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1

Janczyk, Rafał. "The Samoa Agreement and the Cotonou Agreement – Comparative Analysis." Kwartalnik Prawa Międzynarodowego I, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0054.4506.

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The article contains a comparison of two international agreements – the 2023 Samoa Agreement and the 2000 Cotonou Agreement. In addition to examining the evolution of cooperation between the parties to the agreements, the article contains a reflection on whether the intended goals are possible to achieve. The historical overview of previous cooperation between the EU and the OACPS allows to notice that the Agreement fits into the trend of cooperation lasting more than 60 years. Apart from indicating the legal basis of the Agreement, the article contains information about the parties, the period of application and the basic goals. The article concerns the strategic priorities declared in the agreements, which are regulated differently, because the new one in addition to the declarations to protect human rights, also regulates the provisions that result from the emergence of new social phenomena. The migration and mobility provisions are aimed to limit the effects of the current crisis at EU borders. The Agreement expanded and regulated both the issue of migrants' rights as well as the issues of return, readmission and reintegration. The Agreement allows for new forms of cooperation and implementation measures, and declares the parties aim to seeking common actions, positions and votes. The article explained the institutional framework that has been expanded in the new Agreement. The final provisions concern dispute resolution and default. Both procedures assume solving problems within the institutional framework of the Agreement. The last part of the article assesses the global consequences of concluding the Agreement and draws attention to its importance in the relations between the EU, its Members and the OACPS.
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Carbone, Maurizio. "The Rationales Behind the EU-OACPS Agreement: Process, Outcome, Contestations." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 2 (May 1, 2021): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021018.

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This article examines the rationales of the European Union (EU) and the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) in the preparations and negotiations of the successor to the Cotonou Agreement, paying particular attention to contested issues. It argues that the EU-OACPS Agreement constitutes a fundamental break from past practices, at least apparently: with regards to form, it introduces an unprecedented framework for cooperation, articulated in a common base with three distinct regional pillars; in terms of substance, it proposes a list of equally important strategic priorities, thus going beyond the previous focus on development. Furthermore, unlike its predecessor but like many other agreements signed by the EU with third states, it sets out a comprehensive political partnership for mutually beneficial outcomes. This article, importantly, unravels sources of tensions between and within the two sides. It also shows that negotiations were more symmetrical than in previous instances, not least because contentious issues such as aid volumes and trade cooperation fall outside the remit of the EUOACPS Agreement, and less participatory, as they were largely conducted by a small number of official representatives, with limited involvement of other stakeholders. EU-OACPS Agreement, Cotonou Agreement, post-Cotonou, ACP Group, African Union, EU development policy
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Thallinger, Gerhard. "From Apology to Utopia: EU–ECP Economic Partnership Agreements Oscillating between WTO Conformity and Sustainability." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 4 (December 1, 2007): 499–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007042.

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This contribution assesses the future Economic Partnership Agreements between African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the EU and its Member States in the light of their questionable WTO conformity and their goal to promote sustainable development. After a brief outline of the legal framework and political background of the Economic Partnership Agreements, the article depicts their objectives as provided for in the Cotonou Agreement. Thereafter, the criteria for their conformity with Article XXIV GATT as well as the conceivable repercussions of a WTO-compatible design on the achievement of sustainable development are analysed. It will thereby be argued that, against the backdrop of the current uncertainty and the need for clarification of the requirements for North–South regional trade agreements under Article XXIV GATT, WTO-compatible Economic Partnership Agreements calling for a restrictive design of flexibility and asymmetry threaten to subvert the Cotonou Agreement’s aim that they shall foster sustainable development and contribute to poverty alleviation. Hence, solutions to mitigate this inherent tension between WTO conformity and sustainability will finally be pointed out.
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4

McBean, Bridget. "Viewing Cotonou From a Helicopter." African Research & Documentation 95 (2004): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018240.

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Finding the most worthwhile information for one's purpose today is no easy task. An array of information providers has exploded. The Internet, twentyfour hour television channels, numerous magazines and journals provide facts and opinion. But which source is more credible? How can one formulate one's own opinion or position, especially when working with nuanced or topical subjects? It is believed that specialised research requires a different approach to accurate information gathering.The role of information managers and providers is paramount. They have the ability to search and structure interesting resources for use of a range of users. This paper maps some of the principle sources of information about the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, including the core texts such as the Agreement, and also sources supplying analysis; facts and comments on the content, process and progress of the Agreement.
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McBean, Bridget. "Viewing Cotonou From a Helicopter." African Research & Documentation 95 (2004): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305862x00018240.

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Finding the most worthwhile information for one's purpose today is no easy task. An array of information providers has exploded. The Internet, twentyfour hour television channels, numerous magazines and journals provide facts and opinion. But which source is more credible? How can one formulate one's own opinion or position, especially when working with nuanced or topical subjects? It is believed that specialised research requires a different approach to accurate information gathering.The role of information managers and providers is paramount. They have the ability to search and structure interesting resources for use of a range of users. This paper maps some of the principle sources of information about the Cotonou Partnership Agreement, including the core texts such as the Agreement, and also sources supplying analysis; facts and comments on the content, process and progress of the Agreement.
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6

Hurt, Stephen R. "African Agency and EU-ACP Relations beyond the Cotonou Agreement." EU International Development Cooperation post-2020 16, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v16i2.1075.

