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1
Ojiambo, Colbert. "EU-ACP economic agreements and WTO/GATT compatibility : options for ACP countries under Cotonou Agreement." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28400.
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The member states of European Union (EU) and a group of African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states are currently negotiating for new trading agreements compatible with World Trade Organization‘s (WTO) rules. Whereas both the EU and the ACP states are in agreement that the new trading arrangements must be WTO compatible, there is no consensus on the format of the new trading agreements. The EU has insisted that the new trading arrangements should be in the form of free trade agreements, established under Article XXIV of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Unlike the previous EU – ACP trade agreements which were non – reciprocal, Article XXIV requires that the new trading agreements should be reciprocal. Consequently the EU has gone ahead to negotiate for reciprocal Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with some of the ACP states. Some ACP countries which are opposed to reciprocity have proposed that the new trading arrangements should be established under the provisions of Enabling Clause. Others have suggested that EU should attempt to apply for a WTO waiver. The Cotonou Agreement, under which the new trading agreements are being negotiated, provides that in case of those countries which are not ready to negotiate for EPAs, the EU should examine alternative possibilities, in order to provide these countries with a new framework for trade which is equivalent to their existing situation and in conformity with WTO rules. So far no alternative trading arrangements have been proposed. Although some ACP countries have agreed to negotiate for Economic Partnership Agreements under article XXIV of GAAT, there is no consensus on the interpretation of key provisions of Article XXIV. Under Article XXIV, the parties are required to remove substantially all trade barriers between themselves within reasonable time. The meaning of the phrases 'substantially all' and 'reasonable time‘ has remained controversial with each party giving an interpretation that favours its interests. Lack of consensus on the meaning of these phrases has hindered the conclusion of negotiations for EPAs. In a nutshell, the question of WTO compatibility presents the biggest hurdle to the conclusion of the new trading arrangements between the EU and the ACP group. This paper is an evaluation of the options available to the ACP countries to conclude WTO compatible trading arrangements with the EU. Chapter one of this paper is an introductory chapter which offers an overview of the entire paper. Chapter two sets out in details the historical background of the economic relationship between the EU and the ACP states. This chapter illustrates the historical background from which the new trading agreements have evolved to help the reader understand certain key features of the current economic partnership agreements. Chapter three looks at the GATT/WTO provisions relevant to the establishment of WTO compatible trading arrangements between EU and ACP countries. Particular emphasis is placed on Article XXIV, the Enabling Clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter four is the main chapter in which the paper explores the possibilities of concluding WTO compatible trading agreements under Article XXIV, Enabling clause and the WTO waiver. Chapter five draws the conclusions of this paper.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
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Thomas, Steven Barry. "A Regionally Integrated Pacific: The Challenge of the Cotonou Agreement to Pacific Regionalism." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/906.
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The European Union (EU) has comparative advantage in regional integration. Moreover, regionalism is a growing phenomenon, as both the growing number of regional trade agreements and literature on new regionalism indicate. In this context, the EU has incorporated regional integration into European development policy as a strategy to help integrate the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states into the global economy, with the negotiation of region-to-region reciprocal free trade agreements, called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPA). This thesis examines the extent to which the Pacific may constitute a region, for the purposes of the Cotonou Agreement, along cultural, political and economic dimensions of regional cooperation. This is in order to measure the potential for regional integration in the Pacific, as well as to test the applicability of the EU's regional template of development in this context. A theoretical framework is developed, based on the political economy of regional cooperation among developing states, in order to apply a series of propositions to the test the integrative potential of the Pacific region. The key finding is that regionalism in the Pacific is easily politicised. Anthropological evidence and economic analysis also confirm the informal nature of regional cooperation in the Pacific works against global imperatives for deeper regional integration, as Pacific islanders have generally not subscribed to a common identity, and the welfare benefits from regional free trade are shown to be minimal. Consequently, the Pacific accepts the EPA platform in order to maintain the development partnership with the EU, rather than because regional free trade is the most desired vehicle for development in the region. A trade agreement will therefore be concluded with the Pacific ACP states, but its form and timing remain the key issues for clarification.
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Reis, N. C. M. "Will CARICOM countries be vulnerable to financial crises as a result of the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) : the Cotonou Agreement?" Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/27729/.
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Whether the EPA contains the seeds of potential financial crises in relation to the CARICOM countries, using the concepts of globalisation, volatility risk and hubris (of leadership, economic thought and a weak regulatory environment). This study seeks to establish whether financial crises may occur when the variables of globalisation, volatility risk and hubris within a weak regulatory environment coincide within the framework of the Economic Partnership Agreement between the ACP countries, (in particular the CARICOM countries) and the EU (the Cotonou Agreement). Ultimately it is the intention to assess whether there is any association between these factors to determine if when combined we can anticipate the likely occurrence of financial crises. A number of research hypotheses were derived from the review of the literature in Documents 2 and 3. The evidence presented in Document 4 did not support the null hypotheses and allowed us to conclude that there is a statistical association among globalisation, volatility risk and hubris. In conclusion, we explore the attitudes of key sectors with respect to the EPA economic framework and proffer that a likely combination of these three variables may contribute to the occurrence of financial crises. Furthermore it is the author’s contention that the Cotonou Agreement may contain the ingredients to usher in another financial crisis.
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Klostermann, Eva Amelie. ""A comparison of the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA: trade creating or trade diverting?"." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2196_1254400820.
