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1

Price, Richard. "The Development of a Chalcedonian Identity in Byzantium (451–553)." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408069.

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AbstractThe Byzantine Church adopted a Chalcedonian identity only slowly. At first the majority even of Chalcedonians played down the significance of the council, claiming that it did little more than repeat the teaching of the Nicene Creed. Down to 518 committed Chalcedonians, strongly upholding the teaching of the council, were vocal, but few. It is with Justin I (518–527) and his nephew Justinian I (527–565) that State and Church came to insist on the council. Justinian's commitment to it has sometimes been doubted because of his repeated attempts to win back the non-Chalcedonians (Miaphysites) to the imperial Church by inviting them back without requiring subscription to the Chalcedonian Definition. He was motivated by a desire that even the Miaphysites would look to him as their patron, as required for the maintenance of the unity of the empire. But his theological writings make it clear that he was convinced of the truth of the teaching of Chalcedon. The age of Justinian thus saw the attainment of a truly Chalcedonian identity in the imperial Church. This was a matter of official doctrine. In the sphere of popular piety Chalcedon had less impact. The affirmation of Chalcedon shaped Byzantine communal identity less than the rejection of Chalcedon shaped that of Miaphysite Syria and Egypt.
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2

Zakharov, Georgy. "The Canons 9 and 17 of the Council of Chalcedon (451) in the Light of the Western Synodal Heritage of the 4th Century." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.8.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of interpretation of the canons 9 and 17 of the Council of Chalcedon (451) which regulate the arbitrage in disputes between clerics. Of particular importance is the prescription to resolve disputes in which the metropolitans participate through an appeal to the exarch of the diocese or the See of Constantinople. These canons are often viewed as the foundations of the ecumenical primacy and special judicial prerogatives of the See of Constantinople in the entire Orthodox Church. Methods. Given the status of Constantinople as the New Rome, the author compares the contents of the rules of the Council of Chalcedon with the decisions of the Council of Serdica (343) and the Council of Rome (378) concerning the judicial prerogatives of the Roman see. Analysis. As a result, the article criticizes the thesis about the similarity of the rules of the Council of Chalcedon with the appeal canons of the council of Serdica, which has become widespread in historiography. At the same time, in the letter of the Council of Rome (378) and in the rescript of the emperor Gratian who responded to this text, we can find some similarity with the Chalcedonian decrees. For example, in the decisions of both councils, there is alternativeness in the choice of the judicial instance. Their common feature is also the idea that it is impossible to conduct a trial of the metropolitan’s case at the provincial level. At the same time, if the decisions of the Council of Rome deal with the accusations in grave crimes, the canons of the Council of Chalcedon speak about arbitration in litigation. Results. Despite some differences, the decrees of the councils in Rome and Chalcedon are inextricably linked with the general tendencies in the development of the system of ecclesiastical organization at the super-provincial level.
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Polonski, Dmitri G. "The Historical Erudition of the Compiler of “The Word on the Council of Chalcedon”." Slovene 3, no. 2 (2014): 130–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2014.3.2.3.

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The article focuses on a literary monument presenting Christological debates of the 5th century and the circumstances of the Fourth Ecumenical Council (the Council of Chalcedon), its sources, and the history of dissemination in the Slavic manuscript tradition. It introduces a list of forty-two East Slavic manuscripts of the 15‒17th centuries, including The Word on the Council of Chalcedon, a work on the history of Christianity and its dogmas. In thirty-nine of the manuscript copies, the literary monument serves as an introduction to the Slavic translation of Pope Leo the Great’s Tome to Archbishop Flavian of Constantinople (451), confirmed by the Fourth Ecumenical Council as an essential document of dogma. Judging by the provenance of the manuscript sources, in the 15‒17th centuries The Word on the Council of Chalcedon, along with the translation of Pope Leo’s Tome, were widely read and copied in the monasteries and churches of Moscow, Volok Lamsky, Pereyaslavl-Ryazansky, and Novgorod Veliky, as well as those of northern Russia. As its first researcher, O. M. Bodianskii, showed in 1848, the Slavic translation of the pope’s Tome was made from Greek by the monk Feodosii (“Theodosius the Greek”) in the 12th century. However, the attribution of The Word on the Council of Chalcedon to the same translator remains to be proved. The present work shows that the anonymous compiler of The Word on the Council of Chalcedon was well aware of the church history of the 5th century, remembering many historical details he would most probably have come across in Greek rather than in translated Slavic sources. On the other hand, several historical mistakes made by the compiler suggest that he lacked the texts necessary to verify the facts and had to rely on his memory, which occasionally failed him. Nevertheless, despite occasional factual errors and a compilative narrative structure, The Word on the Council of Chalcedon is in some ways more informative than many Byzantine chronicles.
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4

Кожухов, С. "Religious Policy and Theological Content of the Imperial Letters: «Encyclicals» by Basiliscus, «Enotikon» by Zinon and «Tipos» by Anastasius I Part 1." Theological Herald, no. 3(46) (November 15, 2022): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2022.46.3.006.

