Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cotonou Agreement

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Cotonou Agreement'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Cotonou Agreement"

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Janczyk, Rafał. "The Samoa Agreement and the Cotonou Agreement – Comparative Analysis." Kwartalnik Prawa Międzynarodowego I, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.4506.

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The article contains a comparison of two international agreements – the 2023 Samoa Agreement and the 2000 Cotonou Agreement. In addition to examining the evolution of cooperation between the parties to the agreements, the article contains a reflection on whether the intended goals are possible to achieve. The historical overview of previous cooperation between the EU and the OACPS allows to notice that the Agreement fits into the trend of cooperation lasting more than 60 years. Apart from indicating the legal basis of the Agreement, the article contains information about the parties, the period of application and the basic goals. The article concerns the strategic priorities declared in the agreements, which are regulated differently, because the new one in addition to the declarations to protect human rights, also regulates the provisions that result from the emergence of new social phenomena. The migration and mobility provisions are aimed to limit the effects of the current crisis at EU borders. The Agreement expanded and regulated both the issue of migrants' rights as well as the issues of return, readmission and reintegration. The Agreement allows for new forms of cooperation and implementation measures, and declares the parties aim to seeking common actions, positions and votes. The article explained the institutional framework that has been expanded in the new Agreement. The final provisions concern dispute resolution and default. Both procedures assume solving problems within the institutional framework of the Agreement. The last part of the article assesses the global consequences of concluding the Agreement and draws attention to its importance in the relations between the EU, its Members and the OACPS.
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Carbone, Maurizio. "The Rationales Behind the EU-OACPS Agreement: Process, Outcome, Contestations." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 2 (May 1, 2021): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021018.

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This article examines the rationales of the European Union (EU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) in the preparations and negotiations of the successor to the Cotonou Agreement, paying particular attention to contested issues. It argues that the EU-OACPS Agreement constitutes a fundamental break from past practices, at least apparently: with regards to form, it introduces an unprecedented framework for cooperation, articulated in a common base with three distinct regional pillars; in terms of substance, it proposes a list of equally important strategic priorities, thus going beyond the previous focus on development. Furthermore, unlike its predecessor but like many other agreements signed by the EU with third states, it sets out a comprehensive political partnership for mutually beneficial outcomes. This article, importantly, unravels sources of tensions between and within the two sides. It also shows that negotiations were more symmetrical than in previous instances, not least because contentious issues such as aid volumes and trade cooperation fall outside the remit of the EUOACPS Agreement, and less participatory, as they were largely conducted by a small number of official representatives, with limited involvement of other stakeholders. EU-OACPS Agreement, Cotonou Agreement, post-Cotonou, ACP Group, African Union, EU development policy
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Thallinger, Gerhard. "From Apology to Utopia: EU–ECP Economic Partnership Agreements Oscillating between WTO Conformity and Sustainability." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 4 (December 1, 2007): 499–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007042.

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This contribution assesses the future Economic Partnership Agreements between African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the EU and its Member States in the light of their questionable WTO conformity and their goal to promote sustainable development. After a brief outline of the legal framework and political background of the Economic Partnership Agreements, the article depicts their objectives as provided for in the Cotonou Agreement. Thereafter, the criteria for their conformity with Article XXIV GATT as well as the conceivable repercussions of a WTO-compatible design on the achievement of sustainable development are analysed. It will thereby be argued that, against the backdrop of the current uncertainty and the need for clarification of the requirements for North–South regional trade agreements under Article XXIV GATT, WTO-compatible Economic Partnership Agreements calling for a restrictive design of flexibility and asymmetry threaten to subvert the Cotonou Agreement’s aim that they shall foster sustainable development and contribute to poverty alleviation. Hence, solutions to mitigate this inherent tension between WTO conformity and sustainability will finally be pointed out.
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McBean, Bridget. "Viewing Cotonou From a Helicopter." African Research & Documentation 95 (2004): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018240.

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Finding the most worthwhile information for one's purpose today is no easy task. An array of information providers has exploded. The Internet, twentyfour hour television channels, numerous magazines and journals provide facts and opinion. But which source is more credible? How can one formulate one's own opinion or position, especially when working with nuanced or topical subjects? It is believed that specialised research requires a different approach to accurate information gathering.The role of information managers and providers is paramount. They have the ability to search and structure interesting resources for use of a range of users. This paper maps some of the principle sources of information about the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, including the core texts such as the Agreement, and also sources supplying analysis; facts and comments on the content, process and progress of the Agreement.
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McBean, Bridget. "Viewing Cotonou From a Helicopter." African Research & Documentation 95 (2004): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018240.

