Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cotton policy'

The agriculture and manufacturing sectors have been identified and prioritized by the Zambian government as sectors that could contribute significantly to poverty reduction through industrialization and creation of employment. The cotton textile industry is one such industry that cuts across the two sectors. This research paper focuses on the cotton textile industry in Zambia, with specific emphasis on Mulungushi Textiles Limited that was reopened by the Republican President, His Excellency, Mr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu in August 2016 after having been closed for about a decade. To this end, the main objective of the research paper is to analyze the economic viability of revamping Mulungushi Textiles Limited by focusing on determinants of viability which included; production cost, government policies and strategies, and institutional arrangements, among others. The study analyzes mainly qualitatively both primary and secondary data. Primary data was principally sourced through interviews and observations, while secondary data was through online and physical sources such as books, reports and other written publications. From the research findings, Mulungushi Textiles Limited factory machinery is obsolete and dilapidated to fully operationalize the business strategic units of ginning, spinning, weaving, dyeing and printing, garment production and cooking oil processing. The study recommends that the factory should undergo a complete overhaul in the long run and in the short run, resume garment production which was identified to be a low hanging fruit. The study concludes that, with the right investment, policies, strategies and concerted efforts from both the public and private sectors, revamping Mulungushi Textiles Limited is economically viable and has great potential to contribute to the government's efforts in promoting inclusive growth through poverty reduction, particularly in rural areas where poverty is mostly prevalent.

The thesis attempts to provide a critical evaluation of the social consequences of privatization. It is mainly based upon a field study conducted in Eregli, an industrial town in Central Anatolia, and evaluates workers&rsquo<br>attitudes towards the effects of privatization on their lives. For that purpose, firstly, social development paradigm is highlighted since its current premise is the necessity of privatization<br>secondly, Turkish Experience of the State Economic Enterprises is taken into consideration<br>and lastly, providing a case study on the privatization of S&uuml<br>merbank Eregli Cotton Plant, social consequences of privatization are examined more closely. Thus, it will also be possible to point out concretely that privatization is a social phenomenon in addition to its economic side. The main conclusion of this thesis is that a large scale privatization without taking into consideration social returns damaged the welfare of communities in which it experienced.

<p> This dissertation examines the conditions that facilitate or impede the transformation of land rights from common to individual property. It does so by focusing on cotton-growing areas of Tajikistan, which exhibit substantial variation in patterns of land tenure arrangement. Specifically, the project addresses the following questions: Why, despite efforts by state and international organizations to support land reform, some, but not other, farmworkers established individual tenure by withdrawing their land shares from collective peasant farms? Why do some cotton-growing areas have more agricultural land held in family farms, whereas other areas in collective peasant farms? Drawing on the distributional theory of property rights, I argue that to understand why land tenure reform has unfolded as it did in Tajikistan, one has to consider the effect of land reform strategy, land allocation formula, observable resources such as off-farm income, and reliability of access to water and its interaction with the level of labor supply. These factors affect the bargaining power of Soviet rural elites-turned-managers of collective peasant farms, who resist land subdivision, and Soviet farmworkers-turned-shareholders, who prefer land individualization, and as a consequence cause much of the variability one observes in patterns of land redistribution. Predicated on qualitative (interviews and participant observations), and quantitative (multilevel linear and logistic models) methods of analysis, the findings of this dissertation have implications for the literature on property rights, decentralization, and the postcommunist literature on land reform, and generate policy implications that might be relevant to government and international organizations involved in promoting land reform in Tajikistan and other developing countries.</p>