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В данном исследовании рассматривается церковная политика императора Василиска (475–476) и предлагается богословский анализ его указа под названием «Энциклика», которая стала первым официальным имперским документом, направленным против Халкидонского Собора (451) и его учения о двух природах во Христе после воплощения. «Энциклика» ставит Халкидонский Собор вне церковной традиции, противопоставляя его трём предыдущим Вселенским Соборам. На этом фоне даётся анализ седьмого правила Ефесского Собора (431), позиции Диоскора Александрийского и сопутствующих исторических событий. This study examines the church policy of Emperor Basilisk (475–476) and offers a theological analysis of his decree entitled «Encyclical», which became the first official imperial document directed against the Council of Chalcedon (451) and his doctrine of the two natures in Christ after the incarnation. The «Encyclical» places the Council of Chalcedon outside the church tradition, contrasting it with the Three previous Ecumenical Councils. Against this background, the analysis of the seventh rule of the Council of Ephesus (431), the position of Dioscorus of Alexandria and the accompanying historical events is given.
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5

Kashchuk, Oleksandr. "The promotion of miaenergism as a challenge to identity of non-Chalcedonian christianity." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 257–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3263.

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The article discusses the question of interrelation between the promotion of Miaenergism and its influence on the sense of religious identity of non-Chal­cedonian Christians. The purpose of the article if to point that the promotion of Miaenergism was perceived by Miaphysites as an challenge for their religious iden­tity formed in the period after the Council of Chalcedon (451) on the basis of refu­tation of Chalcedon, absolute loyalty to the teachings of their Patriarchs, especially to Christological notions of Cyril of Alexandria. The promotion of Miaenergism became the stimulus that caused the crystallization of a sense of religious identity of the Miaphysites. The promotion of Miaenergism strongly influenced a sense of the Miaphysite political identity, opposite to Byzantine government.
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6

Ohme, Heinz. "Rom, der Tomus Leonis und das 6. Ökumenische Konzil (680/681)." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, no. 2 (October 5, 2020): 289–354. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0024.

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AbstractThis article analyses the dyothelete and dyenergist Christology in the following texts: the Horos and the Logos Prosphonetikos of the Sixth Ecumenical Council (680/681), the epistle of pope Agatho, which became officially authorized as a teaching text, and the letter of the roman synod of the 125 bishops. The results of this analysis are compared with the Christology of the Lateran Council of 649 and the theology of Maximus the Confessor, upon which it is based. The council claims to define things in a way that complements and concludes the results of the council of Chalcedon (451) by designating the will and the capacity to act as properties of the ontological categories of φύσις/οὐσία and thus formulating the doctrine of the double willing and acting of Christ. In fact, the council draws on text of the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon but changes the order of priority of the texts (which were made authoritative in Chalcedon) of Cyril of Alexandria and Pope Leo I. so that the Tomus Leonis, which contains pointed statements that were controversial both during and after Chalcedon, becomes the hermeneutical key to the doctrine of two natures. Both natures become subjects of willing and acting and the meaning of the ὑπόστασις remains underdeveloped in comparison with that of φύσις and πρόσωπον. Thus the council neither comes to terms with the development of Leo’s thought nor with the Christology of the Lateran Councils nor with the Christology of Maximus. In fact, fundamental distinctions in the meaning of θέλημα and ἐνέργεια as well as of φύσις and ὑπόστασις have not been taken into consideration by the council in 681. Instead, the council remains with the initial ontological concepts due to its recourse to an ontologized Tomus Leonis. Additionally, it is worth mentioning that this is the first ecumenical council to establish the primacy of and infallibility of the Roman Pope. The final concern of this article is to ask how this development could come about.
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Corneles, Herry Sonya, Jefry Yopie Afner Suak, and Veydy Yanto Mangantibe. "Analisis Kritis Terhadap Konsep Kristologi Penganut Kristen Tauhid." TELEIOS: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Agama Kristen 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2021): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53674/teleios.v1i2.34.

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Abstrak: Artkel ini membahas konsep kristologi penganut krsiten tauhid. Persoalan doktrin Kristologi, khususnya tentang hubungan antara natur keilahian dan natur keinsanian Yesus Kristus sudah ada sejak abad mula-mula, sehingga gereja merumuskan rumusan Chalcedon pada konsili Chalcedon yang diadakan tahun 451. Tetapi persoalan Kristologi tetap berlanjut meskipun gereja sudah memiliki rumusan Chalcedon tersebut. Salah satu ajaran yang menentang Trinitas dan doktrin keilahian Yesus Kristus adalah unitarianisme, yang muncul pada abad reformasi. Paham unitarianisme merupakan paham yang meyakini bahwa hanya ada satu Allah saja, baik eksistensi maupun persona. Dalam ajaran tentang Kristus, paham ini lebih menekankan kemanusiaan Yesus Kristus dan menolak natur keilahian Yesus Kristus. Dibuktikan pada bagian Alkitab bahwa Yesus adalah Allah dalam beberapa cara. Karena Kristus benar-benar tokoh yang pernah hadir dalam sejarah dunia ini. Penulisan ini menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan kajian literatur, sehingga diperoleh data tentang latar belakang sejarah dan ajaran penganut Kristen Tauhid, presuposisi penganut Kristen Tauhid, pokok-pokok pemikiran Kristologis penganut Kristen Tauhid, analisis terhadap konsep Kristologi penganut Kristen Tauhid dan implikasinya bagi Theologia Kristen.Abstract: This article discusses the christology concept of monotheistic Christians. The issue of the doctrine of Christology, especially regarding the relationship between the divine nature and the human nature of Jesus Christ, has existed since the early centuries, so the church formulated the Chalcedon formula at the Chalcedon council which was held in 451. But the Christological problem continued even though the church already had the Chalcedon formula. One of the teachings that opposed the Trinity and the doctrine of the divinity of Jesus Christ was unitarianism, which emerged in the Reformation century. Unitarianism is an understanding that believes that there is only one God, both existence and person. In the teachings of Christ, this understanding emphasizes the humanity of Jesus Christ and rejects the divinity of Jesus Christ. This writing uses a descriptive research method with a literature review approach, in order to obtain data on the historical background and teachings of monotheistic Christians, presuppositions of monotheistic Christians, the main points of Christological thoughts of monotheistic Christians, analysis of the concept of Christology of monotheistic Christians and their implications for Christian Theology
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8