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This thesis has attempted to provide an analysis of two legal instruments
the Cotonou Agreement and the AGOA. Specific attention was directed to these instruments impact on trade between the European Union and the United States, respectively, and beneficiary African countries.
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Dassie, Chiara <1992>. "The Cotonou Agreement. Analysis of the current ACP-EU partnership and its prospects after 2020." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/10081.
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La tesi vuole presentare la situazione attuale e le prospettive future delle reazioni tra l’Unione Europea e gli stati del Gruppo ACP (Africa, Caraibi e Pacifico), analizzando in particolare l’Accordo di Cotonou. Tale Accordo fu istituito il 23 giugno del 2000 con l’obiettivo di promuovere un partenariato ACP-EU innovativo e completo. I suoi articoli regolano infatti sia l’area della cooperazione allo sviluppo, sia la dimensione politica, sia l’ambito commerciale, tenendo sempre conto delle priorità e caratteristiche di ognuna delle Parti firmatarie.
Il legame tra paesi ACP ed europei, tuttavia, non è recente, al contrario, trova le sue basi già nel periodo post-coloniale. L’Accordo di Cotonou può essere di fatto considerato il risultato di un lungo percorso di trattati, revisioni e ammendamenti intrapreso dal gruppo ACP e dall’UE con la convenzione di Yaoundé stipulata nel 1963 e rinnovata nel 1969, e poi continuato con le Convenzioni di Lomé dal 1975 al 2000.
Il rapporto tra gli stati ACP ed europei sta però per essere nuovamente messo in discussione, dato l’avvicinarsi della scadenza dell’Accordo di Cotonou nel 2020. Durante i due decenni della sua attuazione, molti sono i cambiamenti avvenuti sia a livello globale che regionale, gli esiti derivati dal trattato in questione non sempre hanno corrisposto le aspettative e le Parti stanno ora iniziando a riflettere sulle loro future possibilità di Partenariato. Come saranno dunque le relazioni ACP-EU nel Post-Cotonou?
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Palková, Anežka. "Spolupráce EU - AKT na příkladu Haiti." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113492.
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This thesis focuses on cooperation of the European Union with the African, Carribean and Pacific Group of States. Its aim is to describe the relations in a complex way and to record the changes that are connected with the evolution of cooperation. Attention is also paid to conditionality of cooperation. Introductory part describes EU development cooperation and humanitarian aid. Historical evolution of EU-ACP cooperation follows together with the details on the Cotonou Agreement. Last part is the case study on Haiti.
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Li, Jinxiang. "The European Union relationship to the Africa, Caribbean and Pacific countries in terms of the Cotonou Agreements: will the economic partnership agreements aid regional integration." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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The main purpose of this paper was to explore the role economic partnership agreements play in regional integration. The whole paper was premised on identifying the nature of economic partnership agreements that is conceived as a free trade arrangement. Therefore the paper discussed the feasibility of the reciprocal principle between the European Union and ACP countries, and further indicated that there is no need to implement the principle of reciprocity at present. The paper also discovered that, due to the fact that unequal trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries still exist, the implementation of the EPAs is most likely to generate the complementary but non-competitive trade relations between the EU and the ACP countries. Such a situation could result in the ACP countries over-independence on the EU's market. ACP countries are not expecting to such integration. In addition the paper ascertains that the EPAs themselves could contain the intrinsic negative impacts such as discrimination against the third countries on regional integration.
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Lasseko, Matilda E. K. "Human rights implications of including services in Economic Partnership Agreements: the case of banking services in Ghana." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8063.
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With the banking sector showing remarkable growth in Ghana, it is a probable target for liberalisation by the European Union to enable their banks to enter this market. The author addresses the following research questions: (1) What are the possible outcomes of increased foreign participation through commercial presence upon liberalising the banking sector under Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs)? (2) Which recognised human rights, that Ghana has an obligation to respect, could be affected by liberalising the banking sector in Ghana under EPAs? (3) What are the outcomes of liberalising the banking sector on poverty reduction and development in Ghana?Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr K.K.K. Ampofo, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Mulunga, Immanuel. "The impact of the SA-EU FTA and the Cotonou Agreement on the economy of Namibia with particular emphasis on the fisheries and meat sectors." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51982.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.On October 1999 South Africa signed a historic TDCA with the European Union. The main objective of this agreement is to liberalise most trade between the two parties over time through a free trade agreement. Namibia as a member of SACU became automatically a de facto member of the SA-EU FTA. At the same time the EU concluded another 20-year agreement with the ACP countries effectively changing its traditional trade relationship with these countries. Namibia also being a member of the ACP group of countries finds itself in the middle of these two agreements. South Africa and the EU however opted to leave some of the sectors that are considered sensitive out of the free trade agreement in order to mitigate some of the adjustment costs likely to be faced by lesser-developed partners in SACU such as Namibia. Beef is one of those sensitive sectors as it is the main Namibian agricultural export to both the EU and South Africa. The fisheries sector likewise contributes a lot to Namibia's export earnings and the fact South Africa and the EU are negotiating for a fisheries agreement could mean a change in Namibia's competitive position in this sector. The impact that these two agreements will have on the beef sector is not very significant or at least manageable at this stage. The impact on the fisheries sector is mainly uncertain at this stage in the absence of an EU-SA fisheries agreement. The major impact of the SA-EU FTA will be on government revenues, which rely heavily on receipts from the SACU common revenue pool. The SADC has also started its regional economic integration process, which the EU hopes to be a move towards a REPA with which it hopes to do business as part of the new Cotonou Agreement. However the vast disparities in economic development between the EU and SADC does not favour such a move. The benefits will most probably accrue to the EU and the costs to SADC countries, especially those countries that are not part of SACU. It is important that if the new Cotonou Agreement is to be mutually beneficial steps need to be taken to strengthen the industrial and export capacities of the ACP countries. Otherwise this wave of globalisation will be nothing but a zero sum game.
