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1

Bissouma, Anna-Corinne, Madjara Anoumatacky, Marguerite Te Bonle, Roger Delafosse, and Marie-Claude Fourment. "Psychiatrie et pédopsychiatrie en Côte d'Ivoire, une histoire qui s'écrit toujours." La psychiatrie de l'enfant 56, no. 2 (2013): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/psye.562.0521.

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2

Zézé Béké, P. "Littérature orale et histoire : les poèmes yaka des Nyabwa (Côte-d'Ivoire)." Journal des africanistes 58, no. 2 (1988): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jafr.1988.2263.

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3

Perrot, Claude-Hélène. "L'appropriation de l'espace, un enjeu politique. Pour une histoire du peuplement." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, no. 6 (1985): 1289–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1985.283238.

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Parallèlement à l'édification et à la consolidation d'un État, processus qui peut largement s'étaler dans le temps, s'effectue l'appropriation d'un espace, marquée par l'apparition à des moments divers, dans des parties du territoire jusque-là faiblement peuplées, de nouveaux villages. Ceux-ci reçoivent un statut qui les intègre, à un niveau déterminé, dans la hiérarchie politique globale.Ce processus d'occupation de l'espace se développe, lui aussi, dans la longue durée. Dans le cas présent, celui des Anyi du Ndenye, au sud-est de la Côte-d'Ivoire, on est en mesure d'en suivre les étapes pend
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4

Otayek, René. "MARIE MIRAN, Islam, histoire et modernité en Côte d'Ivoire, Paris, Karthala, 2006, 546 pages." Critique internationale 37, no. 4 (2007): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/crii.037.0147.

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5

Chauveau, Jean-Pierre. "L'avenir d'une illusion. Histoire de la production et des politiques vivrières en Côte-d'Ivoire." Études rurales 99, no. 1 (1985): 281–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rural.1985.3106.

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6

Triaud, Jean-Louis. "Marie Miran. Islam, histoire et modernité en Côte d'Ivoire. Paris, Karthala, 2006, 545 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 64, no. 4 (2009): 965–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900022733.

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7

Cumming, Gordon D. "Histoire de l'Agence française de développement en Côte d'Ivoire, by François Pacquement Paris: Karthala, 2015. Pp. 253. €25 (pbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 2 (2017): 339–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000914.

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8

Bonin, Hubert. "Histoire de la Banque africaine de développement et de sa contribution à l'essor de la Côte d'Ivoire, 1963–2005." Business History 57, no. 6 (2015): 942–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2014.974319.

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9

Rouanet, Léa. "Histoire de la Banque Africaine de Développement et de sa contribution à l'essor de la Côte d'Ivoire de 1963 à 2005." Modern & Contemporary France 21, no. 2 (2013): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489.2012.753429.

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10

SOARES, BENJAMIN F. "THE HISTORY OF MUSLIM ELITES IN ABIDJAN - Islam, histoire et modernité en Côte d'Ivoire. By Marie Miran. Paris: Karthala, 2006. Pp. 546. €35, paperback (ISBN 978-2-84586-776-5)." Journal of African History 50, no. 3 (2009): 443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853709990612.

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11

Cogneau, Denis, Sandrine Mesplé-Somps, and François Roubaud. "Côte d'Ivoire : histoires de la crise." Afrique contemporaine 206, no. 2 (2003): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/afco.206.0005.

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12

Diawara, Mamadou. "Femmes, servitude, et histoire: les traditions orales historiques des femmes de condition servile dans le royaume de Jaara (Mali) du XVe au milieu du XIXe siecle." History in Africa 16 (1989): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171779.