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7

Kelsey, Jane. "Going Nowhere in a Hurry? The Pacific's EPA Negotiations with the European Union." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i1.5659.

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This paper explores the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiation process of the EU-ACP with a focus on the Pacific region. To comply with the requirements of the Cotonou Agreement 2000 and the requirements of the WTO EPAs must be negotiated before 2008. They will replace the trade arrangements between the EU and the ACP States pursuant to the Cotonou Agreement 2000. The Pacific states have proposed a creative EPA text to address their concerns about the effects of any new agreement with the EU. Professor Kelsey's view is that the Pacific 'wish list' contains two intrinsic tensions : one between its trade liberalisation and development agendas, and the other between the affirmation of sovereign integrity and supranational institutional arrangements. Moreover, the EU and the Pacific states have different trade interests and the demands made by the Pacific states have largely been rejected by the EU. The conclusion is that the production of a final text of the Pacific EPA is not imminent.This paper was written prior to the military coup in Fiji on 5 December 2006 and does not discuss the significant implications of that event for the negotiations.
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8

Nwobike, Justice. "The Application of Human Rights in African Caribbean and Pacific–European Union Development and Trade Partnership." German Law Journal 6, no. 10 (October 1, 2005): 1381–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200014383.

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The Africa Caribbean Pacific–European Union (ACP-EU) Development and Trade Cooperation Relationship is currently regulated by the Cotonou Partnership Agreement. This agreement, which has been described as “the only one of its kind in the world” is based on the three pillars of politics, trade, and development between the EU and its Member States on the one hand and a group of developing countries on the other.
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9

Doval Hernandez, Violeta. "Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between the EU and Western Africa:." ESIC Digital Economy and Innovation Journal 1, no. 3 (July 4, 2022): e53. http://dx.doi.org/10.55234/edeij-1-3-053.

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In the context of Cotonou and Post Cotonou Partnership Agreements stablished between the European Union and former colonies named by the group of African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP), this paper investigates the possible risks over ACP of one of the Agreement main objectives: the Free Trade Areas or EPAs (Economic Partnership Agreements).With this purpose, the paper uses as a case study the analisis of Western African, focusing on the particular context of Senegal. The selected region presents some of the paradox that are communly seen in ACP countries: an outstanding wealth in natural resources, together with some of the lowest indicators of Human Development in the world. Thus, despite the region hosts up to 267 international companies exploiting the mining sector (International Transparency, 2013) and one of the world richest maritime areas, basic needs for its population are still a challenge. To adress such complex matter as an International Trade Agreement launched by the European Union with a wide block of countries of ACPs the paper presents a survey including both primary and secondary data collection in a mixted methodology which combines quantitative and qualitative data. In-depth interviews were carried out at two Directorates of the European Commission to responsibles for external relations with West Africa. In Senegal, officials of public institutions and civil society representatives were consulted. The research concludes that the EU policies promoted with ACP countries in EPAs framework show serious contradictions with the social, environmental and economic priorities of the mostly classified as Least Developed Countries in Western Africa region. Thus, for Senegal case, the policies would increase the risk of increasing dependency on food imports and food insecurity.
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Byron, Jessica. "‘Singing From the Same Hymn Sheet’: Caribbean Diplomacy and the Cotonou Agreement." European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies | Revista Europea de Estudios Latinoamericanos y del Caribe, no. 79 (October 15, 2005): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/erlacs.9660.

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11

Keijzer, Niels, and Mario Negre. "Outsourcing a partnership? Assessing ACP–EU cooperation under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement." South African Journal of International Affairs 21, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 279–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2014.946959.

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12

Kebonang, Zein. "Generosity undermined: the Cotonou Agreement and the African Growth and Opportunity Act." Development in Practice 17, no. 1 (February 2007): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09614520601092287.

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13

KINGAH, STEPHEN. "THE REVISED COTONOU AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AND THE AFRICAN, CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC STATES: INNOVATIONS ON SECURITY, POLITICAL DIALOGUE, TRANSPARENCY, MONEY AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY." Journal of African Law 50, no. 1 (April 2006): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855306000064.

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The revised version of the Cotonou Agreement that sanctions relations between the European Community (EC) and African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP) has been endorsed for a further five years. The new agreement contains a chronicle of changes that are significant. This research comment identifies a number of issues where novel provisions have been introduced into the text of the first agreement signed on 23 June, 2000. The new text contains innovations that relate to security, political dialogue, transparency, money and social responsibility. The security clauses include an express commitment by the partners to combat terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, as well as mercenary activities. In addition, adherence to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court is explicitly encouraged. Changes regarding political dialogue and transparency pertain to the increase in the time allotted for political consultation in the event of a serious case of violation of the articles proscribing political excesses and gross financial impropriety. In terms of development money, the list of potential beneficiaries has been widened. However, the net effect of the preceding statement may be obviated by the extensive oversight the EC Commission now has to control the use of funds. Provisions relating to structural reforms have been tempered to reflect the special needs of post-disaster stricken least developed countries. The latter reforms are equally in consonance with the partners' increasing consciousness of the fact that structural adjustment cannot be decoupled from social responsibility. In general terms, the revised Cotonou Agreement strengthens the power asymmetries in the relations.
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14

Nwobike, Justice C. "The Emerging Trade Regime Under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement: Its Human Rights Implications." Journal of World Trade 40, Issue 2 (April 1, 2006): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2006015.