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Finding the most worthwhile information for one's purpose today is no easy task. An array of information providers has exploded. The Internet, twentyfour hour television channels, numerous magazines and journals provide facts and opinion. But which source is more credible? How can one formulate one's own opinion or position, especially when working with nuanced or topical subjects? It is believed that specialised research requires a different approach to accurate information gathering.The role of information managers and providers is paramount. They have the ability to search and structure interesting resources for use of a range of users. This paper maps some of the principle sources of information about the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, including the core texts such as the Agreement, and also sources supplying analysis; facts and comments on the content, process and progress of the Agreement.
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Hurt, Stephen R. "African Agency and EU-ACP Relations beyond the Cotonou Agreement." EU International Development Cooperation post-2020 16, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v16i2.1075.

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7

Kelsey, Jane. "Going Nowhere in a Hurry? The Pacific's EPA Negotiations with the European Union." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i1.5659.

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This paper explores the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiation process of the EU-ACP with a focus on the Pacific region. To comply with the requirements of the Cotonou Agreement 2000 and the requirements of the WTO EPAs must be negotiated before 2008. They will replace the trade arrangements between the EU and the ACP States pursuant to the Cotonou Agreement 2000. The Pacific states have proposed a creative EPA text to address their concerns about the effects of any new agreement with the EU. Professor Kelsey's view is that the Pacific 'wish list' contains two intrinsic tensions : one between its trade liberalisation and development agendas, and the other between the affirmation of sovereign integrity and supranational institutional arrangements. Moreover, the EU and the Pacific states have different trade interests and the demands made by the Pacific states have largely been rejected by the EU. The conclusion is that the production of a final text of the Pacific EPA is not imminent.This paper was written prior to the military coup in Fiji on 5 December 2006 and does not discuss the significant implications of that event for the negotiations.
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Nwobike, Justice. "The Application of Human Rights in African Caribbean and Pacific–European Union Development and Trade Partnership." German Law Journal 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 1381–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014383.

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The Africa Caribbean Pacific–European Union (ACP-EU) Development and Trade Cooperation Relationship is currently regulated by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This agreement, which has been described as “the only one of its kind in the world” is based on the three pillars of politics, trade, and development between the EU and its Member States on the one hand and a group of developing countries on the other.
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Doval Hernandez, Violeta. "Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between the EU and Western Africa:." ESIC Digital Economy and Innovation Journal 1, no. 3 (July 4, 2022): e53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55234/edeij-1-3-053.

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In the context of Cotonou and Post Cotonou Partnership Agreements stablished between the European Union and former colonies named by the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP), this paper investigates the possible risks over ACP of one of the Agreement main objectives: the Free Trade Areas or EPAs (Economic Partnership Agreements).With this purpose, the paper uses as a case study the analisis of Western African, focusing on the particular context of Senegal. The selected region presents some of the paradox that are communly seen in ACP countries: an outstanding wealth in natural resources, together with some of the lowest indicators of Human Development in the world. Thus, despite the region hosts up to 267 international companies exploiting the mining sector (International Transparency, 2013) and one of the world richest maritime areas, basic needs for its population are still a challenge. To adress such complex matter as an International Trade Agreement launched by the European Union with a wide block of countries of ACPs the paper presents a survey including both primary and secondary data collection in a mixted methodology which combines quantitative and qualitative data. In-depth interviews were carried out at two Directorates of the European Commission to responsibles for external relations with West Africa. In Senegal, officials of public institutions and civil society representatives were consulted. The research concludes that the EU policies promoted with ACP countries in EPAs framework show serious contradictions with the social, environmental and economic priorities of the mostly classified as Least Developed Countries in Western Africa region. Thus, for Senegal case, the policies would increase the risk of increasing dependency on food imports and food insecurity.
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Byron, Jessica. "‘Singing From the Same Hymn Sheet’: Caribbean Diplomacy and the Cotonou Agreement." European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, no. 79 (October 15, 2005): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/erlacs.9660.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cotonou Agreement"

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Ojiambo, Colbert. "EU-ACP economic agreements and WTO/GATT compatibility : options for ACP countries under Cotonou Agreement." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28400.