Dentro da PEB para a África do governo Lula, com a importância da cooperação técnica agrícola para o fortalecimento das relações com os países africanos, a EMBRAPA passou a ter papel essencial para a sua realização. Neste trabalho, o problema de pesquisa é se a Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária (EMBRAPA) começa a ter relevância na Política Externa Brasileira, a partir do segundo governo Lula (2007-2010), ao cooperar, via Agência Brasileira de Cooperação do Ministério das Relações Exteriores (ABC/MRE), no Projeto Cotton-4. A partir disto, a hipótese de pesquisa a ser averiguada através do estudo de caso do Projeto Cotton-4 é: “se a EMBRAPA poderia ser considerada um ator nas Relações Internacionais, devido ao aumento do seu papel no continente africano através da Política Externa Brasileira a partir do Governo Lula no eixo da cooperação Sul-Sul”. Neste projeto, a EMBRAPA tem o papel de implementá-lo nos países pertencentes ao Grupo Cotton-4: Benin, Burkina Faso, Chade e Mali, com o objetivo de estimular o desenvolvimento do setor algodoeiro. Para analisar o papel da EMBRAPA como possível novo “ator” nas Relações Internacionais, o trabalho aborda: a Política Externa Brasileira e a nova relação do Brasil com o continente africano (2003-2013); a Agência Brasileira de Cooperação do Ministério das Relações Exteriores e o perfil da Cooperação Sul-Sul brasileira; e analisa o papel da EMBRAPA no Projeto Cotton-4. Esta análise é baseada em dados empíricos coletados por meio da entrevista em profundidade com a Gerência da África (língua francesa), Ásia (Meridional) e Oceania dentro da Coordenação Geral de Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CGPD) da ABC/MRE; de despachos do Diário Oficial da União; de reportagens sobre a EMBRAPA e, dos processos de licitação para a aquisição de bens e seleção de consultorias para o Projeto Cotton-4, contidos no Portal de Licitações do PNUD Brasil. Por fim, conclui-se que a EMBRAPA passa a ter um papel na PEB, por meio da efetivação da cooperação agrícola no Projeto Cotton-4.<br>Inside the BFP for Africa of the Lula government, the importance of agricultural technical cooperation to strengthen the relations with the African countries, EMBRAPA has now a key role in its implementation. In this work, the research problem is whether the Brazilian Agricultural Research Corporation (EMBRAPA) begins to be relevant in Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP), from the second government administration by Lula (2007-2010) to cooperate, via the Brazilian Cooperation Agency of the Ministry of Foreign Relations (ABC / MRE), the Cotton-4 Project. From this, the research hypothesis to be investigated through the case study of the Cotton-4 Project is: "if EMBRAPA could be considered an actor in the International Relations, due to the growth of its role on the African continent through the Brazilian Foreign Policy from Lula's government in the axis of South-South cooperation”. EMBRAPA's role is to implement this project within the countries that belong to the Cotton-4 Group: Benin, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mali, aiming to encourage the development of their own cotton sector. To analyze the role of EMBRAPA as a possible new "actor" in the International Relations, this essay approaches: the Brazilian Foreign Policy and the new relation between Brazil and Africa (2003-2013); the Brazilian Agency for Cooperation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the profile of Brazilian South-South Cooperation; and it analyzes the role of EMBRAPA in the Cotton-4 Project. This analysis is based on empirical data collected through in-depth interview with Management Africa (French language), Asia (Southern) and Oceania within the General Coordination of Technical Cooperation among Developing Countries (GCTCDC) ABC/MRE; documented orders in the journal Diário Oficial da União; news about EMBRAPA and from the bidding process for the procurement of goods and selection of consultants for the Cotton-4 Project, that are contained in the Portal Bids of PNUD Brazil. Finally, it is concluded that EMBRAPA takes a role in PEB, through realization of agricultural cooperation in the Cotton – 4 Project.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:22:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-05-05Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:27:58Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 silva_tl_me_mar.pdf: 830478 bytes, checksum: 4fdd9cdadd6b786d834510133d6da006 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)<br>O objetivo da dissertação é analisar a capacidade de eventos internacionais gerarem modificação em políticas públicas nos Estados Unidos. Para tanto, dois desafios internacionais a uma política tradicional dos Estados Unidos, a Farm Bill, foram analisados. Os casos são o contencioso do algodão entre Brasil e Estados Unidos na OMC e a ratificação pelo Congresso do CAFTA-DR. A análise foi conduzida à luz da literatura que trata das relações entre política doméstica e relações internacionais. Concluiu-se que os desafios internacionais tiveram sucesso parcial e que esse sucesso teve relação com o engajamento de atores domésticos norte-americanos, sobretudo do Executivo, em modificar a política agrícola em uma direção convergente com a pretendida pelos desafiadores. Os desafios, no entanto, não geraram estímulo suficiente para uma reforma estrutural abrangente da política agrícola até o momento. Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos; política agrícola; política comercial; algodão; CAFTADR Abstract This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the capacity of international events to cause changes in U.S. public policies. To do so, two challenges to a traditional U.S. policy, the Farm Bill, were analyzed. The cases are the cotton dispute between Brazil and the U.S. in the WTO, and the ratification of the CAFTA-DR by Congress. The analysis were conducted in the light of the literature about domestic politics and international relations. It is concluded that the international challenges had partial success and that that success was related to the engagement of U.S. domestic actors, mainly the Executive, in changing the agricultural policy to challengers´ intended direction. The challanges, however, didn’t produce enough incentive to a comprehensive structural reform of agricultural policy so far.<br>This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the capacity of international events to cause changes in U.S. public policies. To do so, two challenges to a traditional U.S. policy, the Farm Bill, were analyzed. The cases are the cotton dispute between Brazil and the U.S. in the WTO, and the ratification of the CAFTA-DR by Congress. The analysis were conducted in the light of the literature about domestic politics and international relations. It is concluded that the international challenges had partial success and that that success was related to the engagement of U.S. domestic actors, mainly the Executive, in changing the agricultural policy to challengers´ intended direction. The challanges, however, didn’t produce enough incentive to a comprehensive structural reform of agricultural policy so far.

Orientador: Tullo Vigevani<br>Banca: Sebastião C. Velasco e Cruz<br>Banca: Amâncio Jorge S. N. de Oliveira<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é analisar a capacidade de eventos internacionais gerarem modificação em políticas públicas nos Estados Unidos. Para tanto, dois desafios internacionais a uma política tradicional dos Estados Unidos, a Farm Bill, foram analisados. Os casos são o contencioso do algodão entre Brasil e Estados Unidos na OMC e a ratificação pelo Congresso do CAFTA-DR. A análise foi conduzida à luz da literatura que trata das relações entre política doméstica e relações internacionais. Concluiu-se que os desafios internacionais tiveram sucesso parcial e que esse sucesso teve relação com o engajamento de atores domésticos norte-americanos, sobretudo do Executivo, em modificar a política agrícola em uma direção convergente com a pretendida pelos desafiadores. Os desafios, no entanto, não geraram estímulo suficiente para uma reforma estrutural abrangente da política agrícola até o momento. Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos; política agrícola; política comercial; algodão; CAFTADR Abstract This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the capacity of international events to cause changes in U.S. public policies. To do so, two challenges to a traditional U.S. policy, the Farm Bill, were analyzed. The cases are the cotton dispute between Brazil and the U.S. in the WTO, and the ratification of the CAFTA-DR by Congress. The analysis were conducted in the light of the literature about domestic politics and international relations. It is concluded that the international challenges had partial success and that that success was related to the engagement of U.S. domestic actors, mainly the Executive, in changing the agricultural policy to challengers' intended direction. The challanges, however, didn't produce enough incentive to a comprehensive structural reform of agricultural policy so far.<br>Abstract: This dissertation has the purpose to analyze the capacity of international events to cause changes in U.S. public policies. To do so, two challenges to a traditional U.S. policy, the Farm Bill, were analyzed. The cases are the cotton dispute between Brazil and the U.S. in the WTO, and the ratification of the CAFTA-DR by Congress. The analysis were conducted in the light of the literature about domestic politics and international relations. It is concluded that the international challenges had partial success and that that success was related to the engagement of U.S. domestic actors, mainly the Executive, in changing the agricultural policy to challengers' intended direction. The challanges, however, didn't produce enough incentive to a comprehensive structural reform of agricultural policy so far.<br>Mestre

