war because its democratic institutions are effective. It was suggested that politicians should avoid interfering in local conflicts and increase coverage for peace education programmes and conflict intervention initiatives in the country, among others.
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"CÔTE D'IVOIRE: The War is Over…" Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 8 (September 2007): 17197B—17198A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.01205.x.
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d'Elbée, Marc, Métogara Mohamed Traore, Kéba Badiane, Anthony Vautier, Arlette Simo Fotso, Odé Kanku Kabemba, Nicolas Rouveau, et al. "Costs and Scale-Up Costs of Integrating HIV Self-Testing Into Civil Society Organisation-Led Programmes for Key Populations in Côte d'Ivoire, Senegal, and Mali." Frontiers in Public Health 9 (May 24, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2021.653612.
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Despite significant progress on the proportion of individuals who know their HIV status in 2020, Côte d'Ivoire (76%), Senegal (78%), and Mali (48%) remain far below, and key populations (KP) including female sex workers (FSW), men who have sex with men (MSM), and people who use drugs (PWUD) are the most vulnerable groups with a HIV prevalence at 5–30%. HIV self-testing (HIVST), a process where a person collects his/her own specimen, performs a test, and interprets the result, was introduced in 2019 as a new testing modality through the ATLAS project coordinated by the international partner organisation Solthis (IPO). We estimate the costs of implementing HIVST through 23 civil society organisations (CSO)-led models for KP in Côte d'Ivoire (N = 7), Senegal (N = 11), and Mali (N = 5). We modelled costs for programme transition (2021) and early scale-up (2022–2023). Between July 2019 and September 2020, a total of 51,028, 14,472, and 34,353 HIVST kits were distributed in Côte d'Ivoire, Senegal, and Mali, respectively. Across countries, 64–80% of HIVST kits were distributed to FSW, 20–31% to MSM, and 5–8% to PWUD. Average costs per HIVST kit distributed were $15 for FSW (Côte d'Ivoire: $13, Senegal: $17, Mali: $16), $23 for MSM (Côte d'Ivoire: $15, Senegal: $27, Mali: $28), and $80 for PWUD (Côte d'Ivoire: $16, Senegal: $144), driven by personnel costs (47–78% of total costs), and HIVST kits costs (2–20%). Average costs at scale-up were $11 for FSW (Côte d'Ivoire: $9, Senegal: $13, Mali: $10), $16 for MSM (Côte d'Ivoire: $9, Senegal: $23, Mali: $17), and $32 for PWUD (Côte d'Ivoire: $14, Senegal: $50). Cost reductions were mainly explained by the spreading of IPO costs over higher HIVST distribution volumes and progressive IPO withdrawal at scale-up. In all countries, CSO-led HIVST kit provision to KP showed relatively high costs during the study period related to the progressive integration of the programme to CSO activities and contextual challenges (COVID-19 pandemic, country safety concerns). In transition to scale-up and integration of the HIVST programme into CSO activities, this model shows large potential for substantial economies of scale. Further research will assess the overall cost-effectiveness of this model.
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Grajales, Jacobo. "Losing land in times of peace: post-war agrarian capitalism in Colombia and Côte d'Ivoire." Journal of Peasant Studies, January 30, 2020, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2019.1691535.
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Martin, Philip A. "Commander–community ties after civil war." Journal of Peace Research, October 1, 2020, 002234332092974. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320929744.
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Ex-rebel military commanders play a central role in peacebuilding after civil war. Yet the influence and mobilization power of these actors is not uniform: in some areas commanders retain strong ties to civilian populations after war’s end, while in other areas such ties wither away. This article analyses a novel dataset of former rebel-occupied localities in Côte d’Ivoire to investigate why commander–community linkages endure or decline after post-conflict transitions. The findings support a theory of political accountability: commanders retained political capital and access to networks of supporters in areas where insurgents provided essential goods to civilians during war. By contrast, where insurgents’ wartime rule involved abuse and coercion, commanders were less likely to sustain strong ties. These findings challenge the conventional wisdom that violent warlordism explains the persistence of rebel commanders’ power in peacetime. Rather, effective wartime governance may create regionally embedded strongmen who can in turn disrupt postwar state-building.
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Biberman, John. "Hot Cocoa." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 5, no. 2 (May 1, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v5i2.425.