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The member states of European Union (EU) and a group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states are currently negotiating for new trading agreements compatible with World Trade Organization‘s (WTO) rules. Whereas both the EU and the ACP states are in agreement that the new trading arrangements must be WTO compatible, there is no consensus on the format of the new trading agreements. The EU has insisted that the new trading arrangements should be in the form of free trade agreements, established under Article XXIV of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unlike the previous EU – ACP trade agreements which were non – reciprocal, Article XXIV requires that the new trading agreements should be reciprocal. Consequently the EU has gone ahead to negotiate for reciprocal Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with some of the ACP states. Some ACP countries which are opposed to reciprocity have proposed that the new trading arrangements should be established under the provisions of Enabling Clause. Others have suggested that EU should attempt to apply for a WTO waiver. The Cotonou Agreement, under which the new trading agreements are being negotiated, provides that in case of those countries which are not ready to negotiate for EPAs, the EU should examine alternative possibilities, in order to provide these countries with a new framework for trade which is equivalent to their existing situation and in conformity with WTO rules. So far no alternative trading arrangements have been proposed. Although some ACP countries have agreed to negotiate for Economic Partnership Agreements under article XXIV of GAAT, there is no consensus on the interpretation of key provisions of Article XXIV. Under Article XXIV, the parties are required to remove substantially all trade barriers between themselves within reasonable time. The meaning of the phrases 'substantially all' and 'reasonable time‘ has remained controversial with each party giving an interpretation that favours its interests. Lack of consensus on the meaning of these phrases has hindered the conclusion of negotiations for EPAs. In a nutshell, the question of WTO compatibility presents the biggest hurdle to the conclusion of the new trading arrangements between the EU and the ACP group. This paper is an evaluation of the options available to the ACP countries to conclude WTO compatible trading arrangements with the EU. Chapter one of this paper is an introductory chapter which offers an overview of the entire paper. Chapter two sets out in details the historical background of the economic relationship between the EU and the ACP states. This chapter illustrates the historical background from which the new trading agreements have evolved to help the reader understand certain key features of the current economic partnership agreements. Chapter three looks at the GATT/WTO provisions relevant to the establishment of WTO compatible trading arrangements between EU and ACP countries. Particular emphasis is placed on Article XXIV, the Enabling Clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter four is the main chapter in which the paper explores the possibilities of concluding WTO compatible trading agreements under Article XXIV, Enabling clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter five draws the conclusions of this paper.
Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
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Thomas, Steven Barry. "A Regionally Integrated Pacific: The Challenge of the Cotonou Agreement to Pacific Regionalism." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/906.

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The European Union (EU) has comparative advantage in regional integration. Moreover, regionalism is a growing phenomenon, as both the growing number of regional trade agreements and literature on new regionalism indicate. In this context, the EU has incorporated regional integration into European development policy as a strategy to help integrate the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states into the global economy, with the negotiation of region-to-region reciprocal free trade agreements, called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA). This thesis examines the extent to which the Pacific may constitute a region, for the purposes of the Cotonou Agreement, along cultural, political and economic dimensions of regional cooperation. This is in order to measure the potential for regional integration in the Pacific, as well as to test the applicability of the EU's regional template of development in this context. A theoretical framework is developed, based on the political economy of regional cooperation among developing states, in order to apply a series of propositions to the test the integrative potential of the Pacific region. The key finding is that regionalism in the Pacific is easily politicised. Anthropological evidence and economic analysis also confirm the informal nature of regional cooperation in the Pacific works against global imperatives for deeper regional integration, as Pacific islanders have generally not subscribed to a common identity, and the welfare benefits from regional free trade are shown to be minimal. Consequently, the Pacific accepts the EPA platform in order to maintain the development partnership with the EU, rather than because regional free trade is the most desired vehicle for development in the region. A trade agreement will therefore be concluded with the Pacific ACP states, but its form and timing remain the key issues for clarification.
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Reis, N. C. M. "Will CARICOM countries be vulnerable to financial crises as a result of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) : the Cotonou Agreement?" Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/27729/.