Genetically modified insect-resistant (Bt) cotton is widely cultivated in Pakistan, although the Pakistani Government has yet to approve its commercial cultivation. This thesis is the first in-depth, systematic and critical examination of its commercialisation through the informal sector, and explains the conundrum of around 6.4 million acres of ‘illegal’ cultivation of a GM crop.<br>Most popular Bt varieties under cultivation in Pakistan contain Monsanto’s genetic modification event (called MON 531), widely believed to be under patent protection in Pakistan. Not wanting to infringe Monsanto’s intellectual property rights (IPR), the Pakistani Government has refused biosafety approval to these varieties. Consequently, the Pakistani breeders of these high-yielding Bt varieties commercialised them in the informal sector. This research decriminalises seed provision in the informal sector and shows that rather than being discrete categories, the formal/informal sectors are locations across which breeders and varieties travel.<br>For its part, Monsanto is not willing to enter the Pakistani seed market, considering it too disorderly in which to operate. It seeks to operate in the ‘high-differential’ end of the market, therefore requiring active engagement of the Government to keep the farmer from dropping out. Alternatively, Monsanto proposes that the Government licenses MON 531 on payment of an annual technology fee for use by Pakistani farmers and breeders. This technology fee is compared with Monsanto’s cost of development of Bt products, and Pakistan’s budgetary allocation for agriculture. On both counts, the technology fee demanded by Monsanto is excessive.<br>An examination of Pakistan’s patent law and the patents granted to Monsanto reveals that neither MON 531 nor biotechnological products/processes required for its insertion in local cotton varieties are patented in Pakistan. Thus Pakistan presents a unique case where the Government has consistently honoured patents that it never issued. It is argued that Monsanto’s non-existent IPR has been honoured due to the particular social relations between Monsanto and Pakistani farmers and breeders. Since MON 531 is a commodity objectifying the labour of a particular social group, a patent thereupon becomes a means to operationalise the social relations between this social group and those who consume this commodity.<br>An alternate route for commercialisation is through the hybrid seed. Monsanto is willing to enter the Pakistani seed market if its technology can be carried in hybrid seeds. But the use of hybrid seed is economically unfeasible in cotton production, and there are significant problems with hybrid seed production in large quantities for the Pakistani market. Yet Monsanto and other companies prefer the hybrid route to technology commercialisation because of an important latent function that hybrids perform – they stop the farmer from saving seed.<br>It is argued that IPR and the use of hybrid seed are key social and technical strategies for accumulation by dispossession. They represent the commodification of seed, which is a pre-requisite for the process of accumulation. At the same time, these appear to be the only available strategies within existing social relations for improving cotton germplasm and for providing quality Bt seed to the Pakistani farmer.

This thesis looks at the divergent policy decisions on the commercial release of two genetically modified (GM) crops in India. Bt cotton was introduced in India in 2002, and has spread widely across the country, though not without controversy. In 2010, the first GM food crop – Bt Brinjal (eggplant) – was put forward for approval. In contrast to the Bt cotton decision, and following heated debate and a series of public consultations across the country, an indefinite moratorium was placed on the crop. In this thesis, I unpack the various factors that shaped both decisions and the politics that accompanied them. To facilitate this analysis, I use a conceptual framework that combines four key forces that are often the focus of food governance analysis, but which are not always considered together. I argue that the divergence in outcomes can be explained by a confluence of shifts in key elements of the policy process. These dimensions of influence can be understood in four related categories: corporate actors, institutional mechanisms, science and science networks, and discursive elements. Changes that took place in each of these dimensions in the period between the two decisions align to explain divergent outcomes that no individual influence could. The conceptual framework I develop in this thesis presents a useful structure to analyse the often-complex and multi-causal processes and outcomes related to food and environmental issues. The results of this research have implications for the future direction of agricultural GMO policy in India, as well as in other countries in the global South.