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Tandis qu'hommes et femmes de statut libre rivalisent pour la maîtrise des traditions orales relatives à leur histoire, les informations d'origine servile restent un domaine féminin par excellence. Ces données orales méritent une attention particuliére puisqu'elles concernent directement ou non une part importante de la population. D'aprés le Rapport sur l'esclavage dans le cercle du Sénégal-Niger (1904), les esclaves représentaient 40% de la population du cercle de Nioro (Klein, 1983:52) et 50% de celle de Gunbu (Meillassoux 1975:225), deux circonscriptions administratives au coeur du royaume
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13

Flicoteaux, René, Marie-Véronique Latil-Brun, and Lionel Michaud. "Histoire de la subsidence post-rift du bassin côtier mauritano-sénégalo-guinéen. Relation avec l'amincissement crustal pendant la période jurassique à Crétacé inférieur. Comparaison avec l'évolution des marges péri-atlantiques au niveau de l'Atlantique Central et Equatorial (côte est des U.S.A., Sud-Sahara, Côte d'Ivoire et Plateau du Demerara)." Journal of African Earth Sciences (and the Middle East) 7, no. 2 (1988): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0899-5362(88)90079-6.

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14

Launay, Robert, and Jean-Pierre Dozon. "La société bété: Côte d'Ivoire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 2 (1986): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484880.

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15

Masaki, Toyomu. "Japanese Contribution to Malaysian Economic Development: Lessons for Africa." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 4 (2005): 575–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905775826152.

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AbstractThis paper does not deal directly with the relations between Japan and Africa; instead it looks at Malaysia and Côte d'Ivoire with the objective of portraying Japanese contribution to Malaysian economic development and identifying some lessons that can be learnt by Africa from it. Both countries had a comparable macroeconomic outlook until 1980, with economies based on similar primary goods such as cocoa, coffee, palm oil, timber etc., which are typical of tropical climates. However, following the sharp decline in international prices since 1980, Malaysia registered a high economic gro
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16

Jewsiewicki, Bogumil, and Claudine Vidal. "Sociologie des passions (Côte d'Ivoire, Rwanda)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 28, no. 3 (1994): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485365.

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17

N'Guessan, Kouame, and Claudine Vidal. "Sociologie des passions (Côte d'Ivoire, Rwanda)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 2 (1993): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486097.

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18

STECKLOV, GUY. "Evaluating the economic returns to childbearing in Côte d'Ivoire." Population Studies 53, no. 1 (1999): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00324720308072.

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19

Campbell, Bonnie. "L'Ajustement en Afrique: L'expérience de la Côte d'Ivoire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 29, no. 2 (1995): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485245.

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20

Martin, Frédéric, Gilles Duruflé, Frederic Martin, and Gilles Durufle. "L'ajustement structurel en Afrique (Sénégal, Côte d'Ivoire, Madagascar)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 24, no. 2 (1990): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485268.

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21

Gary-Tounkara, Daouda. "Cinquante ans de politiques de la nationalité en Côte d'Ivoire." Outre-mers 97, no. 368 (2010): 159–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.2010.4495.

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22

Bovcon, Maja. "French Repatriates from Côte d'Ivoire and the Resilience ofFrançafrique." Modern & Contemporary France 17, no. 3 (2009): 283–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639480903037129.

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23

HANRETTA, SEAN. "‘TO NEVER SHED BLOOD’: YACOUBA SYLLA, FÉLIX HOUPHOUËT-BOIGNY AND ISLAMIC MODERNIZATION IN CÔTE D'IVOIRE." Journal of African History 49, no. 2 (2008): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003666.

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ABSTRACTAfter an ill-fated religious revival, the Sufi teacher Yacouba Sylla and his followers became wealthy and politically influential in post-Second World War Côte d'Ivoire. They argued for an understanding of democratization and development that defined both ideas in terms of their community's own mystical experiences and world-historical significance, rather than in terms of modernity. As a way of making sense of their own past and defending their place in an increasingly tense political environment, these efforts achieved their most explicit articulation in a powerful story about Yacoub
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24

Blay-Amihere, Kabral. "Côte D'Ivoire — An old man's party is nearly over." Index on Censorship 19, no. 8 (1990): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064229008534929.

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25

Marley, Dawn. "Le Lexique français de Côte-d'Ivoire: appropriation et créativité." French Studies 59, no. 2 (2005): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/kni127.

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26

Binaté, Issouf. "Les célébrations du Maouloud au nord de la Côte-d'Ivoire." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 225 (April 1, 2017): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.20553.

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27

Bredeloup, Sylvie. "Des négociants au long cours s'arrêtent à Dimbokro (Côte-d'Ivoire)." Cahiers d’études africaines 31, no. 124 (1991): 475–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1991.1567.