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Selena, Megui Guimbang Ruth. "Évaluation de l´Accord de Cotonou et défis pour la coopération entre l´Union Européenneet les pays africaines après 2020." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/29297.
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Signé entre l’UE et le bloc ACP en 2000, l’Accord de Cotonou arrive à son terme en fin 2020 et de fait soulève inévitablement de nombreuses interrogations du fait qu’après 20 ans, les intérêts des parties sont de plus en plus divergents. L’UE par exemple envisage aujourd’hui de traiter directement avec les pays africains séparément du bloc ACP et vice versa. Alors, quelle structure doit avoir le nouvel accord ? Quelles sont les modifications à apporter ? Quels facteurs doivent être pris en compte ? En essai de réponse à ces questions, cette étude se propose de réaliser une évaluation des piliers fondateurs de l’Accord de Cotonou (Aide, Coopération Commerciale et Coopération Politique) sur ses 20 années d’exercice dans le but de déterminer l’écart réel entre les objectifs fixés et ceux atteints. Mais aussi d’examiner les facteurs qui l’ont influencé pour parvenir à souligner les défis à relever dans le cadre futur de la coopération UE-ACP; Abstract:
Signed between the EU and the ACP bloc in 2000, the Cotonou Agreement expires by the end of 2020 and indeed inevitably raises many questions because after 20 years, the interests of the parties are increasingly divergent. The EU, for example, is now considering dealing directly with African countries separately from the ACP bloc and vice versa. So, what structure should the new agreement have? What changes need to be made? What factors need to be taken into account? In an attempt to answer these questions, this study attempts to carry out an evaluation of the founding pillars of the Cotonou Agreement (Aid, Trade Cooperation and Political Cooperation) over its 20 years of operation in order to determine the real gap between the objectives set and those achieved. But also to examine external factors that have influenced it in order to highlight the challenges to be met in the future framework of EU-ACP cooperation; Resumo:
Assinado entre a UE e o bloco ACP em 2000, o Acordo de Cotonou expira no final de 2020 e, de facto, levanta inevitavelmente muitas questões porque, passados 20 anos, os interesses das partes são cada vez mais divergentes. A UE, por exemplo, está agora a considerar tratar diretamente com os países africanos separadamente do bloco ACP e vice-versa. Que estrutura deverá ter o novo acordo? Que mudanças precisam de ser feitas? Que fatores devem ser tidos em conta? Numa tentativa de responder a estas questões, este estudo propõe a realização de uma avaliação dos pilares fundadores do Acordo de Cotonou (Ajuda, Cooperação Comercial e Cooperação Política) ao longo dos seus 20 anos de funcionamento, a fim de determinar o verdadeiro fosso entre os objetivos estabelecidos e os atingidos. Mas também para examinar os fatores que a influenciaram a fim de realçar os desafios a enfrentar no futuro quadro de cooperação UE-ACP.
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Hengari, Alfredo Tjiurimo. "A regional economic partnership agreement between SADC and the European Union within the Cotonou framework : opportunities and challenges for the political economy of regional integration in SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49851.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the most notable features of the relations between the European Union and SADC is the current reconfiguration of their trading architecture as encapsulated in the Cotonou Agreement. Such a process of change can be shown to have inevitably been the result of policy shifts, which are salient characteristics of a global political economy, whose ontology is embedded theoretically in neo-liberalism. Nevertheless, any process of change in the structure of global trading relations has the logical outcome of systemically imposing either challenges or opportunities, and in some cases both, on the participants of that structure. This study represents a scholarly attempt at creating a lucid and descriptive embodiment of the challenges and opportunities involved for SADC in the negotiation and implementation of a Regional Economic Partnership Agreement (REPA) with the European Union. These challenges and opportunities, obligatory within a REPA framework are theoretically pronounced in as far as they shape the political economy of regional integration in SADe. The process of negotiating such a multifaceted agreement with a sophisticated partner, calls for institutional and negotiating capacity. Undoubtedly, such capacity is beyond the membership of SADe. The point is also emphasized that the process of trade liberalization, ingrained in a REPA will create a complex and difficult interface with the current SADC initiatives underway to deepen regional integration. Tellingly, these would contradict the cautious developmental and bottom up approach taken by SADC in its drive for regional integration. Conversely, this study concedes that a REPA with the EU holds a number of novel opportunities for SADC because such a process would provide scope for the fundamental restructuring of the SADC economies. The competitive pressures through decreased levels of protection within a REPA can create an upward convergence of low performing industries in the region. These, amongst others are important aspects if the political economy of SADC is to move into a virtuous cycle of deeper integration and ultimate insertion in the global economy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die mees opvallende kenmerke van verhoudinge tussen die Europese Unie (EU) en Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap (SAOG) is die huidige rekonjigurasie van handelsbetrekkinge, soos vervat in die Cotonou Ooreenkoms. Hierdie proses is die onafwendbare gevolg van beleidsveranderinge in die internasionale politieke ekonomie, met 'n. ontologie wat teoreties in neo-liberalisme gewortel is. Sodanige veranderinge in die struktuur van internasionale handelsverhoudinge. bied uitdagings sowel as