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Whether the EPA contains the seeds of potential financial crises in relation to the CARICOM countries, using the concepts of globalisation, volatility risk and hubris (of leadership, economic thought and a weak regulatory environment). This study seeks to establish whether financial crises may occur when the variables of globalisation, volatility risk and hubris within a weak regulatory environment coincide within the framework of the Economic Partnership Agreement between the ACP countries, (in particular the CARICOM countries) and the EU (the Cotonou Agreement). Ultimately it is the intention to assess whether there is any association between these factors to determine if when combined we can anticipate the likely occurrence of financial crises. A number of research hypotheses were derived from the review of the literature in Documents 2 and 3. The evidence presented in Document 4 did not support the null hypotheses and allowed us to conclude that there is a statistical association among globalisation, volatility risk and hubris. In conclusion, we explore the attitudes of key sectors with respect to the EPA economic framework and proffer that a likely combination of these three variables may contribute to the occurrence of financial crises. Furthermore it is the author’s contention that the Cotonou Agreement may contain the ingredients to usher in another financial crisis.
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Klostermann, Eva Amelie. ""A comparison of the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA: trade creating or trade diverting?"." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2196_1254400820.

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This thesis has attempted to provide an analysis of two legal instruments
the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA. Specific attention was directed to these instruments impact on trade between the European Union and the United States, respectively, and beneficiary African countries.

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Dassie, Chiara <1992&gt. "The Cotonou Agreement. Analysis of the current ACP-EU partnership and its prospects after 2020." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10081.

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La tesi vuole presentare la situazione attuale e le prospettive future delle reazioni tra l’Unione Europea e gli stati del Gruppo ACP (Africa, Caraibi e Pacifico), analizzando in particolare l’Accordo di Cotonou. Tale Accordo fu istituito il 23 giugno del 2000 con l’obiettivo di promuovere un partenariato ACP-EU innovativo e completo. I suoi articoli regolano infatti sia l’area della cooperazione allo sviluppo, sia la dimensione politica, sia l’ambito commerciale, tenendo sempre conto delle priorità e caratteristiche di ognuna delle Parti firmatarie. Il legame tra paesi ACP ed europei, tuttavia, non è recente, al contrario, trova le sue basi già nel periodo post-coloniale. L’Accordo di Cotonou può essere di fatto considerato il risultato di un lungo percorso di trattati, revisioni e ammendamenti intrapreso dal gruppo ACP e dall’UE con la convenzione di Yaoundé stipulata nel 1963 e rinnovata nel 1969, e poi continuato con le Convenzioni di Lomé dal 1975 al 2000. Il rapporto tra gli stati ACP ed europei sta però per essere nuovamente messo in discussione, dato l’avvicinarsi della scadenza dell’Accordo di Cotonou nel 2020. Durante i due decenni della sua attuazione, molti sono i cambiamenti avvenuti sia a livello globale che regionale, gli esiti derivati dal trattato in questione non sempre hanno corrisposto le aspettative e le Parti stanno ora iniziando a riflettere sulle loro future possibilità di Partenariato. Come saranno dunque le relazioni ACP-EU nel Post-Cotonou?
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Palková, Anežka. "Spolupráce EU - AKT na příkladu Haiti." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113492.

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This thesis focuses on cooperation of the European Union with the African, Carribean and Pacific Group of States. Its aim is to describe the relations in a complex way and to record the changes that are connected with the evolution of cooperation. Attention is also paid to conditionality of cooperation. Introductory part describes EU development cooperation and humanitarian aid. Historical evolution of EU-ACP cooperation follows together with the details on the Cotonou Agreement. Last part is the case study on Haiti.
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Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
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Lasseko, Matilda E. K. "Human rights implications of including services in Economic Partnership Agreements: the case of banking services in Ghana." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8063.

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With the banking sector showing remarkable growth in Ghana, it is a probable target for liberalisation by the European Union to enable their banks to enter this market. The author addresses the following research questions: (1) What are the possible outcomes of increased foreign participation through commercial presence upon liberalising the banking sector under Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs)? (2) Which recognised human rights, that Ghana has an obligation to respect, could be affected by liberalising the banking sector in Ghana under EPAs? (3) What are the outcomes of liberalising the banking sector on poverty reduction and development in Ghana?
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr K.K.K. Ampofo, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Mulunga, Immanuel. "The impact of the SA-EU FTA and the Cotonou Agreement on the economy of Namibia with particular emphasis on the fisheries and meat sectors." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51982.