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28

MOHR, ADAM. "CAPITALISM, CHAOS, AND CHRISTIAN HEALING: FAITH TABERNACLE CONGREGATION IN SOUTHERN COLONIAL GHANA, 1918–26." Journal of African History 52, no. 1 (2011): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853711000090.

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ABSTRACTIn 1918, Faith Tabernacle Congregation was established in southern colonial Ghana. This Philadelphia-based church flourished in the context of colonialism, cocoa, and witchcraft, spreading rapidly after the 1918–19 influenza pandemic. In this context, several healing cults also proliferated, but Faith Tabernacle was particularly successful because the church offered its members spiritual, social, and legal advantages. The church's leadership was typically comprised of young Christian capitalist men, whose literacy and letter writing enabled the establishment of an American church witho
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29

Geysbeek, Tim. "A Traditional History of the Konyan (15th-16th Century): Vase Camara's Epic of Musadu." History in Africa 21 (1994): 49–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171881.

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In an oral discourse passed down through many generations, the village elder Vase Kamara describes how a slave named Zo Musa Kòma founded the ancient town of Musadu in Guinea-Conakry, and he explains how the legendary Kamara ancestor Foningama later became a leader in Musadu. We tentatively date some elements of the Zo Musa stories to about the fourteenth and fifteenth century, when the Manding began to assimilate and push the Southwestern and Eastern Mande-speaking peoples from the Musadu area in the Konyan to the forest. Some of the Foningama related accounts seem to correspond to the era wh
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30

Viti, Fabio. "Les massacres de Diapé et de Makoundié (Côte-d'Ivoire, juin 1910)." Cahiers d'études africaines, no. 225 (April 1, 2017): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.20564.

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31

Bassett, Thomas J. "Hired Herders and Herd Management in Fulani Pastoralism (Northern Côte d'Ivoire)." Cahiers d’études africaines 34, no. 133 (1994): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1994.2045.

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32

Simonet, Thibaut. "Les composantes du pouvoir de Félix Houphouët-Boigny en Côte d'Ivoire (1958-1965)." Outre-mers 97, no. 368 (2010): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/outre.2010.4512.

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33

Kouamé, Aka, and Aka Kouame. "Croissance urbaine et restructuration du marché du travail en Côte d'Ivoire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 25, no. 3 (1991): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485976.

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34

Kouamé, Aka. "Croissance urbaine et restructuration du marché du travail en Côte d'Ivoire." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 25, no. 3 (1991): 396–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1991.10803900.

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35

Blay-Tofey, Morkeh, and Bandy X. Lee. "Preventing gender-based violence engendered by conflict: The case of Côte d'Ivoire." Social Science & Medicine 146 (December 2015): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2015.10.009.

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36

Kouassi, Kouadio I., Sébastien Barot, Jacques Gignoux, and Irié A. Zoro Bi. "Demography and life history of two rattan species, Eremospatha macrocarpa and Laccosperma secundiflorum, in Côte d'Ivoire." Journal of Tropical Ecology 24, no. 05 (2008): 493–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266467408005312.

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Abstract:Two rattans species were studied in Côte d'Ivoire using a stage-classified matrix model to compare their demography and life histories. Respectively 854 and 1009 genets ofEremospatha macrocarpa(pleonanthic) andLaccosperma secundiflorum(hapaxanthic) were censused every 6 mo over 18 mo. The population growth rates ofE. macrocarpa(λ = 0.979) andL. secundiflorum(λ = 0.959) were not significantly different from 1. This indicates that the populations were close to equilibrium. However, the difference between the stable stage distributions and the observed distributions indicated temporal va
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37

Dugast, Stephan. "Classes d'âge, chefferie et organisation dualiste : les Abouré de la Basse Côte-d'Ivoire." Cahiers d’études africaines 35, no. 138 (1995): 403–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1995.1455.

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38

Speight, Jeremy. "Rebel Organisation and Local Politics: Evidence from Bouna (Northern Côte d'Ivoire, 2002–10)." Civil Wars 15, no. 2 (2013): 219–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2013.817855.