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Master’s Degree in Development Theory and Policy, March 2017<br>It has been the objective of the Zimbabwean government since 2009 to arrest deindustrialisation, embody reindustrialisation as the essence for development and structural transformation from production of primary goods to manufacturing of value added goods for the domestic and export market. The President of Zimbabwe traversed that “industrialization is the essence of development, industrial production creates job opportunities at higher skill levels, facilitates more useful links across the agricultural, mining and service sectors, between rural and urban economies, and across consumer, intermediate and capital goods industries” (Ministry of Industry and Commerce, 2012: v). As such one of the economic components, through which re-industrialisation is envisioned is the value-addition of cotton through supporting downstream industries in textiles and clothing. This objective has been seen gradually through all of its policies post crisis or since dollarization. This is illustrated for example in the in the Short Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP) of 2009 were textiles and ginning are identified under strategically targeted industries. In the Industrial Development Policy of 2012 -2016, it is also stated that “whilst in Zimbabwe it might appear that the industrial value chain is complete; in sectors such as cotton, iron and steel and sugar, the level of transformation beyond primary processing still needs to be enhanced” [and so] “the Government has identified four (4) priority sectors as the pillars and engine for this IDP 2012–2016, namely Agri-business (Food and beverages, Clothing and Textiles, Leather & Footwear and Wood and Furniture)….”, (Ministry of Industry and Commerce, 2012: 11,17). With this background in mind, the broader problem this research is trying to solve is how the government through its objectives has sort to address de-industrialisation and re-industrialize through support of value addition and upgrading processes. Therefore, my research will focus on the evolution of cotton to textiles value chain and investigate how much value-addition has been employed to cotton products locally and for exports but only up to the point of textiles; what market conditions, forces and industry initiatives/strategies influenced the attempts to increase value added, and how successful or not these have been ; what policies both broader industrial and macroeconomic and sector-specific policies are in place or have been implemented to support the growth of cotton to textiles value added or shifting into higher value added production and what the impact of the cotton to textile industry has been towards industrial development.<br>XL2018

Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão<br>O presente trabalho percorre, na diagonal, a teoria da integração e as teorias sobre políticas industriais, passando pela análise da SADC e desembocando em Angola, mais especificamente na fileira do algodão, para responder a duas perguntas: que políticas industriais para Angola? Valerá a pena investir na fileira do algodão? A teórica da integração surge para compreender a envolvente que condiciona o desenvolvimento industrial angolano. O destaque da SADC neste trabalho é compreensivel, já que o processo de integração irá subverter a distinção entre mercado interno e mercado externo. O mercado angolano deixará de estar protegido e a competição aumentará. Conhecer a evolução da SADC e os fundamentos das suas políticas é meio caminho para compreender a actual tendência do mercado integrado. Como. segundo a teoria da integração, é com a indústria que os Países em Vias de Desenvolvimento (PVD) obtêm ganhos com a integração económica, desliza-se para as políticas industriais. Mas Angola, acabada de sair de uma guerra de cerca de trinta anos, não poderá competir nesse mercado mais alargado e mais competitivo sem a adopção de politicas industriais. Saber que políticas, conduz a questão para a teoria das políticas industrias, com duas principais correntes; uma que defende uma actuação mais activa das politicas públicas e outra que fundamenta o livre mercado. E na primeira que Angola melhor se enquadra, dado ter uma economia dual e manifestações de falhas de mercado, apesar da SADC adiar a definição de políticas industriais, ou remetê-las, actualmente, para as forças do mercado, ou para os Estados membros. Como o objecto da análise foi a fileira do algodão desenharam-se as políticas industriais a partir do sistema de produção de bens e serviços. Depois de fazer o enquadramento teórico das políticas industriais em vigor em Angola, sugerem-se algumas políticas industriais para o país. Se a resposta à primeira pergunta foi relativamente fácil, já no caso da segunda há margem para outras conclusões, embora se avancem duas sugestões: a) se a intenção for a criação de postos de trabalho, deve-se defender a parte agrícola - produção de algodão em caroço e a instalação de algumas unidades de produção do tipo maquilhadoras, provavelmente de uma grande indústria de confecções localizada num dos países membros da SADC; b) se a intenção for a passagem para actividades de maior valor agregado, chave do processo de desenvolvimento económico, então Angola deverá defender as indústrias têxteis e de confecções.