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15

Martenczuk, Bernd. "From Lomé to Cotonou: The ACP–EC Partnership Agreement in a Legal Pespective." European Foreign Affairs Review 5, Issue 4 (December 1, 2000): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/321987.

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16

Constant LaForce, Vanessa. "A comparison between the Cotonou Agreement and the EU Generalized System of Preferences." Journal of International Trade Law and Policy 12, no. 1 (March 22, 2013): 42–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/14770021311312494.

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17

Flint, Adrian. "Marrying poverty alleviation and sustainable development? An analysis of the EU–ACP Cotonou agreement." Journal of International Relations and Development 11, no. 1 (March 2008): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jird.2008.1.

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18

Hadfield, Amelia. "Janus Advances? An Analysis of EC Development Policy and the 2005 Amended Cotonou Partnership Agreement." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 1 (February 1, 2007): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007004.

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This article suggests that an inherent duality of poverty-reduction goals and security objectives now typifies EU development policy. The EC is attempting in Janus fashion to incorporate seemingly oppositional dynamics into its development policy, with the result that development policy itself now operates more robustly as official EU foreign policy. Both outcomes may be observed in the 2005 Amended Cotonou Partnership Agreement and the 2006 Development Consensus. While adhering to the original development objective of poverty reduction, the CPA represents an apparent break from poverty-reduction policies established in the 2000 CPA. The rise of politicized and especially securitized principles have had unsettling effects on the objectives of EC development policy while enhancing the impact of EU foreign policy.
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19

Kalicka-Mikołajczyk, Adriana. "Współpraca Unii Europejskiej z wybranymi państwami niedemokratycznymi Afryki Subsaharyjskiej w obszarze poszanowania praw człowieka." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 43, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 593–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.43.4.45.

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In Art. 3, para. 5, the Treaty on European Union (TEU) lays down the objectives of the Union in relations with the wider world, which are further explained in detail in Art. 21. In the first place, para. 5 refers to the promotion of the Union’s values. The list of values can be found in Art. 2 TEU (“The Union is founded on…”), which lists the principle of democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights, human dignity, freedom and equality. They are to be upheld and promoted by the Union in the wider world. Thus, they are directly linked to external policy. Next, the list of values in Art. 2 is repeated in Art. 3, para. 5 as objectives of the Union’s external policy and in Art. 21, para. 1 as principles. For this reason, international agreements concluded between the EU and third countries all contain a “human rights clause” as an essential element of the agreement, the violation of which might result in the suspension of the agreement. This article focuses on the human rights clause in relations between the EU and selected non-democratic Sub-Saharan African countries. The main legal basis governing bilateral relations between the EU and those countries is the Cotonou Agreement. The “human rights clause” is to be found in Art. 9 thereof. This clause is especially interesting since it is the only one that has been implemented in practice. Moreover, it is often presented as the most elaborate one, and as a consequence is very often shown as a “model” that should be followed in other international agreements, especially in association agreements. So, the “human rights clause” contained in the Cotonou Agreement has its own characteristic features. Firstly, as it was mentioned above, it is the only one that has been activated in practice. Secondly, the “non-execution clause” is much more detailed, and finally, much more emphasis is laid on political dialogue and on the consultation procedure. This paper provides a propaedeutic analysis of legal cooperation between the EU and selected non-democratic Sub-Saharan countries in the area of human rights protection. Its main objective is to answer the following questions: to what extent the EU cooperates with such countries? What are the issues the clause covers? Is it effective? To what extent could it be enhanced? For analysis, the following countries have been chosen: Chad, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda, and Zimbabwe. According to the Freedom House’s annual Freedom in the World report, the Global Freedom Scores for all these countries do not exceed 35 points, which equates to lack of democracy. Moreover, another feature which all of them have in common is a very low score on the Human Development Index (HDI), which means that all of them belong to the poorest and least developed countries in the world.
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Yusuf Abdullah, Mohammed. "Globalization of Patent Laws through Trade Agreements, and Pressures." International Journal of Advanced Research in Humanities and Law 1, no. 1 (September 17, 2023): 55–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.63053/ijrel.5.

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Given that patent law emerged in domestic systems, there was an obvious diversity of patent regimes. With the advent of cross-border movement of resources, including inventions, there was a need for a harmonized patent regime. The issue went to another level with the entry into force of the WTO/TRIPS Agreement, which requires WTO members to enact new patent laws or amend existing ones to make them TRIPS compliant. The Ethiopian Patent Law, which was enacted in 1995, is strangely TRIPS compliant, tempting many to think that it had Ethiopia‟s forthcoming accession in mind. However, with Ethiopia yet to complete the accession process, there are further pressures from industrialized countries to ensure that stringent patent rules are complied with in developing countries. This article examines TRIPS, the Cotonou Agreement and AGOA as effective instruments of ensuring compliance. It is argued that the Ethiopian patent system will continue to observe TRIPS and other standards as dictated by the Global North.
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21

Human Rights Law in Africa, Editors. "COTONOU AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE AFRICAN, CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC GROUP OF STATES." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 703–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00602.

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22

Kingah, Sevidzem Stephen. "Trade relations between the EU and Africa: development, challenges and options beyond the Cotonou Agreement." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 130 (December 2011): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.631331.

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23

Ancellet, G., E. Orlandi, E. Real, K. S. Law, H. Schlager, F. Fierli, V. Thouret, C. Mari, and J. Leclair de Bellevue. "Tropospheric ozone production related to West African city emissions during the 2006 wet season AMMA campaign." Atmospheric Chemistry and Physics Discussions 10, no. 11 (November 10, 2010): 27135–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/acpd-10-27135-2010.