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39

Launay, Robert. "Les Éotilé de Côte d'Ivoire aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles: Pouvoir lignager et religion." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 1 (2009): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006609x408220.

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40

Savadogo, Mathias, Marie-Nathalie LeBlanc, and Muriel Gomez-Perez. "Young Men and Islam in the 1990s: Rethinking an Intergenerational Perspective." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 2 (2009): 186–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006609x436021.

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AbstractInterest in the question of youth and Islam in West Africa stems from the overwhelming demographic weight of youth and their relatively recent incursion into the public domain, as well a wave of Islamic revivalism that has swept across Africa from the late 1970s on. In this paper, we propose to examine the sociopolitical role of young men in Islamic revivalist movements that occurred in urban centers in Côte d'Ivoire, Burkina Faso and Senegal in the 1980-1990s. Such movements were particularly popular among secularly educated young men who attended French-speaking schools. While the ro
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41

CHARBONNEAU, BRUNO. "The imperial legacy of international peacebuilding: the case of Francophone Africa." Review of International Studies 40, no. 3 (2014): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000491.

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AbstractComparisons of peacebuilding with historic practices of imperialism are common, but these comparisons have sustained a hegemonic antagonism between humanitarian and imperialist interpretations of international peace intervention. This article argues that this common framing externalises the problem of intervention, romanticises local resistance, and forecloses to investigation the articulation between militarised peace practices and transnational capitalist relations. To do so, the article analyses the case of Francophone Africa, thus providing a context that has been left unexplored i
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42

Lassailly-Jacob, Véronique. "Un exemple éphémère de planification du développement : I'AVB en Côte d'Ivoire centrale (1969-1980)." Cahiers d’études africaines 26, no. 103 (1986): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1986.1706.

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43

Labazée, Pascal. "Crise, mobilité professionnelle, conversion identitaire. L'exemple du commerce de l'igname à Korhogo (Côte-d'Ivoire)." Cahiers d’études africaines 32, no. 127 (1992): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1992.1544.

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44

Visonà, Monica Blackmun. "Agent Provocateur? The African Origin and American Life of a Statue from Côte d'Ivoire." Art Bulletin 94, no. 1 (2012): 99–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043079.2012.10786031.

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45

Moniot, Henri. "Claudine Vidal, Sociologie des passions (Côte d'Ivoire, Rwanda), Paris, Karthala, « Les Afriques », 1991, 181 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 48, no. 5 (1993): 1248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900058777.

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46

PROSPERETTI, ELISA. "‘BETWEEN EDUCATION AND CATASTROPHE’: CÔTE D'IVOIRE'S PROGRAMME D'ÉDUCATION TÉLÉVISUELLE AND THE URGENCY OF DEVELOPMENT (1968–1983)." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (2019): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000464.

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AbstractCôte d'Ivoire's Programme d'Éducation Télévisuelle (PETV) was one of postcolonial Africa's most innovative educational reforms. And yet, PETV was implemented by a country exemplary for its educational conservatism. This apparent paradox is explained by the Ivorian state's developmentalist vision had crowned education its ‘priority of priorities‘. By charting the adoption and termination of PETV, this article argues for the centrality of formal schooling to the history of development.
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47

Verdeaux, François. "Du pouvoir des génies au savoir scientifique. Les métamorphoses de la lagune Ebrie (Côte d'Ivoire)." Cahiers d’études africaines 26, no. 101 (1986): 145–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1986.2171.

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48

Perrot, Claude-Hélène. "La sensibilité des sociétés akan du sud-est de la Côte d'Ivoire aux fluctuations démographiques." Cahiers d’études africaines 27, no. 105 (1987): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1987.3197.

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49

Lorillard, Marie. "Plantations sucrières chez les paysans sénoufo de la Côte-d'Ivoire et du Burkina Faso." Études rurales, no. 175-176 (December 31, 2005): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesrurales.8207.

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50

Speight, Jeremy. "Warlord undone? Strongman politics and post-conflict state-building in Northeastern Côte d'Ivoire (2002–2013)." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 48, no. 2 (2014): 223–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2014.943136.

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