<br>The present work. covers in the diagonal Une. the integration theory. the theories on industrial policy. passing by the analysis of SADC. concluding m Angola, more specifically in the cotton row to answer t\vo questions: what industrial policies tor Angola? Will n be worth to invest in the cotton row'? The theoretic integration analysis appears to understand the involving tactors that condition the AnaoIan industrial development. The prominence of SADC in this work is understandable since the integration process has broken the traditional distinction between domestic and externai markets. The Angolan market will no longer be protected and competition will increase. To understand the evolution of SADC and to know the basis of its policies is crucial to understand the current trend of the integrated market. As, according to the integration theory it is with industry that PVD achieve profits in the economical integration, it moves on to industrial policies. However, Angola, having just coming out ot a war ot about thirty years, will not be able to compete in this widened and more competitivo market without lhe adoption ot industrial policies. To know which policies, leads the subject to the theory ot the industrial policies, with two main schools: one that supports a more active involvement of public policies and another one that reiterates the free market. It is in the first one that Angola fits better, given it has a dual economy and mamfestations of market imperfections, despi te SADCks postponing ot the definition of the industrial policies, or to send them. currently. to the forces of the market, or tor the State members. As the object of the analysis was the cotton row, it drew the industrial policies from the systems of production of goods and services. After setting the theoretical framing of the industrial policies currently used in Angola and from optic mentioned above, some industrial policies were suggested for the country. If the first question was relatively easy to answer, the second leaves a margin for other conclusions. although two suggestions are put forward: a) if the intention is the creation of work posts, one should defend the agricultural side - production of the stone cotton . and the installation of some production units of make up type. probably from a great industry of confections located in one of the countries members of the SADC. b) If the intention is the movement for activities of bigger added value, key of the process of economic development, then, Angola will have to defend the textiles and confections' industries.<br>N/A

碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>建築與城鄉研究所<br>92<br>The ongoing economic reforms in China recognizes market autonomy and to a certain degree allow for different levels of governments to adopt their own strategies in carrying out policies sanctioned by the national authorities. On these grounds, governments of various spatial scales take different tactics motivated by self-interests. This thsis first explores the influence of former system characteristics on the reform of cotton procurement and sales policy, and secondly the change of the role of the Corps. The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps was originally a military unit assigned to reclaim wastelands on the borders of the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in 1954. Soon afterwards the Chinese central government transformed the unit into collective state-run farms. The Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps has played a special role in local economic development, social stability, and national security and unity. In early days, many farms of the Corps were initiated in desolate areas. They have to work in culture, science, technology, education, and public health fields, besides building water canals, roads, and developing agriculture and industries. Therefore, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps has been shouldering serious financial burdens. Over the last 50 years, it has founded more than 200 small towns. Shihezi City, the site of 8th Agricultural Division headquarters and known as "the pearl of Gobi desert", has developed into a 460-km2 city with eighteen agricultural and husbandry farm regiments as its base and a combination of agriculture and industries in an integrated economy. Xinjiang is the largest cotton production region in China, its yield of cotton is about 30% of the country’s total, and the yield of Shihezi is about 12.5% of Xinjiang’s. For a long time, Shihezi takes militarized and collective management in production, purchase and sales of cotton, and applies advanced technology, making the area an important cotton producer. Shihezi’s cotton industry accounts for over 60% of the income of local farmers. The profit from cotton industry has become important revenue for social and economic development. As a result of the sweeping economic reforms and the accession to WTO, China’s cotton purchase and sales policy has changed from a centrally planned system to one motivated by the market. However, different from the regions where reforms are carried out thoroughly, Shihezi keeps the former system, and cooperates with cotton and textile enterprises in industrializing the cotton industry. At present, the military functions of the Corps exist only in name, and the economical functions under the challenge of globalization still keeps the traditional army-like system. To ensure the profits from cotton industry can be used to support social and welfare services, Shihezi holds on to a unique collective economy, and translates a military organization to a local government.