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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
On October 1999 South Africa signed a historic TDCA with the European Union. The main objective of this agreement is to liberalise most trade between the two parties over time through a free trade agreement. Namibia as a member of SACU became automatically a de facto member of the SA-EU FTA. At the same time the EU concluded another 20-year agreement with the ACP countries effectively changing its traditional trade relationship with these countries. Namibia also being a member of the ACP group of countries finds itself in the middle of these two agreements. South Africa and the EU however opted to leave some of the sectors that are considered sensitive out of the free trade agreement in order to mitigate some of the adjustment costs likely to be faced by lesser-developed partners in SACU such as Namibia. Beef is one of those sensitive sectors as it is the main Namibian agricultural export to both the EU and South Africa. The fisheries sector likewise contributes a lot to Namibia's export earnings and the fact South Africa and the EU are negotiating for a fisheries agreement could mean a change in Namibia's competitive position in this sector. The impact that these two agreements will have on the beef sector is not very significant or at least manageable at this stage. The impact on the fisheries sector is mainly uncertain at this stage in the absence of an EU-SA fisheries agreement. The major impact of the SA-EU FTA will be on government revenues, which rely heavily on receipts from the SACU common revenue pool. The SADC has also started its regional economic integration process, which the EU hopes to be a move towards a REPA with which it hopes to do business as part of the new Cotonou Agreement. However the vast disparities in economic development between the EU and SADC does not favour such a move. The benefits will most probably accrue to the EU and the costs to SADC countries, especially those countries that are not part of SACU. It is important that if the new Cotonou Agreement is to be mutually beneficial steps need to be taken to strengthen the industrial and export capacities of the ACP countries. Otherwise this wave of globalisation will be nothing but a zero sum game.
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Selena, Megui Guimbang Ruth. "Évaluation de l´Accord de Cotonou et défis pour la coopération entre l´Union Européenneet les pays africaines après 2020." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/29297.

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Signé entre l’UE et le bloc ACP en 2000, l’Accord de Cotonou arrive à son terme en fin 2020 et de fait soulève inévitablement de nombreuses interrogations du fait qu’après 20 ans, les intérêts des parties sont de plus en plus divergents. L’UE par exemple envisage aujourd’hui de traiter directement avec les pays africains séparément du bloc ACP et vice versa. Alors, quelle structure doit avoir le nouvel accord ? Quelles sont les modifications à apporter ? Quels facteurs doivent être pris en compte ? En essai de réponse à ces questions, cette étude se propose de réaliser une évaluation des piliers fondateurs de l’Accord de Cotonou (Aide, Coopération Commerciale et Coopération Politique) sur ses 20 années d’exercice dans le but de déterminer l’écart réel entre les objectifs fixés et ceux atteints. Mais aussi d’examiner les facteurs qui l’ont influencé pour parvenir à souligner les défis à relever dans le cadre futur de la coopération UE-ACP; Abstract: Signed between the EU and the ACP bloc in 2000, the Cotonou Agreement expires by the end of 2020 and indeed inevitably raises many questions because after 20 years, the interests of the parties are increasingly divergent. The EU, for example, is now considering dealing directly with African countries separately from the ACP bloc and vice versa. So, what structure should the new agreement have? What changes need to be made? What factors need to be taken into account? In an attempt to answer these questions, this study attempts to carry out an evaluation of the founding pillars of the Cotonou Agreement (Aid, Trade Cooperation and Political Cooperation) over its 20 years of operation in order to determine the real gap between the objectives set and those achieved. But also to examine external factors that have influenced it in order to highlight the challenges to be met in the future framework of EU-ACP cooperation; Resumo: Assinado entre a UE e o bloco ACP em 2000, o Acordo de Cotonou expira no final de 2020 e, de facto, levanta inevitavelmente muitas questões porque, passados 20 anos, os interesses das partes são cada vez mais divergentes. A UE, por exemplo, está agora a considerar tratar diretamente com os países africanos separadamente do bloco ACP e vice-versa. Que estrutura deverá ter o novo acordo? Que mudanças precisam de ser feitas? Que fatores devem ser tidos em conta? Numa tentativa de responder a estas questões, este estudo propõe a realização de uma avaliação dos pilares fundadores do Acordo de Cotonou (Ajuda, Cooperação Comercial e Cooperação Política) ao longo dos seus 20 anos de funcionamento, a fim de determinar o verdadeiro fosso entre os objetivos estabelecidos e os atingidos. Mas também para examinar os fatores que a influenciaram a fim de realçar os desafios a enfrentar no futuro quadro de cooperação UE-ACP.
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Books on the topic "Cotonou Agreement"