geleenthede, en soms beide, aan deelnemers van sodanige struktuur. Hierdie studie is 'n akademiese poging om 'n helder en deskriptiewe blik te werp op die uitdagings en geleenthede vir die SAOG met betrekking tot die onderhandeling en implimentering van die Regionale Ekonomiese Venootskapsooreenkoms (REVO) met die EU Hierdie uitdagings en geleenthede, wat verpligtend is binne die REVO struktuur, is teoreties belangrik in soverre as wat dit die politeke ekonomie van regionale integrasie in SADC beinvloed. Die onderhandelingsproses van so 'n komplekse dokument met gesofistikeerde vennote vereis intitusionele en onderhandelingskapasiteit. Hierdie kapasiteit is nie in SAOG te vinde nie. Die punt word ook benadruk dat die proses van handelsliberalisering, wat deel uitmaak van REVO, botsend kan wees met SAOG inisiatiewe om regionale integrasie te versterk. In essensie sal dit die huiwerige ontwikkelings en 'onder na ba' benadering, wat die SAOG tans volg, weerspreek. Aan die ander kant, gee die studie toe dat 'n REVO met die EU 'n hele aantal voordele inhou, aangesien so 'n proses momentum kan voorsien vir verreikende herstrukturering van SAOG ekonomieë. Die kompeterende druk a.g. v. 'n afname in beskermingsvlakke onder die REVO, kan lei tot 'n opwaartse neiging onder tradisionele swakpresterende nywerhede in die streek. Hierdie is onder andere belangrike aspekte wat SADC in gedagte moet hou, ten einde deel te word van die deugsame kringloop van dieper integrasie, en uiteindelike deelwording van die internasionale ekonomie.
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Leesik, Susanna. "Understanding the EU's Variable Commitment to Human Rights and Democratic Principles : A comparative case study of the EU's invocation of the Human Rights Clause under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-383955.
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Adje, Couzahon. "L’accord de partenariat de Cotonou : vers une nouvelle forme de coopération entre l'Union Européenne et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique?" Thesis, Paris Est, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PEST0088/document.
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L'objectif principal de l'Accord de partenariat économique (APE) est la mise en conformité des arrangements commerciaux entre les États ou groupes d'États avec les dispositions de l'Organisation Mondiale de Commerce (OMC)notamment l'introduction de la réciprocité dans les relations commerciales entre l'Union européenne (UE) et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP).La signature de l'Accord de partenariat économique par certains pays ACP, suscite encore à l'heure actuelle des critiques sur les effets de la suppression des préférences commerciales dont dépendent de nombreux pays ACPThe main purpose of te economic partnership agreement (EPA) is to make the commercial settlements between states or groupe of states cumply with the clauses of the World Trade Organization (WTO) namely the introduction of the principle of the reciprocity in the commercial relations between the European Union (EU)and the African, Caribbean and Pacifique states (ACP).The signing of the economic partnership agreement by some ACP countries,still currently sparks of critisims upon the consequences deriving from the revocation of trade preferences, of wich numerous countries are dependent on
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Nikabou, Lantame Jean. "Les conventions ACP-EU et les sanctions économiques de l'Union européenne contre les Etats ACP : le cas du Togo." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STRAA038/document.
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L’Accord de Cotonou, signé en juin 2000 entre l’Union européenne et les États d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP), se caractérise par un respect des droits de l’homme, des normes démocratiques et de l’État de droit d’une part, et la quête d’une conformité des normes aux principes de l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), d’autre part. En effet, la politique de développement mise en place par l’Europe au profit des États ACP a vu le jour avec le Traité de Rome et la création du Fonds européen de développement au profit des ces pays. Pendant longtemps, le partenariat, essentiellement économique, a octroyé d’énormes avantages aux pays ACP en vue d’assurer leur développement. Depuis bientôt deux décennies que les normes politiques ont été insérées dans ce partenariat, force est de constater que quelques pays, dont le Togo, demeurent toujours réticents quant à l’instauration de réelles réformes démocratiques en vue d’assurer une véritable alternance politique. En dépit des sanctions infligées çà et là par l’Union européenne, ces pays trouvent un appui auprès de la Chine qui mène, avec les pays d’Afrique, un partenariat en toute exclusion de la société civileCotonou agreement, signed in June 2000, between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Countries, is characterized by the respect of Human Rights, Democratic standards and Rule of Law in one side, and the quest for compliance with the standards principles of World trade Organization (WTO) in the other side. Since then the development policy implemented by Europe for ACP Countries was created with the Treaty of Rome which established European Development Funds, in favor of these countries. For many years, this partnership, mainly economic, has given huge benefits to ACP countries to ensure their development. For almost two decades that the political standards rules were introduced into this partnership, no doubt to notice that some countries, including Togo, are still reluctant to introduce real democratic reforms to ensure effective political changes. Despite sanctions here and there from the European Union, these countries find support from China who treats with African countries, a specific partnership excluding any Civil Society
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Abdou, Hassan Adam. "Les droits de l'homme dans les relations entre l'Union européenne et les États de l'Afrique subsaharienne." Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMR061.