Wipszycka, Ewa. "The Canons of the Council of Chalcedon concerning Monks." Augustinianum 58, no. 1 (2018): 155–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20185817.

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The aim of the article is to propose new answers to four fundamental questions concerning those rulings of the Council of Chalcedon in 451 that aim to regulate the functioning of monastic communities: 1. Why did the authors of the canons in question (emperor Marcian and patriarch Anatolius) propose legal regulations for the key organizational aspects of the life of monastic communities? 2. Which monastic groups were to be subject to these regulations? 3. What were the chances of the regulations being implemented? 4. What role did the canons have in relations between monks and the Church after Chalcedon? In her conclusions, the author emphasizes the Constantinopolitan context of the canons. She sees them as an example of “declarative law”, important in the sphere of ideology but hardly usable in practice. She explains her disagreement with those scholars who hold that the canons’ impact on the life of the Churches in the Empire was significant.
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9

Hall, Stuart G. "Past creeds and present formula at the Council of Chalcedon." Studies in Church History 33 (1997): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013164.

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The Formula by which the Council of Chalcedon in 451 defined the Person of Christ is a classic case of the deliberate adjustment and interpretation of the past to suit a present need. The assembled bishops at their fifth session gave their assent to a document which not merely prescribed a theological position in the face of the doctrines of Eutyches and Nestorius, but justified doing so in the face of historically-based objections to the enterprise.
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10

Constantinou, Maria. "I. The Threefold Summons at Late Antique Church Councils." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2021-0001.

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Abstract The threefold summons of an absent defendant in the context of synodal proceedings – which had been admittedly formed by influence from the respective process in Roman law – is an important component of the ecclesiastical judicial procedure. In this paper I examine in detail all the extensive narratives of threefold summonses preserved in conciliar acts of the fifth and sixth centuries, that is, the cases of Nestorius of Constantinople and John of Antioch at the council of Ephesus (431), the case of the archimandrite Eutyches at the Resident Synod of Constantinople (448), the case of Athanasius of Perrhe at the local synods of Hierapolis (early 440s) and Antioch (445) as well as at the Council of Chalcedon (451), the case of Dioscorus of Alexandria at the Council of Chalcedon, and the case of Anthimus of Constantinople at the Resident Synod of Constantinople (536). In the final part I proceed to an assessment of this process’ evolution over the period in question. The principal conclusion is that by the time of Justinian the ecclesiastical threefold summons procedure had become consolidated and systematised.
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FAZIO, Giovanni. "A THEOLOGICAL SUPPORT, FROM CHALCEDON, TO THE SHROUD IMAGE NATURAL FORMATION." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 5, no. 8 (May 27, 2021): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.201.5.8.42-48.

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The fourth Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon (451 AD) sanctions, for the Holy Church very important conclusions regarding the nature of Christ. The above results do not contrast, but rather open to a natural formation of the Shroud body image. This occurs because it was affirmed in Chalcedon that Jesus Christ, the Nazarene, has two natures, one human and one divine, “inconfusedly, unchangeably, indivisibly, inseparably”, which coexist in one person (hypostasis). Consequently, the monophysitism of Eutiche and of the Egyptian, Syrian and Armenian Churches, was rejected. Now, the Resurrection of the Nazarene is a Transcendental event that, according to those like us who support the natural formation of the Shroud body image, acted only on the corpse leaving the burial linen in the Immanent, under the dominion of the natural sciences. So, the Miracle of the Resurrection shows the divine nature of Christ, while the Shroud body image formation, the human one.
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ANGHELESCU, Gheorghe F. "THE HOLY EMPRESS PULCHERIA IN LIGHT OF RECENT RESEARCH." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 6, no. 10 (May 23, 2022): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.2022.6.10.55-60.

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As an image of virginity and a model of Augusta, Empress Pulcheria of Byzantium played a remarkable role in the Christological controversies of the 4th and 5 th centuries, being a witness to the rejection of Nestorianism at the Third Ecumenical Council (Ephesus, 431), and equally of Eutichianism (Monophysitism) at the Fourth Ecumenical Council (Chalcedon, 451) where she also participated. According to modern research, her feminine profile is complex, although the Church has kept a pious memory of her, dedicating two days of homage in the Synaxarion to her, on February 17, along with her husband, Emperor Marcian, and on September 10.
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Gratsianskiy, Mikhail. "The Fourth Ecumenical Council and the Issue of the Primacy of the Bishop of Rome." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.20.