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For roughly a decade, Côte d’Ivoire has been bitterly divided by a civil war between its dry Muslim north and its fertile Christian south. Many commentators have attempted to ascribe cultural or social origins to this war, casting it as an example of wider conflict between the Christian and Muslim worlds, while others see it as yet another example of the failings of weak, divided and tribalistic African states. I go beyond these narrow categories to explain the civil war as the natural outcome of a series of rational economic and political choices.
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van Baalen, Sebastian. "Local elites, civil resistance, and the responsiveness of rebel governance in Côte d’Ivoire." Journal of Peace Research, January 25, 2021, 002234332096567. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320965675.
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Why is rebel governance more responsive in some areas than in others? In recent years, scholars have started to examine the determinants of rebel governance. Less attention has been given to explaining variation in the responsiveness of rebel governance, that is, the degree to which rebels are soliciting and acting upon civilian preferences in their governance. This article seeks to address this gap by studying local variation in rebel responsiveness. I argue that rebel responsiveness is a function of whether local elites control clientelist networks that allow them to mobilize local citizens. Strong clientelist networks are characterized by local elite control over resources and embeddedness in local authority structures. In turn, such networks shape local elites’ capacity for mobilizing support for, or civil resistance against, the rebels, and hence their bargaining power in negotiations over rebel governance. Drawing on unique interview and archival data collected during eight months of fieldwork, as well as existing survey data, the study tests the argument through a systematic comparison of four areas held by the Forces Nouvelles in Côte d’Ivoire. The analysis indicates that the strength of local elites’ clientelist networks shapes rebel responsiveness. Moreover, it provides support for the theorized civil resistance mechanism, and shows that this mechanism is further enhanced by ethnopolitical ties between civilians and rebels. These findings speak to the burgeoning literature on rebel governance and to research on civil resistance. In addition, the results inform policy debates on how to protect civilians in civil war.
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Annan, J., K. Falb, D. Kpebo, M. Hossain, and J. Gupta. "Reducing PTSD symptoms through a gender norms and economic empowerment intervention to reduce intimate partner violence: a randomized controlled pilot study in Côte D'Ivoire." Global Mental Health 4 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gmh.2017.19.
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Background.Women living in war-affected contexts face high levels of gender-based violence, including intimate partner violence (Stark & Ager, 2011). Despite well-documented negative consequences, including posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Garcia-Moreno et al. 2006; Steel et al. 2009), evidence remains thin regarding intervention effectiveness to mitigate consequences in these settings.Methods.This study used a two-armed parallel pilot randomized controlled trial to compare the impact of a group savings only (control) to gender dialogue groups added to group savings (treatment) on women's symptoms of PTSD in northwestern Côte d'Ivoire. Eligible Ivorian women (18+ years, no prior experience with group savings) were invited to participate and 1198 were randomized into treatment groups.Results.In the ITT analyses, women in the treatment arm had significantly fewer PTSD symptoms relative to the control arm (β: −0.12; 95% CI: −0.20 to −0.03; p = 0.005). Partnered women in the treatment arm who had not experienced intimate partner violence (IPV) at baseline had significantly fewer PTSD symptoms than the control arm (β = −0.12; 95% CI: −0.21 to −0.03; p = 0.008), while those who had experienced IPV did not show significant differences between treatment and control arms (β = −0.09; 95% CI: −0.29 to 0.11; p = 0.40).Conclusions.Adding a couples gender discussion group to a women's savings group significantly reduced women's PTSD symptoms overall. Different patterns emerge for women who experienced IPV at baseline v. those who did not. More research is needed on interventions to improve mental health symptoms for women with and without IPV experiences in settings affected by conflict.
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CHE, AFA'ANWI. "Democratization, Parliamentary Power, and Belligerency: A Quantitative Analysis." Peace and Conflict Studies, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.46743/1082-7307/2016.1356.
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Research linking democratization, institutional strength, and war prescribes the construction of strong central government institutions prior to mass elections as a prime mechanism for mitigating the danger of international belligerency associated with democratization. However, institutional analysis of the democratization – war linkage skews institutional strength measures in favour of the executive, overlooking the other arms of government. Drawing on Côte d’Ivoire’s 2010 – 2011 internationalized post-election civil conflict, which was largely engendered by excessive executive powers and limited legislative leverage, this paper quantitatively evaluates the effect state legislatures bear on the democratization – war linkage. The evaluations yield at least some evidence for the postulated influence of state legislatures. Thus, whilst heeding extant scholarly recommendations for strengthening state institutions, foreign policies promoting liberal democracy should ensure the ultimate institutional configuration of power in aspirant democracies favours parliaments over executives for more auspicious outcomes.