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Abstract. During the African Monsoon Multidisciplinary Analyses (AMMA) airborne measurements of ozone, CO and nitrogen oxides by the French and German falcon aircraft took place near three cities in West Africa (Cotonou, Niamey and Ouagadougou). Significant ozone production (O3 increase of 40–50 ppbv) took place during two specific events: one near Cotonou on the coast of the Guinea Gulf, and the other near Niamey in the Sahel region. In both cases a high level of NOx (>3 ppbv) is related to the ozone production. The ozone production is mainly driven by the Lagos-Cotonou anthropogenic emissions in Cotonou. In Niamey the combined effect of advection of VOC emissions from the forest and stagnation over the city area and the poorly vegetated soils recently wetted by convected systems is needed to achieve a similar level of ozone precursors. In Ouagadougou no ozone plume is found because of the absence of a pause in the convective activity and of the larger vegetated area around the city which prevented ozone plume formation during the wet season. To discuss the ozone increase near Cotonou two different approaches have been implemented: a FLEXPART simulation to quantify the probability of transport from the SH compared to air mass stagnation over the emission area and a simulation of the BOLAM mesoscale model with two different tracers for the anthropogenic emission (RETRO inventory for 2000) and the biomass burning. The BOLAM model shows a good agreement with the meteorological observations of the aircraft and allows to identify the key influence of the anthropogenic emissions in the first 3 km while the biomass burning plume remains above this altitude. The day to day variability of the ozone and CO in Niamey and Ouagadougou is discussed using FLEXPART simulations of the air mass stagnation in the 12° N–14° N latitude band and northward advection of air masses from the vegetated areas influenced by the biogenic volatile organic compound (VOC) emissions. Both conditions need to be fulfilled to be able to detect ozone increase within the city plume. The first condition is necessary to obtain a significant increase of the NOx concentrations by combining the city emission and the soil emission. It also shows that, contrary to the Niamey conditions, the Ouagadougou air mass transport and its timing respective to the convective activity did not correspond to favourable conditions for O3 formation during the time period of the aircraft data. Finally to check the magnitude of the ozone production related to the observed CO and NOx observations, a 2-days stationary run of the CittyCAT Lagrangian model was conducted at Cotonou location. The initialisation of the chemical concentrations not measured is done by scaling to the NOx and CO concentrations observed in the polluted plume. The scaling factor is derived from the low altitude observations provided by the DF20 and the BAe-146 aircraft during the AMMA campaign. Under such conditions, the simulation show that 50 ppbv of ozone can be produced in a 2-days period.
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24

Bartelt, Sandra. "ACP-EU Development Cooperation at a Crossroads? One Year after the Second Revision of the Cotonou Agreement." European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Issue 1 (February 1, 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012001.

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The article presents the second Revision of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)-European Union (EU) Partnership Agreement (Cotonou Agreement (CA)) and contains an outlook on the future of the relations between the EU and the ACP Group of States, taking also into account the restructuring of the EU's external relations under the Lisbon Treaty and the establishment of the new European External Action Service (EEAS). The second Revision of the CA was signed in June 2010.Ten years after the conclusion of the CA, its second revision sought to find a balance between the increasing trend towards differentiation within the ACP Group and the unity of the ACP Group of States. The EU side felt that developments in the regional dimension had to be addressed, such as the relations with the African Union as a key interlocutor for peace and security in the pan-African dimension and the conclusion of (interim) Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). Moreover, the 2010 Revision coincided with the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty on 1 December 2009. The restructuring of the EU's external relations under the Lisbon Treaty and its impact on the relations between the EU and ACP also influenced the 2010 Revision, as the ACP were concerned about the loss of their special status under the new treaty regime. In addition, at the administrative level, the bilateral relations with the ACP countries will be dealt with by the EEAS and not by the former Commission's Directorate-General for development, which means a potential loss of exclusivity for the ACP Group.
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Donnou, Hagninou E. V., Aristide B. Akpo, Clément A. Kouchadé, Basile B. Kounouhewa, Guy H. Hounguè, Gbènoukpo F. Nonfodji, and Julien Djossou. "Vertical Profile of Wind Diurnal Cycle in the Surface Boundary Layer over the Coast of Cotonou, Benin, under a Convective Atmosphere." Advances in Meteorology 2019 (April 1, 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/7530828.

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The characteristics of the wind vertical profile over the coast of Cotonou during wind convective diurnal cycle were explored in this study. Wind data at 10 m above the ground and the radiosonde data in the lower 60 m of the surface boundary layer were used over the period from January 2013 to December 2016. Based on Monin–Obukhov theory, the logarithmic and power laws have allowed characterizing the wind profile. The error estimators of the Root Mean Square Error (RMSE) and the Mean Absolute Error (MAE) were, respectively, evaluated at 0.025; 0.016 (RMSE; MAE) and 0.018; 0.015. At the site of Cotonou, the atmosphere is generally unstable from 09:00 to 18:00 MST and stable for the remainder of the time. The annual mean value of the wind shear coefficient is estimated at 0.20 and that of the ground surface roughness length and friction velocity are, respectively, of 0.007 m, 0.38 m·s−1. A comparative study between the wind extrapolation models and the data was carried out in order to test their reliability on our study site. The result of this is that whatever the time of the year is, only the models proposed (best fitting equation) are always in good agreement with the data unlike the other models evaluated. Finally, from the models suitable for our site, the profile of wind convective diurnal cycle was obtained by extrapolation of the wind data measured at 10 m from the ground. The average wind speed during this cycle is therefore evaluated to 8.07 m·s−1 for August which is the windiest month and to 4.98 m·s−1 for the least windy month (November) at 60 m of the ground. Considering these results, we can so consider that the site of Cotonou coastal could be suitable for the installation of wind turbines.
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Wolf, Susanna, and Francis A. S. T. Matambalya. "The Cotonou Agreement and the Challenges of Making the New EU-ACP Trade Regime WTO Compatible." Journal of World Trade 35, Issue 1 (February 1, 2001): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/332621.