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L’action extérieure de l’Union européenne en matière de droits de l’homme est singulièrement conduite vers l’Afrique subsaharienne, qui bénéficie d’une position particulière. Il s’agit ici d’analyser les droits de l’homme dans les relations entre l’Union européenne et les États de l’Afrique subsaharienne sous l’angle de la recherche constante de l’équilibre. Il s’agit alors de déterminer si les droits de l’homme sont un facteur de progrès dans ces relations, d’un point de vue internationaliste. Par une méthode critique et pragmatique, la recherche a permis de dégager une définition instrumentale des droits de l’homme et d’examiner les différentes formes d’ingénierie juridique dans ces relations. Dans un premier temps, la thèse met en évidence la spécificité de l’intégration des droits de l’homme, c’est-à-dire le processus de création des droits de l’homme qui est dominé par les institutions européennes, et les instruments de promotion et de protection de ces droits qui s’inspirent du droit de l’Union. Le processus juridique de production et le produit des droits de l’homme dans ces relations pose la question de la cohérence des différentes politiques de l’Union en matière de coopération au développement. Dans un second temps, la recherche se penche sur le degré de réalisation des règles de droit dans les faits, par le seuil d’effectivité et d’ineffectivité. Cette appréciation permet de s’interroger sur les incidences et les causes de l’effectivité et de l’ineffectivité des droits de l’homme dans les relations entre l’Union européenne et les États de l’Afrique subsaharienne. Il en ressort une pratique mitigée du mécanisme de garantie de ces droits au regard d’une application à géométrie variable de ce régime juridique et de la permanence des enjeux extra-juridiques. Des interventions tierces dans ces relations d’organisations internationales (ONU, UA) ou d’États (Chine) tentent de compléter ou de réexaminer la conditionnalité de la coopération au développement au respect des droits de l’hommeThe European Union’s external action as far as human rights are concerned is specially geared toward sub-Saharan Africa, which benefits of a particular position. The purpose here is to analyze human rights in relations between the European Union and the sub-Saharan African states in terms of a search of a constant equilibrium. It is actually a matter of determining whether human rights are a factor of progress in these relations from an internationalist point of view. Through a critical and pragmatic approach, the research allowed to deliver an instrumental definition of human rights and examine the different forms of legal work in these relations. First the thesis will highlight the specificity of the integration of human rights, the creative process of human rights that is dominated by the institutions of the European Union and the instruments of promotion and protection of these laws, which are inspired by the law of the Union. The legal process of production and the product of human rights in these relations raise the question of the consistency of the various policies of the European Union in matters of development cooperation. Second, the research looks at the degree of realization of the rules of law in effects through a threshold of effectiveness and ineffectiveness. This assessment will raise the question of the incidences and the causes of effectiveness and ineffectiveness of human rights in the relations between the European Union and the sub-Saharan African states. It appears a moderate practice from the guarnanteeing mechanism of these laws, albeit through an application that varies from country to country of this legal system and of the permanence of extra legal issues. Third-party interventions in these international organizations relations (UN, AU) or of States (China) try to complete or reconsider the conditionality of the development cooperation for human rights
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Kone, Siaka. "Catégorisation et évaluation de divers scénarios de conclusion du volet agricole du cycle de Doha pour les filières coton en Afrique de l'ouest et du centre." Thesis, Montpellier, SupAgro, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011NSAM0015/document.
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À l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC), le Cycle de Doha pour le Développement, lancé en 2001, achoppe sur le volet agricole, en particulier sur le dossier coton. La thèse vise à analyser, catégoriser et évaluer les impacts des positions dans les négociations en cours du Cycle de Doha pour le Développement, émanant des États membres de l'OMC, des organisations non gouvernementales, des universitaires et des institutions internationales. L'originalité de l'évaluation réalisée est accentuée par la prise en compte d'un scénario alternatif qui tient davantage compte du traitement spécial différencié en faveur des pays en développement. Face au scénario de statu quo de l'Accord de l'Uruguay Round, les scénarios actuellement proposés sont ceux du projet de modalités révisé de Falconer de décembre 2008 sans disposition particulière pour le coton, du projet de modalités révisé de Falconer de décembre 2008 avec des dispositions particulières pour le coton (position « C4 »), et des propositions respectives de l'Union Européenne et des États-Unis. Le scénario alternatif que nous proposons intègre l'amélioration de l'accès du coton des pays africains au marché chinois et le renforcement du soutien domestique dans les pays cotonniers d'Afrique de l'Ouest et du Centre. Mais l'originalité de ce scénario additionnel procède de l'affectation des économies réalisées par les pays développés, dans la réduction de leurs soutiens domestiques, pour constituer un fonds de solidarité internationale de soutien à la filière coton des pays en développement. Par souci de comparaison, le scénario de libéralisation totale des échanges est également pris en compte, même s'il relève du domaine purement théorique. Nous avons utilisé le modèle ATPSM (Agricultural Trade Policy Simulation Model) pour mesurer les impacts des sept scénarios en termes de production et d'échanges internationaux. Notre évaluation intègre aussi la mesure de l'équité, en nous appuyant sur l'approche de Stiglitz et Charlton. Nos résultats montrent que le scénario alternatif augmente le prix aux producteurs de coton de 10,8%, mieux que les propositions du C4 (9,0%) et des USA (6,1%). Le scénario alternatif augmente le prix mondial (8,1%) et le volume des exportations de coton (2,3%), certes à un degré moindre que la proposition du C4 mais davantage que celle des États-Unis. Au regard du critère d'équité, le scénario alternatif