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Commonwealth Secretariat. Economic Affairs Division., ed. The Cotonou Agreement: A user's guide. London: Economic Affairs Division, Commonwealth Secretariat, 2004.

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Management, European Centre for Development Policy. Cotonou infokit: The new ACP-EU Partnership Agreement. Maastricht: European Centre for Development Policy Management, 2001.

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European Centre for Development Policy Management., ed. Cotonou infokit: The new ACP-EU Partnership Agreement. Maastricht: European Centre for Development Policy Management, 2001.

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Namibia) ACP/EU-SADC Conference on the Cotonou Agreement (2000 Windhoek. ACP/EU-SADC Conference on the Cotonou agreement. Windhoek?]: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2000.

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Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Namibian Economic Policy Research Unit, and Namibia Economic Society, eds. ACP/EU-SADC Conference on the Cotonou Agreement. Windhoek, [Namibia]: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2001.

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Mabele, Robert B. The challenges of the economic partnership agreements in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2007.

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Mabele, Robert B. The challenges of the economic partnership agreements in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2007.

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Laporte, Geert. The Cotonou Partnership Agreement: What role in a changing world? : reflections on the future of ACP-EU relations. Maastricht: ECDPM, 2007.

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Mabele, Robert B. The challenges of the economic partnership agreements in Tanzania. Dar es Salaam, Tanzania: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2007.

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Laporte, Geert. The Cotonou Partnership Agreement: What role in a changing world? : reflections on the future of ACP-EU relations. Maastricht: ECDPM, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cotonou Agreement"

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Laakso, Liisa. "The Evolution of the Political Dimension of EU Co-operation with Eastern Africa." In State Politics and Public Policy in Eastern Africa, 435–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13490-6_20.

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AbstractA significant element in the EU co-operation with Eastern Africa relates to the EU’s aspirations to support democracy worldwide. The Treaty of Nice of the EU (2001) explicitly stipulated that promoting human rights and freedoms should be part of all EU development and other co-operation with developing countries. This principle gained prominence and an explicit codification in the Cotonou Agreement between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific states (ACP) between 2000 and 2022. The year 2022, when a new agreement is to be signed, is a good time to look back at the application of these principles. Has the EU been able to support democracy in Eastern Africa? To this end, this chapter pays attention to both positive and negative democratisation instruments. The positive instruments like the election observation missions (EOM) appear to be the public image of EU democracy support before everything else. Economic sanctions, particularly smart sanctions and suspension of development aid, are the most important negative instruments. Together, these instruments have become an increasingly important part of the AU and EU’s attempts to prevent the erosion of democratic institutions in its Eastern African partner countries.
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Lopes, Carlos. "The Disappointing Discussion About Aid Effectiveness." In The Self-Deception Trap, 39–57. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-57591-4_3.

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AbstractThe Western paradigm of developmental assistance in Africa can trace its origins back to the colonial era. As such, it is tarnished by the asymmetry of the relationship between the coloniser and the colonised. This chapter revisits the debates about aid in Africa. It explores how tools such as structural adjustment programmes, aid effectiveness discussions, macroeconomic conditionality, and rating agencies’ risk perceptions reinforce an outdated aid logic founded on the principles of charity. This logic has formed the basis for development cooperation between ACP countries and the EU since 1975, as formalised in the Cotonou Agreement (formerly Lomé Convention) and other agreements between the EU and North African countries.The impact of this logic over decades has not been positive for the continent. The global aid industry effectively shackles aid-dependent nations by keeping them perpetually reliant on the generosity of the wealthy. At the same time, focusing on African external economic obligations as a marker of good performance rather than a fundamental transformation of the countries means that the real impact of aid has been limited. The debacle of structural adjustment opened new opportunities to move away from a charity perspective and subsequently allowed for a less prescriptive approach towards Africa. However, this opening proved to be short-lived, an unfortunate lost opportunity.
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Holland, Martin, and Mathew Doidge. "Parallel Paradigms: Cotonou, Economic Partnership Agreements and Everything But Arms." In Development Policy of the European Union, 70–94. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-01547-1_4.