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Noukpo Bernard, TOKPOHOZIN, FANNOU Jean-Louis C., HOUNGUE H. Guy, HOUEKPOHEHA A. Mathias, and KOUNOUHEWA B. Basile. "ENERGETIC POWER ESTIMATION OF SWELLS AND ORBITAL MARINE CURRENTS IN BENIN COASTAL ZONE (GULF OF GUINEA)." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 02 (February 28, 2023): 366–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/16261.

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The announced depletion of fossil energy resources is fueling some speculation. It is therefore urgent to explore the different renewable energy sources available to Benin. In the ocean, in addition to swells, there are also orbital marine currents generated by them. An advantageous solution for the countries located in the Gulf of Guinea is the recovery and transformation of the energy of the swell and its orbital marine currents into electrical energy. Swells are adult waves that propagate freely at the atmosphere-ocean interface. In this work, based on measurements made by the Millenium Challenge Account (MCA-Benin) as part of the extension of the Autonomous Port of Cotonou, we have shown that the swells at the Autonomous Port of Cotonou are Airy swells or of Stokes. We have identified the modified Boussinesq equations, proposed by Peregrine in 1967, as the theory for characterizing the evolution of these swells during their formation in the coastal zone. The variations of the different wave parameters (height, wavelength, period, phase and group velocities) are characterized from the shoaling zone to the breaking point. With this theory the results obtained are in agreement with the experimental measurements made, they perfectly describe the amplification of the height of these waves and show that these swells become very energetic when they approach the coast.
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Mackie, James. "Continuity and change in international co-operation: The ACP-EU Cotonou Partnership Agreement and its first revision." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9, no. 2 (June 2008): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850801999636.

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Voiculescu, Aurora. "From CSR for Trade to CSR through Trade: The Chronicle of a European Link Foretold?" European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 5 (December 1, 2009): 743–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009051.

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This article looks at the unfolding of the corporate social responsibility (CSR) debate in the European context and at the way this debate contributes to the promotion of CSR through the EU policies and through a subtle, potentially expanding normative regime. Looking at the ethos of the European CSR environment, the article addresses the variety of regulatory and non-regulatory signals received by the European institutions from its Member States. Next, the article looks into the various stages through which the European institutional position on CSR has been honed, reflecting the link between CSR and trade at policy level and the role played by the process of integrating a consistent human rights policy into the external, outward-looking dimension of the European CSR strategy. Building on this analysis and highlighting the CSR potential of instruments such as the Cotonou Agreement, the article looks into the way in which CSR and trade are intertwined in the latest models of European trade and development agreements as instruments of European foreign policy and as examples of the European approach to the social issues of globalization.
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Langan, Mark. "Embracing a Human Political Economy: A Critique of ‘Abstraction’ within Studies of the ACP-EU Cotonou Partnership Agreement." Methodological Innovations Online 3, no. 1 (April 2008): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4256/mio.2008.0009.

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Voiculescu∗, Aurora. "UNORTHODOX HUMAN RIGHTS INSTRUMENTS: THE ACP‐EU DEVELOPMENT CO‐OPERATION FROM THE LOMÉ CONVENTIONS TO THE COTONOU AGREEMENT." Journal of Commonwealth Law and Legal Education 4, no. 1 (April 2006): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050710600800145.

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Smis, Stefaan, and Sevidzem Stephen Kingah. "THE UTILITY OF COUNTER-TERRORISM AND NON-PROLIFERATION OF WMD CLAUSES UNDER THE EU–ACP REVISED COTONOU AGREEMENT." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 57, no. 1 (January 2008): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589308000067.

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Hodu, Yenkong Ngangjoh. "Regionalism in the WTO and the Legal Status of a Development Agenda in the EU/ACP Economic Partnership Agreement." Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 2 (2009): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181009x431767.