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Introduction. Despite multiple references and partial treatment of the proposed topic in scholarly literature, the necessity of its full-scaled analysis on the basis of the Acts of the Fourth Ecumenical Council held in Chalcedon in 451 still remains. Methods. The paper analyzes the entire published Acts and determines all relevant passages concerning the characteristics of the Pope’s pretensions to the universal primacy in the Church and the limits of their acceptability by the participants of the Council. Analysis. The author undertakes the research of the consequent sessions of the Council and analyzes relevant data comparing the declarations and claims of the papal legates and their actual perception by the imperial dignitaries, who were presiding over the Council, and the bishops. Results. The presented research demonstrates that Pope’s claims to the universal power within the Church were actually discarded by the Council and the representatives of the emperor in multiple ways. Firstly, the legates (vicarii) of the Pope were not trusted with the actual presidency over the Council (except in one session). Secondly, pope’s decisions, which had been taken before the Council and which the legates had been instructed to implement, were put under reexamination through the Council and were passed as conciliar decisions, often with no reference to the pope as their initiator. Thirdly, the Council didn’t accept certain elements of the pope’s title, which reflected his universal claims. In general, the Council of Chalcedon was the first to promote the principle of the primacy of honour that was bestowed on Rome and Constantinople equally.
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Nigra, Alberto. "Su tre Scholia teopaschiti di Giovanni di Scitopoli al de divinis nominibus." Augustinianum 56, no. 1 (2016): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20165617.

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John of Scythopolis, the first scholiast of the Corpus Dionysiacum, played a role in the debates that took place after the Council of Chalcedon in 451 and contributed in an original way to the development of Christological dogma in preparation for the Council of Constantinople II in 553. In particular, he uses the theopaschite formula both in its so-called “Alexandrian” version as well as in that attributed to the Scythian monks. Several instances of the formula occur in three of his Scholia on Dionysius’s De divinis nominibus and show both his concentration upon the hypostasis of the Word as well as his identification of Christ with the Lovgoç. In this way, he looks for a new via media within Christological doctrine that truly can be called “Neo-chalcedonian.”
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Gołgowski, Tadeusz. "Początki Kościoła monofizyckiego w Egipcie." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4125.

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The author presents the history of the Church of Egypt after the Council of Chalcedon (451), and trying to determine the final destruction of the unity of Patriarchate of Alexandria. At the beginning of the crisis were the decisions taken at the Council, but the process of creating a separate patriarchates (Melkite and Monophysite) in Egypt last long. Some researchers, such as William H.C. Frend, consider turning point in this process the death of the Emperor Justinian (565), while in the East began to create a separate Monophysite Church hierarchy. Such conclusions appear premature regards Egypt, although these may be correct with regard to Syria. It seems that the creation of two separate Christian Churches in Egypt take place in Egypt later, during the reign of Emperor Heraclius (610-641).
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Sobór chalcedoński. Kontekst historyczny, teologiczny, następstwa." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 137–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4072.

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The article presents the Council of Chalcedon; its theological and historical context and its consequences. The author starts with the theological context of this Council. In that time the question of relation between humanity and divinity in Christ was discussed. Apollinarius of Laodicea taught that in the person of Christ there were two elements: the Logos and the body. The Logos replaced the soul. He propagated the formula mia physis tou theou logou sesarkomene. Others theologians were not agree with his opinion. Generally, there were two theological schools which worked on this matter: school of Alexandria and of Antioch. In the first one, the Christ was seen especially as God who became man. In the second one, He was seen as the man who was God’s Son. With other words, in Alexandria the starting point of reflection was the Divinity of Christ. In Antioch the starting of reflection was His humanity. The author mentioned Eutyches whose ideas on Christology produced a lot of trouble. In such a context, the Council of Chalcedon was organized (451). It was the proposal of Emperor Marcjan. The Council, after having condemned Eutyches and Dioskur of Alexandria because of their position on theological matter, proclaimed a new definition of the catholic faith. The base of this definition was the Letter of Pope Leo the Great Ad Flavianum. The most important point of this definition was the statement that Divinity and humanity meet in Christ, and both form one person. Such a declaration seems to be clear, but it did not satisfy Greek theologians. They did not want to accept the formula two natures (duo physeis) in one person, because in their opinion it signifies a separation between the Divinity and the humanity of Christ. They preferred to speak about mia physis tou Theou Logou sesarkomene. Surely, by the term physis they did not understand nature, but a being. While saying mia physis they did not mean one nature, but one being. In their conception, Jesus Christ was a Being in which met Divinity and humanity. Many theologians were suspicious of the term person (prosopon); they supposed that it had a modalistic meaning. The main opinion of Modalists is: there is only One God who appears sometimes as Father, sometimes as Son, sometime as Holy Spirit. There were also other reasons of contesting the definition of Chalcedon. It was known that that this definition was imposed by the Greek emperor, influenced by the Bishop of Rome (Pope). Many theologians, especially in monastic milieu, did not want to accept the intervention of the civil authorities in religious matter. They did not have a very good opinion about Latin theology. In the fifth century there were some anti-Hellenic tendencies in the eastern part of the Empire. Many Oriental theologians rejected the definition of Chalcedon because it was „a for­mula of Rom and Constantinople”. In such circumstances, a lot of Christians separated themselves from the Catholic Church, forming Monophysite Churches. Those who remained in unity with Rome and Constantinople, keeping the defini­tion of Chalcedon, were called Melchites. Another problem was the canon 28, which gave some privileges to the bishop see of Constantinople. Pope Leo the Great did not approve this canon. Anti-Hellenic tendencies were so strong that in the time of Islamic invasions the people of Palestine, Syria, and Egypt welcomed Arabic soldiers as liberators from Byzantine domination. It is to be said that Arabic authorities, after having taken power in a country, were friendly towards Monophysites and persecuted Melchites. So, the contestation of the definition of Chalcedon prepared the ground for the victory of Islam in the East. The article is ended by an observation of a French theologian Joseph Moingt: declaration that Divinity and humanity make union the person of Jesus Christ produced division not only in the Church, but also in the Roman Empire. This is one of great paradoxes in the history of Christianity.
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Swinburne, Richard. "Could God Become Man?" Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 25 (March 1989): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957042x0001124x.