est aussi favorable que les autres scénarios et mieux que le statu quo de l'Uruguay Round. Le scénario alternatif présente les éléments favorables à un compromis pour conclure le Cycle de Doha, avec des effets bénéfiques pour les pays en développement et l'introduction d'un mécanisme nouveau de solidarité internationaleAgriculture, especially cotton, causes contention in the World Trade Organization's (WTO) Doha Development Agenda (DDA) since 2001. This study analyses and provides quantitative estimates of the likely economics impacts of various scenarios. We propose an alternative scenario further based on the principle of special and differential treatment provided to developing countries. We consider seven key scenarios in this study: (1) the Uruguay Round agreements, (2) Falconer' negotiation draft, revised in December 2008 but without special measures for cotton, (3) Similar Falconer's draft but including special measures for cotton as proposed by the C4 Group, (4) the European Union position, (5) the United States position, (6) our alternative scenario of agreements and (7) the total liberalization even if ambitious in scope. Our alternative scenario lies on the improvement of the access of African cotton into the Chinese market and on the strengthening of domestic support to cotton production in West and Central Africa. This scenario is original by considering the set up of a new fund for international solidarity through the subsidy savings implemented by developed countries. We use the Agricultural trade Policy Simulation Model (ATPSM) to evaluate the economic effect and the Stiglitz and Charlton theory of equity for equity assessment. The results showed that our alternative scenario increases the world cotton price by 8.1%, the producer price by 10.8% which is higher than the Falconer' negotiation draft with special measures for cotton (9.0%) and the United States position (6.1%). With regard to the equity criteria, our alternative scenario is as attractive as the other scenarios in comparison with the Uruguay Round agreements scenario. The alternative scenario can help to conclude the WTO-Doha Development Agenda. This scenario takes into account some key elements of a compromise between major actors of WTO, and provides provisions for and international fund to help the west and central Africa cotton sectors
17
Egbako, Tossé Alexandre. "La coopération entre l’Union européenne et les pays d'Afrique, des Caraïbes, et du Pacifique : une perspective d’anthropologie politique." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCC323.
Full textAbstract:
La coopération entre l’Union européenne et les pays d’Afrique, des Caraïbes et du Pacifique (ACP) n’a pas permis aux Pays ACP d’atteindre leurs objectifs de développement et la fin des Accords de Cotonou prévue pour 2020 arrive à grand pas. Cette thèse s’est donné pour ambition d’aller au-delà de l’analyse des programmes européens de développement pour montrer les logiques, les processus, les contradictions en oeuvre dans le champ de la coopération ainsi que les représentations des acteurs. Ce travail s’inscrit dans une perspective d’anthropologie politique pour apporter de nouveaux éléments à la compréhension de la coopération entre l’Union européenne et les pays ACPThe cooperation between European Union and the African, Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP) countries did not allow the ACP countries to reach their development goals and the end of Cotonou agreements in 2020 is fast approaching. The aim of this thesis is to go beyond the analysis of European development programs to show the logics, processes, contradictions at play in the field of cooperation as well as the representations of the actors. This work falls within the framework of a political anthropology perspective in order to bring forth new elements for a better understanding of the cooperation between European Union and the ACP countries
18
Han, Jia-Jun, and 韓佳君. "The signing and implementation achievement of the Cotonou Agreement (2000-2009)." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/60227027918856652564.
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碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
98
The Lomé Convention which signed in the year 1975 by the European Community and ACP countries was replaced by the Cotonou Agreement in the year 2000. The Cotonou Agreement is a global agreement, introducing important changes and ambitious objectives while preserving the acquis of 25 years of ACP-EC cooperation. It is designed to establish a comprehensive partnership, based on three complementary pillars: development cooperation, economic and trade cooperation, and the political dimension. The Cotonou Agreement provides for a revision clause which foresees that the agreement is adapted every five years. The Cotonou Agreement was first adapted in the year 2005 and bringed into five new challenges: enhance political dialogue between EU and ACP countries, realize the United Nations Millennium Developing Goals, eradicate poverty and increase economic and trade network. The objective of the thesis is to discuss the background, internal and external factors of signing and adapting the Cotonou Agreement, and to analyze if it has already reached the objectives. The thesis is based on the perspectives of Neoliberal Institutionalism Theory and the whole thesis uses the methods of historical research and documentation analysis research. Overall, The Cotonou Agreement only has limited implementation achievement and the result of the second revision of the Cotonou Agreement in 2010 will affect further implementation of the agreement in the future.
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Marante, Margarida Xavier. "O Acordo de Cotonou e as migrações climáticas." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/73619.
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This paper develops a study on the issue of climate change and its consequences at a global level, especially on population migration and its approach from the Cotonou Agreement.
Starts from the realization that climate change is a current and urgent concern, the consequences of which will affect all countries on the planet in different ways. However, the poorest and developing countries are the most vulnerable.
The impact on countries around the world, particularly as a result of natural disasters, droughts, hurricanes and rising sea levels will seriously threaten the quality of life, the territories and even force the displacement of millions of people per year, which in parallel with survival, will be a matter of security. In line with this concern, it is also noted that there is no established legal concept or regime for climate migrants.