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AbstractThe proliferation of regional trade agreements (RTAs) which share similar ideals with the World Trade Organization (WTO) has added to claims of disintegration within international trade law. Notwithstanding the ambiguity surrounding the reading of General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) Article XXIV on RTAs, WTO members are continuously negotiating RTAs with objectives which have so far not received universal acceptance under the WTO treaty system. In the context of European Union (EU)-Africa trade relations, the December 2007 EU-Africa summit was expected to be an appropriate venue for leaders from both sides to resolve the controversy surrounding the idea of development-friendly free trade agreements between the contracting parties. But, the summit was wrapped up without achieving any clear answer to this issue. Similarly, at the multilateral level, i.e. the WTO Doha Development Round negotiations, which the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States have sponsored, numerous development-friendly proposals on RTAs stalled since July 2006. Consequently, in view of this controversy, if development concerns can be factored into economic partnership agreements (EPAs), what would be an acceptable threshold for such RTAs to conform to GATT Article XXIV requirements of “substantially all trade” and “reasonable period of time”? This paper discusses the idea of development and WTO compatibility in the context of the EU-Africa Economic Partnership negotiations. In view of the flawed dispute settlement provisions under the Cotonou Partnership Agreement (CPA), the paper further tries to answer the question of whether the CPA contains rights and obligations that need protection by individual EU member courts and may necessarily be enforced before the European Court of Justice. The paper ends with some thoughts on the post-EPAs adjustment programme.
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Del Biondo, Karen. "EU Aid Conditionality in ACP Countries: Explaining Inconsistency in EU Sanctions Practice." Journal of Contemporary European Research 7, no. 3 (September 21, 2011): 380–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v7i3.294.

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The EU is often criticised for using negative conditionality only in poor, strategically less important countries in the ACP region. However, whether and why there is inconsistency within the group of ACP countries has not been properly investigated. Therefore, this article investigates the reasons for the EU’s non-application of Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement in five countries that can be considered typical cases where negative conditionality is generally imposed, namely countries that experienced flawed elections over the last ten years: Ethiopia, Rwanda, Nigeria, Kenya and Chad. On the one hand, the study confirms previous findings that security interests tend to trump the EU’s efforts to promote democratisation. On the other hand, the article adds that democratisation might not only conflict with the EU’s interests, but also with its objective to promote development and poverty reduction.
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Hilpold, Peter. "EU Development Cooperation at a Crossroads: The Cotonou Agreement of 23 June 2000 and the Principle of Good Governance." European Foreign Affairs Review 7, Issue 1 (February 1, 2002): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/404883.

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36

Carbone, Maurizio. "Caught between the ACP and the AU: Africa’s relations with the European Union in a post-Cotonou Agreement context." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1551153.

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37

Schütze, Robert. "EU Development Policy: Constitutional and Legislative Foundation(s)." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 15 (2013): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888713809813530.

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AbstractThe Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.
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Schütze, Robert. "EU Development Policy: Constitutional and Legislative Foundation(s)." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 15 (2013): 699–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003219.

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Abstract The Union’s constitutional regime for development policy has traditionally progressed alongside two parallel tracks. In addition to a general regime for all developing countries, there exists a special regime for African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP countries). The Union’s general development policy originated as a flanking policy within the Common Commercial Policy. This trade-centricity was only relativised by the insertion of an express development aid competence in 1992. The Union’s development cooperation competence can today be found in Article 209 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) and allows the Union to adopt legislative acts or conclude international agreements to reduce poverty within developing countries. By contrast, the Union’s special development regime has had a very different constitutional source. It stemmed from the ‘colonial’ association to the Union (qua its Member States) of certain dependent ‘oversees countries and territories’ for which the 1957 Treaty of Rome had provided a limited development competence. Once these countries gained independence in the 1960s, however, the Union had to transfer this special regime to its contractual association competence under Article 217 TFEU. The association regime for ACP countries has itself undergone a number of significant changes with the transition from the Lomé Convention(s) to the Cotonou Agreement.
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Rutazibwa, Olivia Umurerwa. "In the name of human rights: the problematics of EU ethical foreign policy in Africa and elsewhere." Afrika Focus 27, no. 1 (February 25, 2014): 96–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02701007.

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This doctoral research project explores avenues to research ethically defined foreign policy differently, i.e. in ways that more systematically account for its counterproductive elements. Building on the specific case of the European Union’s foreign policy in sub-Saharan Africa, embodied by the 2000 Cotonou Agreement and the 2007 Joint Africa-EU Strategy, through four papers and one books review, the study firstly develops the Ethical Intervener Europe analytical framework to account for the embedded problematics in the EU’s ethical foreign policy. Secondly, through an eclectic theoretical approach, the study seeks to theoretically pin-point some alternatives to think about ethical foreign policy and finally, looks to concretize it through its application on the case of relative autonomous peace- and state-building in Somaliland. This research report briefly introduces the different findings and addresses the need for further research in view of a decolonial approach to the study of ethical foreign policy in a context of structural inequality.
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40

Gudin, Charles-Etienne. "Le Statut Communautaire de la Polynésie Française." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i1.5658.

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From the point of view of France, French Polynesia is an integral part of the French Republic but it does have a certain degree of political autonomy. From the point of view of European Community law, French Polynesia has a special status under the Part 4 of the EC Treaty. That Part confers on French Polynesia the benefit of a special relationship with the European Union. In addition French law considers that those living overseas are all French citizens and therefore have under the EC Treaty the status of European citizen. In this paper the author considers the nature of the association of the French territories to the European Union that is provided in the Treaty and notes that it is not radically different from that provided in the Cotonou Agreement. Working from that point the article investigates whether the provisions of Part 4 alone apply to the overseas territories and seeks to identify the true range of the application of community law to the overseas territories.
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Hurt, Stephen R. "Co-operation and coercion? The Cotonou Agreement between the European Union and acp states and the end of the Lome´ Convention." Third World Quarterly 24, no. 1 (February 2003): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713701373.

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42

Kouadio, Yves K., Sandrine Djakouré, Angora Aman, K. Eugène Ali, Vamara Koné, and Elisée Toualy. "Characterization of the Boreal Summer Upwelling at the Northern Coast of the Gulf of Guinea Based on the PROPAO In Situ Measurements Network and Satellite Data." International Journal of Oceanography 2013 (September 12, 2013): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/816561.