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The central doctrine of Christianity is that God intervened in human history in the person of Jesus Christ in a unique way; and that quickly became understood as the doctrine that in Jesus Christ God became man. In AD 451 the Council of Chalcedon formulated that doctrine in a precise way utilizing the current philosophical terminology, which provided a standard for the orthodoxy of subsequent thought on this issue. It affirmed its belief in ‘our Lord Jesus Christ, … truly God and truly man, … in two natures … the distinction of natures being in no way annulled by the union, but rather the characteristics of each nature being preserved and coming together to form one person’. One individual, one thing that is; and being a rational individual, one person. An individual's nature are those general properties which make it the sort of individual it is. The nature of my desk is to be a solid material object of a certain shape; the nature of the oak tree in the wood is to take in water and light, and to grow into a characteristic shape with characteristic leaves and give off oxygen. Chalcedon affirmed that the one individual Jesus Christ had a divine nature, was God that is; and it assumed that the divine nature was an essential nature.
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van Ginkel, Jan, Naures Atto, Bas Snelders, Mat Immerzeel, and Bas ter Haar Romeny. "The Formation of a Communal Identity among West Syrian Christians: Results and Conclusions of the Leiden Project." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x407989.

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AbstractAmong those who opposed the Council of Chalcedon in 451, the West Syrian (or Syriac Orthodox) Christians were probably least likely to form a national or ethnic community. Yet a group emerged with its own distinctive literature and art, its own network, and historical consciousness. In an intricate process of adoption and rejection, the West Syrians selected elements from the cultures to which they were heirs, and from those with which they came into contact, thus defining a position of their own. In order to study this phenomenon, scholars from various disciplines, and affiliated to two different faculties, were brought together in a programme financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research NWO. This essay introduces their research project and methodology, and presents their results and conclusions.
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Calore, Giacomo. "Wyjaśnienie dogmatu chalcedońskiego w VI wieku. Interpretacja osoby i natury przez teologów „neochalcedonizmu” według Aloisa Grillmeiera." Polonia Sacra 26, no. 1 (July 20, 2022): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/ps.26106.

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At the Council of Chalcedon (451), the Fathers introduced a clear and previously unknown distinction between the Christological concepts of person and nature. This contributed to various problems, the most important of which was the lack of a new definition of person. For this reason, the council became the subject of sharp criticism primarily from “moderate” Monophysites. In this article, with the help of Alois Grillmeier’s analysis in his work Jesus der Christus, the author presents the efforts of the two most influential theologians who defended and deepened the teaching of the Council within the framework of the so called “Neochalcedonism” in the sixth century, Leontius of Byzantium and Leontius of Jerusalem. Theses theologians developed the concept of person as the source of the nature’s existence, thus giving it an existential and primary meaning in relation to phýsis. The author explains how, based on this, they were able to fill in all the questionable deficiencies in the Chalcedonian definition.
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Laksito, Petrus Canisius Edi. "Dari Anathema ke Dialog Ekumenis: Perumusan Iman akan Kristus dalam Sejarah dan Aktualitas." Lux et Sal 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2020): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.57079/lux.v1i1.10.

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The formulation of the Christian faith regarding the divinity of the person of Jesus Christ is based on the kerygma of the New Testament, which clearly proclaims his preexistence, his exaltation as the Lord after his resurrection, and his parousia. Entering into the new ambience of the hellenistic culture under the Roman Empire, this faith, rooted in a jewish soil, had to be formulated in a theological language to keep it from any speculative distortion. This effort ended in the Council of Chalcedon in 451, but with some schismatic problems as regards the position of the Egyptian, Armenian and Syriac Churches. This paper wants to examine the history of this formulation in the past, and the ecumenical dialogue after the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) between the Catholic Church and the Orthodox Churches, and also with the above Churches, regarding this fundamental faith on the same Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ.
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Gratsianskiy, Mikhail V. "Church-Administrative Connotation of the Term “Exarch of a Diocese” in the Ninth and Seventeenth Canons of the Council of Chalcedon and the Issue of Jurisdiction in Cases against a Metropolitan." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.004.