Within an international perspective, the study focuses on the Cotonou Agreement, a landmark partnership between the European Union and the APC Group, since 2000, which currently covers 28 UE countries and 79 ACP countries, devoted to poverty eradication, cooperation and political dialogue towards sustainable development.
Closely examines the 2010 revision to the Agreement, which has formalized the issue of climate change, acknowledged the special vulnerability of developing countries to the climatic consequences and promoted dialogue and cooperation in order to establish strong strategies of prevention and adaptation.
It is noted that the Cotonou Agreement has not added any solutions or prospects for cooperation to respond to population flows due to climate factors, that have already occurred and will only increase in the future, leaving the issue of climate migration unregulated.
It is analyzed that the term of validity of the aforementioned Agreement is set for February of next year, so the present work sets out some of the solutions that could regulate the matter of climate migrations in the scope of Cotonou, hoping that the errors of the past will teach us soon enough, in time to diminish the tragedies of the future.O presente trabalho desenvolve um estudo acerca das alterações climáticas e das suas consequências num âmbito global, especialmente sobre as migrações populacionais, e a abordagem que lhes é dada pelo Acordo de Cotonou. Parte da constatação que as alterações climáticas são uma preocupação atual e urgente, cujas consequências afetarão todos os países do planeta, de forma diferente. Contudo, serão os países em vias de desenvolvimento e mais pobres os mais vulneráveis. O impacto nos países espalhados por todo o planeta, nomeadamente em resultado de catástrofes naturais, secas, furacões e subida do nível da água do mar vão ameaçar seriamente a qualidade de vida, os próprios territórios e até a sobrevivência das populações, cenário que provocará a deslocação forçada de milhões de pessoas por ano, o que, em paralelo com a sobrevivência, tornar-se-á numa questão de segurança. Alinhada a esta preocupação, nota-se também que não existe conceito nem regime jurídicos estabelecidos para os migrantes climáticos. Enquadrado numa perspetiva internacional, o estudo vem-se focar no Acordo de Cotonou, parceria marcante entre a União Europeia e o Grupo APC, desde 2000, que abrange atualmente 28 países da UE e 79 países ACP, vocacionado para a erradicação da pobreza, cooperação e diálogo político rumo ao desenvolvimento sustentável. Examina de perto a revisão de 2010 feita ao Acordo, na qual se formalizou o tema das alterações climáticas, se reconheceu a vulnerabilidade acrescida dos países em desenvolvimento face às consequências climatéricas e se promoveu o diálogo e a cooperação para a definição de estratégicas de prevenção e adaptação. Constata-se, porém, que o Acordo de Cotonou não acrescentou qualquer solução ou perspetivas de cooperação para responder aos fluxos populacionais em virtude dos fatores ambientais, que já ocorrem, e só aumentarão no futuro, deixando por regular a matéria das migrações climáticas. Analisa-se que o termo de vigência do mencionado Acordo marca-se para fevereiro do próximo ano, pelo que o presente trabalho enuncia algumas das soluções que poderão regular a matéria das migrações climáticas no âmbito de Cotonou, na esperança que sejam corrigidos os erros do passado, a tempo de se diminuírem as tragédias do futuro.
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Pavelková, Kristina. "Rozvojová spolupráce EU se zeměmi ACP : přístup ke Rwandě, Haiti a Východnímu Timoru." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-339597.
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The work looks at EU's development policy through the lens of one of integration theories, namely multi-level governance. The relationship between the EU and three countries from ACP group, Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor is being analysed. From current trends of multi-level governance the research is focusing on the process of strengthening of supranational level and on advancing regionalization, understood in terms of regional integration on one side and the transfer of powers to lower administrative units or local emancipation. The work is inspired by the idea of the author Martin Holland that integration theories are better observable on EU's development policy than on EU's integration itself. Using the comparison of official EU's declarations over development cooperation with ACP group and real agenda implemented in those countries, the work investigates EU's involvement during penetration of surveyed countries into transnational structures, into regional coalitions and the promotion of emancipation of lower administrative units in the country. The research aims to analyze bonds formed between the European Union and Rwanda, Haiti and East Timor, which, according to Martin Holland, the concept of multi-level governance should best describe.
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Gallie, Martin. "L'accord de Cotonou et les contradictions du droit international : l'intégration des règles de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce et des droits humains dans la coopération ACP-CE." Thèse, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/2367.
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Ce travail poursuit deux objectifs principaux: un objectif juridique et un objectif d'ordre
épistémologique.
Il s'agit tout d'abord de rendre compte d'un point de vue juridique et empirique les
implications du passage des Conventions de Lomé à l'Accord de Cotonou. Nous examinons
les implications de la redéfinition des accords de coopération sur les politiques de
développement des Etats ACP, et plus précisément l'évolution des obligations à la charge des
deux groupes de pays dans les domaines du commerce international et des droits humains.
Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la non réciprocité des obligations commerciales
entre les deux groupes de pays qui caractérisait les Conventions de Lomé est définitivement
écartée au profit d'obligations réciproques et identiques pour les deux groupes de pays en
conformité des dispositions de l'Organisation mondiale du commerce. Le principe de
l'inégalité compensatrice est abandonné au profit de la libéralisation commerciale. Le
traitement spécial et différencié, pourtant consacré dans l'Accord instituant l'OMC, apparaît
ainsi dépourvu d'une grande partie de son intérêt.