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The boreal summer upwelling along the northern coast of the Gulf of Guinea (GG) is characterized using new in situ sea surface temperature (SST) from onset sensor and satellite TRMM Microwave Imager (TMI) datasets. This study aims to encourage intensive in situ SST measurements at the northern coast of the Gulf of Guinea. It shows good agreement between daily in situ SST and TMI SST and similar coastal upwelling onset date, end date, and durations calculated using both datasets. Interannual evolution of the onset date at four stations along the northern coast of GG indicates that the upwelling can be initiated at one cape or simultaneously at both the cape of palms and the cape of three points. It can be also initiated eastward towards Cotonou or globally off all the northern coasts of GG. Nonsignificant trend is found on upwelling onset date and end date variability. Moreover, this study shows that SST is significantly warm or cold some years. Ocean conditions during these years are related to known physical processes.
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Pogorelskaya, A. M. "The EU Agenda on Migration and Development towards ACP countries: Challenges of the Pandemic." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, no. 1 (April 11, 2022): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-18-25.

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The article covers 30 years of EU agenda on migration and development. The research objective was to assess its continuity, determine the main trends, and outline the challenges that the cooperation between the EU and the ACP has to face after the pandemic. The EU agenda on migration and development proved to be rather stable. However, the EU motivates migration cooperation by development aid while most ACP countries do not welcome this approach. As a result, the contradictions between the EU and the ACP still exist, despite their formal cooperation after the Cotonou agreement expired. The main trends in the EU policy were the principle of conditionality and the EU's attempts to abandon the universal approach to their ACP partners. The COVID-19 pandemic has aggravated the contradictions in migration and development issues, thus preventing the European Union from upgrading its development policy. The pandemic has the following consequences: global increase in securitization of immigration; strict entry rules and immigration policies; the prospect of expanding access to health care systems for citizens and immigrants. These consequences will inevitably affect the relations between the EU and the ACP.
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44

LANGAN, MARK. "A moral economy approach to Africa-EU ties: the case of the European Investment Bank." Review of International Studies 40, no. 3 (February 13, 2014): 465–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021051300048x.

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AbstractThe European Union's (EU) trade and development ‘partnership’ with the African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) countries has long interested scholars of North-South relations. Historically, the theoretical literature on ACP-EU ties has been characterised by liberal institutionalist accounts of interdependence and critical assessments of Europe's neo-colonialism. In the timeframe of the Cotonou Agreement (2000–20), this division has expressed itself in relation to liberal assessments of Europe's pursuit of pro-poor market reforms in the Post-Washington Consensus and critical accounts of Europe's neoliberal ‘development’ agenda. This article argues that amoral political economyoffers an innovative lens for the latter critical assessment of ACP-EU ties. With a constructivist focus on Europe's normative ‘development’ agenda, a moral economy standpoint may draw attention to the EU's role in (re)embedding poverty through recourse to legitimating ethical discourse. This is seen to enable the critical school to more closely consider ideational/discursive power in response to contemporary liberal institutionalist accounts. The article focuses on the European Investment Bank (EIB) and its activities in ACP countries – with particular focus on the Bank's Investment Facility (IF) – as an exemplar of the disjuncture between norms and outcomes.
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45

Rein, Conrad. "The Prospects for the Future of European Union–African Union Relations in Uncertain Times." European Review 25, no. 4 (September 6, 2017): 550–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000217.

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The importance of Africa for Europe was highlighted in the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Although the overarching framework for relations between the European Union and Africa is embedded in the 2000 Cotonou Agreement, cooperation between the European Union and Africa became increasingly institutionalized through the European Union–Africa Summits of 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2014, during which political leaders from both sides made strong rhetorical commitments to a strategic partnership. Yet, for the wider public, the relationship between the European Union and Africa appears to be both obscure and complex. The fifth European Union–Africa Summit is scheduled to take place in Ivory Coast in November 2017. This article will provide an overview of the development of European Union–Africa relations that coincided with the emergence of the African Union, the successor of the Organisation of African Unity. The so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between the European Union and the African Union represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. By highlighting current challenges affecting both, such as irregular migration, this article will, however, demonstrate that cooperation between the two is limited and somewhat lacking in strategic direction.
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46

Bernini, Carri Carlo, and Maria Sassi. "Scambi commerciali agricoli e accordi di partenariato tra Unione Europea e Africa." ECONOMIA AGRO-ALIMENTARE, no. 2 (October 2009): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ecag2009-002005.