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The paper addresses the term “exarch of a diocese” (ἔξαρχος τῆς διοικήσεως), for the first time attested in the acts of the Fourth Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon (451 AD), in the ninth and seventeenth canons of this Council, which documented the prerogatives of the “exarchs of dioceses” and of the patriarch of Constantinople’s see as the courts of appeal for the cases against metropolitans. In order to clarify the meaning of this term, the author has undertaken a study of the use of the term “exarch” as an indication of an archpriest. It turns out that already in the Byzantine period there was no exact understanding of what it meant, as it appeared from the contradictory opinions of the twelfth century canonists in regard to this subject. Another objective of this paper is to clarify the term “diocese” as applied to the church-administrative sphere. Further, the author makes an attempt to trace the reception of these Chalcedonian canons in the Byzantine church legislation. The conclusion is that the term “exarch of the diocese” should be understood in the context of the revision of a number of cases concerning the disputes of the metropolitans, in which the patriarch of Constantinople was involved, at the Council of Chalcedon. The analysis of these cases and of a number of canons of the first ecumenical councils is intended to illustrate the concept of the ecclesiastical head of the diocese, with the “diocese” turning out to be a state-administrative term. Subsequently, the term “exarch” was used in different church-administrative contexts in the period when the dioceses as state-administrative units had already ceased to exist. The term “patriarch of the diocese” repeatedly occurred in Justinian’s legislation, where it should be considered a parallel to the “exarch of a diocese” of the Chalcedonian canons. This legislation also provides the solution to the problem of the double jurisdiction of the cases against metropolitans.
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Gratsianskiy, Mikhail. "Canonical and Church Administrative Aspects of the Dispute About the Prerogatives of the Metropolitans of Nicaea and Nicomedia at the Council of Chalcedon." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.8.

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Introduction. On October 30, 451, during the 4th Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon, the dispute between Metropolitan Eunomius of Nicomedia and Metropolitan Anastasius of Nicaea was considered. Eunomius believed that his rights as the metropolitan of the entire province of Bithynia, in regard to ordinations, were violated by Anastasius of Nicaea, who had deposed a number of clerics of the city of Vasilinopolis. Information about this lawsuit is taken from the published acts of the 14th session of the Chalcedon Council. Methods. The work is based on the application of the historical-critical method of data processing of the source text used in the original in Greek according to the standard critical edition and quoted by the author in his own translation. Analysis. Based on the analysis of the act material, the author restores the course, content and internal logic of the conciliar audition of the claim of Eunomius of Nicomedia. It also reveals the cause of the claim, external factors and figures that had influenced the course of the case and become the cause of its occurrence. The factors include the unsettled status of the Metropolitan of Nicaea within the province of Bithynia, the limits of his competence and jurisdiction. Similar factor is the unsettled status of the Metropolitan of Nicomedia as bishop of the provincial capital (metropolis), that lead to a conflict of jurisdictions over the Bithynian city of Vasilinopolis. Decisive is also the influence in Bithynia of the patriarchal see of Constantinople and persons who occupied it, beginning with John Chrysostos. The decision of the Ecumenical Council on this lawsuit turns out to be half-hearted: the city of Vasilinopolis and its clergy are recognized as belonging to the jurisdiction of the Metropolitan of Nicomedia, declared the first Metropolitan of Bithynia, but the question of the subordination of the Metropolitan of Nicaea, recognized as the second, remains open. This is evident from later sources, in which the Metropolitan of Nicaea is designated as an independent ruling metropolitan within the province of Bithynia, with his own district and jurisdiction. Results. The decision of the Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon failed to approve in Bithynia the canonical definition of the Council of Nicaea that there should be only one ruling metropolitan in the province. It is obvious that the decision of the judges was influenced by the ancient tradition of intercity rivalry between Nicaea and Nicomedia, dating back to pre-Christian times. The latter was clearly manifested in the fact that the main argument of the litigants was the recognition of the secular title of metropolis for both cities, confirmed by imperial letters. Thus, the dispute between Nicaea and Nicomedia shows that the decisions of the Ecumenical Councils were embodied in church-political and church-administrative practice in so far as they corresponded, or at least did not contradict the established tradition of socio-political relations.
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Petek, Nina, and Jan Ciglenečki. "Prvi koncili u kršćanstvu i budizmu Strukturne analogije i povijesne sličnosti." Obnovljeni život 74, no. 1 (January 19, 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.74.1.2.

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It is well known that the ecumenical councils convening throughout the history of the Church — the Council of Nicaea in 325 A.D., the Council of Constantinople in 381 A.D., the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. and the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D.— were of great import. It is much less known, however, that centuries before the first Christian councils, a similar process was taking place in ancient India. At the Councils of Rajagrha in 486 B.C., Vaishali in 386 B.C., Pataliputra in 250 B.C., Sri Lanka in 29 B.C. and Kashmir in 72 A.D., Buddhist monks resolved to set forth dogmas, to put them in writing and to draw the line between orthodox and false doctrines. Generally speaking, the first councils, both in the West and in the East, were convened due to the need to preserve original doctrines. In addition, original teachings had to be canonised and systematised. Also, the process of including religious doctrines into imperial politics is characteristic of two royal personages, namely, the Indian king Aśoka and the Roman Emperor Constantine the Great. Both were actively involved in the councils of their day and contributed decisively to the further development and consolidation of both Buddhism and Christianity respectively.
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24

Villadsen, Holger. "Nikænum i dansk liturgisk tradition1." Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 71, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v71i1.112093.