Dans un deuxième temps, ce sont les obligations relatives au respect des droits humains qui
retiennent notre attention. L'élargissement du champ de la coopération à des questions
considérées depuis l'indépendance comme des questions relevant de la compétence interne
des Etats, se traduit par une remise en cause de la souveraineté des Etats ACP. Le principe de
non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures, héritage de la décolonisation, est ainsi remis en
question. Mais surtout, nous établissons que tous les droits humains ne sont pas concernés par
cet élargissement.
Le deuxième objectif de ce travail est d'ordre épistémologique. Il VIse à démontrer le
caractère heuristique d'une analyse constructiviste du droit pour la compréhension de notre
objet mais aussi l'intérêt de ce type d'approche au regard des débats qui structurent le champ
disciplinaire sur les rapports entre les droits humains et le droit du commerce international. A
travers l'étude de l'Accord de Cotonou, nous tentons de mettre en lumière le fait que les droits
humains et règles de l'OMC n'évoluent ni de manière complémentaire ni séparément et qu'il
ne suffit pas de raisonner en termes de «rattrapage» et de correctifs ponctuels afin
d'harmoniser ces deux champs de règles.
En conclusion nous constatons que cinq ans ont suffi aux institutions européennes pour
réaliser un véritable «exploit» politique. Elles ont réussi à renverser l'ensemble des
obligations économiques qui étaient à la charge des deux groupes de pays, à supprimer les
protocoles produits en faveur des ACP, à faire adopter un programme de libéralisation
commercial qui va au-delà de tout ce qui a été négocié jusqu'ici au niveau multilatéral et ce,
sous couvert de mise en conformité avec les dispositions de l'ÜMC. Enfin, l'DE a fragilisé le
Groupe ACP en le morcelant en six régions, dont certaines n'ont aucune existence
institutionnelle, avec lesquelles elle négocie actuellement un vaste programme de
libéralisation commerciale.
En ce qui a trait au respect des droits humains on constate qu'à la différence des normes de
l'OMC qui font l'objet de négociations permanentes et structurent le cadre institutionnel et le
fond de la coopération, le respect des droits humains ne fait pas ou peu l'objet de négociations
entre les deux groupes de pays. De plus, s'ils occupent désormais une place centrale dans le
discours des institutions communautaires en charge du développement, le seul mécanisme mis
en oeuvre pour sanctionner leurs violations est utilisé d'une manière partiale et sélective. Seule
l'DE peut l'utiliser et elle ne choisit de le faire que quand la sanction infligée à un pays ACP
ne met pas en péril ses propres intérêts. Bref, l'intégration des droits humains dans le cadre de
la coopération contribue davantage aujourd'hui à une remise en cause de l'égalité souveraine
des Etats qu'à la promotion des Pactes de 1966, au respect des normes de l'OIT ou du droit
des réfugiés.This work pursues two aims. The first one is to seek to understand and to explain the stakes and the implications of the transformation of the Lomé convention into the Cotonou agreement, from a constructive approach of law. It is then a question of contributing to the legal thought concerning the degree of complimentary and coherence between the two fields of the internationallaw, human rights and international trade law. The second aim led us to look into the question of the real integration, which proved to be selective, of the standards coming from these two fields of law into the Cotonou Agreement. In the cooperation, the breach of human rights, as the OMC standards, is appreciated in a subjective and unilateral way by the E.U. Far from contributing to a complementary approach, the cooperation reinforces the dichotomy between these two fields of internationallaw, by treating them on a hierarchical basis.
"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures de l'Université de Montréal en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en Droit (LL.D.) Et à A la faculté de droit Jean Monnet en vue de l'obtention du doctorat en Sciences Juridiques"
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Keller, Sara Regina. "A new era for the eu-sadc trade relationship: a critical analysis of the EU-SADC EPA and the impact on regional integration in SADC and South Africa’s role in the negotiations." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/3679.
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Magister Legum - LLMThe EPA’s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA’s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.
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Bermudez, Jessica Raquel. "The Economic partnership agreements and Market Power Europe : a case study of the African, Caribbean and Pacific States." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/33357.
Full textAbstract:
There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations.Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Thomas, Steven B. "A regionally integrated Pacific : the challenge of the Cotonou Agreement to Pacific regionalism : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury /." 2004. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20061013.143054.
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Keller, Sara Regina. "A new era for the EU-SADC trade relationship: a critical analysis of the EU-SADC EPA and the Impact on regional integration in SADC and South Africa's role in the negotiations." Thesis, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5014_1259914480.
Full textAbstract:
The EPA&rsquo
s will have an impact on regional integration in Africa, especially in the SADC region. The region has been split between the SADC and ESA EPA configuration therefore impacting on regional integration objectives set out under the SADC Trade Protocol.The EPA&rsquo
s will be concluded separately with six of the sub groupings under the ACP grouping. With the EU-SADC EPA negotiations has come a problem of overlapping of membership of the different regions which has created confusion and conflicts. Members of Southern African Development Cooperation (SADC) did not all enter into the EU-SADC EPA has one. The EU-SADC EPA configuration consists of Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Swaziland and Tanzania. The rest of the SADC member states are negotiating with the EU-ESA configuration. With South Africa having been allowed into the negotiations, its role should be examined and what it can contribute to the negotiations. Another conflict that has been created is the fact that South Africa has its own bilateral agreement with the EU thus putting stain on the trade relationship between South African and the rest of the SADC countries.
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Bosman, Willem. "An analysis of the actor-oriented approach as tool in international development cooperation." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1777.
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