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Hoffman, Alecia D. "Do International Legal Instruments Curb Human Trafficking or Exacerbate the Problem?: African States and the European Union–An Examination of the Lomé and Cotonou Agreements." In Human Trafficking in Africa, 47–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-82163-0_3.

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Ahmadu, Mohammed L., and Robert A. Hughes. "The Cotonou Agreement." In Commercial Law and Practice in the South Pacific, 411–18. Routledge-Cavendish, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781843146919-28.

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"Globalisation, the Cotonou Agreement and the African Union." In Beyond the 'African Tragedy', 179–96. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315261591-21.

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Arts, Karin. "Gender in ACP-EU Relations: The Cotonou Agreement." In New Pathways in International Development, 31–43. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351152525-3.

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de Vos, Elisabeth. "The Cotonou Agreement: A Case of Forced Regional Integration?" In State, Sovereignty, and International Governance, 496–518. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245383.003.0022.

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"The Role of Civil Society in the Cotonou Agreement." In The European Union and the Developing Countries, 177–95. Brill | Nijhoff, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047406785_013.

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"The Negotiation of the Cotonou Agreement: Negotiating Continuity or Change?" In The European Union and the Developing Countries, 37–63. Brill | Nijhoff, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047406785_007.

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Reports on the topic "Cotonou Agreement"

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Walmsley, Terrie, and Scott McDonald. Bilateral Free Trade Agreements and Customs Unions: The Impact of the EU Republic of South Africa Free Trade Agreement on Botswana. GTAP Working Paper, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp29.

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The EU has indicated that after 2008 its trade relationships with developing countries will be dominated by the development of preferential trade agreements. Although not a consequence of the Cotonou Agreement, the free trade agreement between the EU and the Republic of South Africa (EU RSA FTA) is clearly one of the first fruits of this approach to trade relationships. However, there is no evidence that the design of the EU RSA FTA incorporated a comprehensive general equilibrium evaluation of the agreement for either the signatories or the other southern African nations. The analyses reported here indicate that while the EU RSA FTA may substantially benefit the signatories, there are appreciable negative impacts for other states, especially the RSA’s immediate neighbours. Moreover, the reluctance of the EU to fully liberalise trade in food and agriculture commodities results in a major reduction in the benefits for the RSA without ameliorating substantively the adverse implications for other nations.
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Lodge, Junior, and Jan Yves. The Promise of a Recalibrated Caribbean-European Union Partnership. Fundación Carolina, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff03en.

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The Caribbean and the European Union (EU) have been enjoined in a formal bi-regional relationship since the signing of the Lomé Convention in 1975, and are firm proponents of multilateralism, strong advocates of regional integration, democracy and rule of law, and reflect vibrant multi-ethnic and multilingual polities. The bi-regional relationship has evolved considerably over the intervening 45 years, and is reflected in formal agreements between the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) States and the EU, and in the sphere of economic cooperation, has been strengthened with the signing of the Cariforum-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2008. The EU also remains a significant source of development cooperation for the Caribbean, complemented by a sui generis project management regime that includes multi-annual programming. Beyond this, the bi-regional ties have expanded into new areas of joint multilateral endeavour such as the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA) and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Despite the long and formal engagement, the Cariforum-EU partnership has not engendered either deep understanding of, or universal support in, each other’s conduct of multilateral negotiations. To the contrary, the partnership displays regular flashes of unease and arguably low-level tension. This paper seeks to assess the Caribbean-EU partnership in terms of its contribution of bi-regional trade and economic cooperation to Caribbean development, and possibilities for a renewed partnership considering new impulses shaping the Cariforum-EU relationship, including the post-Cotonou Agreement, Brexit, EU-LAC Political Dialogue and COVID-19 responses. A Cariforum-EU development agenda to fuel post-pandemic Caribbean recovery is mooted with the additional value of harnessing the promise of the revised partnership.
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