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This article examines the use of the Nicene Creed in the Church of Denmark from 1514 to 1992 when a new Service Book, Den Danske Alterbog, was authorized for use in the Evangelical LutheranChurch of Denmark. The Reformation replaced the Nicene Creed with a Danish hymn, but until 1640 the Latin Nicene Creed was sung in some cases. The Latin text was the same as in the medievalmissals and was printed 1573 in the Gradval edited by Niels Jesperssøn. From 1640 to the 19th century the creed was sung only in the hymnal form. In the 19th century the creed as a hymn graduallydisappeared. In 1949 the Danish bishops edited a new Service Book with an order for High Mass, where the creed was the Apostles’ Creed, and where the Nicene Creed in Danish translation was placedin a footnote. In the Service Book from 1992 the two creeds are in principle placed at the same level. The article ends with the proposal of a new Danish translation of the Nicene Creed based on theGreek version known from the Council of Chalcedon 451.
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Wygralak, Paweł. "Rola biskupów Rzymu w sporach doktrynalnych starożytnego Kościoła." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3282.

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This article presents the role of the bishops of Rome in the resolution of three doctrinal disputes (nestorianism, monophysitism, monothelitism) that hit the community of the Church between the 5th and the 7th centuries. Both the teaching of Nestorius and Eutyches were unequivocally condemned by the contemporary bishops of Rome, respectively Celestine and Leon the Great. Their teachings were confirmed by the general councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Solving the problem of monothelitism has caused even more difficulties to the Holy See because of the attitude of Honorius I, who supported the erroneous teaching of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergei. Thus, the work discusses the actions of the subsequent bishops of Rome (especially John IV, Theodore, Martin I and Agathon) for restoring orthodoxy, which resulted in the adoption of resolutions condemning monothelitism by the Third Council of Constantinople (680-681). The article was primarily written on the basis of the preserved correspondence between heresiarchs and the bishops of Rome, the bishops of Rome and the em­perors, as well as the resolutions of synods and councils.
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Thompson, William M. "“Distinct but Not Separate”: Historical Research in the Study of Jesus and Christian Faith." Horizons 21, no. 1 (1994): 130–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900027961.

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“Distinct but not separate” is a venerable formula whose origins go back to the Council of Chalcedon's confession of 451 that Jesus' humanity and divinity are each distinct realities, yet at the same time united in the one person of the Savior himself. Jesus' singular personhood (= “not separate”) protected the New Testament insight that God really united himself with all humans in their historical and earthly condition through the deeds and words of Jesus himself. God's utterly personal oneness with Jesus was the way in which God became adoptively one with the whole human family and world. But this could only be a true union between God and humans if neither was swallowed up in the other, or reduced to the other. Union (we might say communion as well) presupposes oneness and difference. And so Chalcedon speaks of Jesus' divinity and humanity as remaining distinct. By our adoption in grace through Jesus (Rm 8:14–17) we ourselves are not pantheistically swallowed up in God, but retain our distinctiveness as humans as well.
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Brock, S. "Patrology: The Eastern Fathers from the Council of Chalcedon (451) to John of Damascus ( 750). Edited by ANGELO DI BERARDINO." Journal of Theological Studies 58, no. 1 (November 18, 2005): 323–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fll171.

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28

Piechocka-Kłos, Maria. "Sobory powszechne w epoce późnego cesarstwa (IV-VI w.)." Studia Warmińskie 48 (December 31, 2011): 291–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/sw.301.

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The purpose of the paper is the presentation of the mutual political-religious relations between civil and religious authority in the time of the late Roman Empire. The main problem are the universal councils in this context. The paper concentrates on the presentation of course, role, meaning and circumstances of the collecting of this councils. The article doesn’t talk over the peculiar canons of the church law. The deeper analysis concerns to this council which took place from IV. to VI. Century: Nice (325), Constantinople I (381), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (451) and Constantinople II (553). In IV-VI centuries, when the emperors gave the acts protecting the state before the different dangers, the church did the same. The analysis of the documents presents some similarities between state and church. We can assert, that this assemblies doesn’t have the legislative and judicial power beyond the border of the dioceses of the participating bishops. They were the expression of the church consciousness. Thanks to the intrinsic value and the high level of the features of their participants, the councils have the great recognition. The consequence of this recognition was the lesser or more universal power of the law.
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Price, R. M. "Patrology: The Eastern Fathers from the Council of Chalcedon (451) to John of Damascus (d. 750). Edited by Angelo di Berardino." Heythrop Journal 49, no. 2 (March 2008): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2008.00376_17.x.

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30

Hofmann, Johannes. "The Role of Roman Church and his Bishop for the Universal Church from the Constantine Breakthrough to the Chalcedon Council (451)." Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 8 (2009): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2009.08.14.

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31

Arutyunova-Fidanyan, Viada. "Clarifying the term “Chalcedonian Armenians”." St. Tikhons' University Review. Series III. Philology 77 (December 25, 2023): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturiii202377.11-30.