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- The Cotonou Partnership Agreement, signed on 2000, marks the beginning of a new cooperation phase between acp countries and the eu. The iv pillar of the Agreement, aimed at the creation of a free trade area, concerns the economic and trade cooperation and is targeted to make trade in line with the wto rules and to allow the acp countries a full participation to international trade understood as strategic condition for supporting growth and development. In this context, the trade relationships between the eu and Africa are of specific importance when referred to agricultural products. The liberalization process might have a significant impact for the eu as leading world exporter and importer of agricultural goods and the wider destination and origin market of the African food and agricultural products. On the African side, agricultural export are often the primary source of foreign exchange for food imports required for domestic food security. Furthermore, the new Partnership Agreement creates an additional market access only for the agricultural products that, however, might results strongly constrained by the limited supply potential and high eu sps standards. Thus, the analysis of the costs and benefits connected to the liberalization process in both the eu and Africa is relevant for a better understanding of the forthcoming competitive scenario for the agricultural products. This is the topic of the paper that, with reference to the time period from 1995- 2006, provides a preliminary analysis of the main features of the agricultural trade flows between the eu-25 and Africa; the competitive potential of the sector; the explanatory variables of the African export flows trends to the eu-25. Despite the eu is negotiating an Agreement with the African countries as a whole, the analysis also distinguishes among geographic areas in order to estimate the likely different impact of agricultural trade liberalization. To the same aim food and agricultural product are considered separately.JEL Codes: Q17 - Agriculture in International TradeKey words: agricultural trade, trade and development, agricultural competitiveness
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47

Petersmann, Ernst-Ulrich. "Book Review: The European Union and the Developing Countries; The Cotonou Agreement, edited by Olufemi Babarinde and Gerrit Faber. (Leiden: Brill, 2005)." Common Market Law Review 44, Issue 2 (April 1, 2007): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/cola2007055.

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48

Delputte, Sarah. "The ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly Seen by its Members: Empowering the Voice of People’s Representatives?" European Foreign Affairs Review 17, Issue 2 (May 1, 2012): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2012023.

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This article examines the role of the European Union's (EU) Joint Parliamentary Assembly (JPA) with the Africa-Caribbean-Pacific (ACP) group of states. Bringing together 105 countries from four different continents and characterized by a more than forty-five-year long continuity and a high degree of institutionalization, the JPA is a unique institution in the EU's network of inter-parliamentary diplomacy. Despite its increased importance in the past decade, the role of the JPA remains understudied in academic literature. The analytical framework for examining this role consists of two parts. While the first part is based on a document analysis and expert interviews, the second part investigates the JPA members' own role conceptions by means of semi-structured interviews with delegates from the European Parliament and national ACP parliaments. We argue that the role of the JPA is (1) to advocate the empowerment of the ACP national parliaments, (2) to socialize parliamentarians towards a democratic culture, and (3) to monitor the implementation of the Cotonou agreement. The conclusion reads that, while the role of the JPA has been strongly extended, there are some serious endogenous and exogenous problems that have a major impact on its activities and its influence.
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Cichecka, Anna. "EU-Africa Relations: looking through a gender lens." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2021 (December 9, 2021): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.21.6.

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The expiry of the Cotonou Agreement encourages European states to change their approach towards African countries. Efforts undertaken by the European Union may end the relationship based on dependency and may open access to a more equal partnership with common interest at the centre. The consequences of the ongoing negotiations between the EU and Africa constitute important determinants for shaping economic, political and social relations in the coming years, and therefore deserve special attention. The results of this discussion will be also crucial to women’s status and gender concepts. Accordingly, the main aim of this article is to evaluate gender initiatives undertaken between the EU and Africa in selected aspects of their cooperation, with particular emphasis on the ongoing negotiations. The article has been elaborated on the basis of gender-sensitive analysis, that is also called a gender-lens perspective. Firstly, this article presents an overview of the evolution of gender agenda in institutional and legal framework of cooperation between Europe and Africa. Secondly, this text refers to the agreements and disagreements over gender agenda during the ongoing negotiations. And the last part of the article are conclusions. The research is based on the following methods and tools: critical analysis of existing sources (desk research); content analysis of subject literature, press releases and the information published by the European Union and African Union; as well as the field research and interviews that the author has conducted with representatives of the non-governmental organisations in Tanzania. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9, number: 2015/17/N/HS5/00408.
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Damtie, Fikadie. "Analyzing the Dynamics: EU and UN Perspectives on the African Union." Journal of Asian Multicultural Research for Social Sciences Study 5, no. 1 (April 4, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.47616/jamrsss.v5i1.490.

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This article presents a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics between the European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) in their interactions with the African Union (AU). Recognizing the AU's pivotal role in addressing Africa's challenges, the study investigates historical trajectories, policies, and key priorities shaping EU and UN perspectives on the AU. Through a multi-methodological approach, including document review and comparative analysis, it explores areas of convergence, divergence, and potential conflicts in their approaches, shedding light on implications for the AU's development and international relations. Tracing the historical evolution of EU-AU and UN-AU relations, pivotal moments such as the Cotonou Agreement and the establishment of the UN Office to the African Union (UNOAU) are highlighted. Analysis reveals shared objectives in peace, security, sustainable development, and governance, with nuanced differences in emphasis and approach. While areas of alignment exist, particularly in peacekeeping and sustainable development goals, divergences emerge in governance, human rights, and economic relations, posing challenges to collaboration.Case studies, including joint peacekeeping missions in Mali and development initiatives in Eastern Africa, offer insights into successes, challenges, and lessons learned, informing recommendations for future collaborations. Opportunities for enhanced cooperation, such as joint capacity-building initiatives and aligned development programs, are identified.The study contributes to a nuanced understanding of EU and UN perspectives on the AU, providing insights into their implications for Africa's development. Recommendations for improvements in coordination mechanisms, communication channels, and decision-making processes are proposed to enhance effectiveness. Future research avenues include evaluating economic partnerships' impacts and exploring innovative funding models to unlock transformative impact on the African continent. Ultimately, this analysis informs policymakers and international practitioners, fostering constructive partnerships for Africa's stability, prosperity, and sustainable development.
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