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The ethnic self-consciousness of the Armenian ethnos, which passed the peak of ethnogenesis at the end of the first millennium BC, was ensured by the common origin, language and territory, common historical memory, continuity of state-political formations, cultural traditions and customs. Armenia is one of the oldest Christian states, and the Christianisation of the country in the early 4th century introduced a new cementing component into the Armenian identity. Wars with Mazdean Iran and later with the Muslim world, the struggle for fatherland and the struggle for faith cemented ethno-cultural and ethno-political identity. Armenia was one of the first countries to enter the Universal Church of the Christian East. Armenians participated in three Ecumenical Councils: the Council of Nicaea (325), the Council of Constantinople (381) and the Council of Ephesus (431), but did not attend the Fourth Council of Chalcedon (451) because of the war with Iran. The acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which reached Armenia much later, divided Armenians into two confessional directions — supporters and opponents of the Chalcedonian oros; the latter suspected in it hidden Nestorianism and did not recognise the supremacy of the Patriarch of Constantinople, while their opponents accused them of heresy. The emergence of Armenian writing in the early 5th century and the phenomenon of the «Golden Age» — the unprecedented rise of Armenian literature after the invention of the alphabet — determined for centuries the ethnic identity of Armenians, the unity of which was most universally and concretely reflected in the ethnic term «Armenian» (հայ, hay, ἀρμένιος). That is why the designation of the supporters of the Chalcedonian oros as Armenians-«Romaeans» and Armenians-«Georgians» did not find an adequate explanation for a long time. The term «Chalcedonian Armenians» was introduced in the early XX century by N. Y. Marr, as a designation of Armenians, called in the sources of XI–XV centuries «Romans» or «Ivirs», depending on their belonging to the Greek or Georgian Church. This hypothesis posed an important problem in Orientalism, caused continuous discussions and, accordingly, initiated further research. In recent decades, various aspects of the problem of the Chalcedonian Armenians (political, social, administrative, theological, polemical, historiographical) have attracted the attention of researchers; however, there is a range of issues that are unexplored or controversial. The term «Chalcedonite Armenians» proposed by N. Y. Marr instead of «Armenians-Romeans» and «Armenians-Ivirs» remained the most debatable issue for a long time. The aim of this paper is to clarify the content of the term «Chalcedonian Armenians» and, accordingly, the use of double ethnonyms in medieval sources, which served the emergence of this term in Modern times, i.e. to study the chronology and authorship of these sources.
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Rousseau, Philip. "The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus: Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451). By Paul B. Clayton, Jr." Heythrop Journal 50, no. 4 (July 2009): 709–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2009.00501_13.x.

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Wickham, L. R. "The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus: Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451). By PAUL B. CLAYTON, JR." Journal of Theological Studies 59, no. 2 (July 26, 2008): 810–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln059.

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34

Gratsianskiy, Mikhail. "The Dispute Between Nicaea and Nicomedia over the Status of Metropolis at the Council of Chalcedon: The Civic Aspect." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.7.

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Introduction. The subject of research in this paper refers to the imperial edict, conferring the title of metropolis on the city of Nicaea in 364 AD, and the imperial rescript of the same year, confirming the rights of Nicomedia to the same title and the status of the first city of the province. The documents were presented by bishops of Nicaea and Nicomedia in the course of litigation between them at the 4th Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon (451 AD). The objectives of this work are to present the translation of these documents and substantiate its correctness in comparison with other available translations into foreign languages. Further task is to identify and highlight through commenting those realities of the Roman world, which are reflected in the analyzed documents. Methods. The work is based on the application of the historical-critical method of analysing source data of the original texts, compiled in Greek. Analysis. The article deals with the dating of the documents, the peculiarities of the terms and expressions used in them, which regard to intercity relations in Roman times, the issue of city statuses and traditional elements of the provincial ceremonies associated with the imperial cult. In this context, special attention is given to the edict for Nicaea, which is dedicated to the metropolis status of Nicaea, and deals with peculiar ceremonial issues of “coronation”, “procession”, and the office of Bithyniarch. Results. The litigation between Nicaea and Nicomedia is a clear evidence of the preservation of ancient Hellenistic and Roman traditions in the era of the Christian empire. The fact that the bishop of Nicaea at the Ecumenical Council, in justifying the ecclesiastical and administrative rights of his city, resorted to arguments drawn from the sphere of intercity relations within the framework of the traditional provincial assemblies, speaks for the connection between the institutions of provincial assemblies and church councils. The author concludes that the traditional forms of urban life, intercity relations within the province and determination of the status of cities by traditional criteria were of key importance for the position of the city in the system of the provincial church hierarchy.
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Lee, James K. "The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus: Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451) – By Paul B. Clayton, Jr." Religious Studies Review 35, no. 4 (December 2009): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01387_41.x.

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36

Beeley, Christopher A. "Divine Causality and the Monarchy of God the Father in Gregory of Nazianzus." Harvard Theological Review 100, no. 2 (April 2007): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600700154x.

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Gregory Nazianzen's doctrine of the Trinity has had a most unusual reception in modern times. Since the Council of Chalcedon in 451 Gregory has been honored with the title “the Theologian” for his definitive teaching on the Trinity in the late-fourth century. His influence was then strongly felt in the christological developments that continued through the eighth century, and his stature in Greek Christian tradition is comparable only to that of Augustine in the West, although his influence is felt there as well. Yet despite his acknowledged ecumenical significance, Gregory's theological achievement has often eluded modern patristic scholars and systematic theologians. Even the most recent wave of specialized work on Gregory and the current synoptic studies of patristic doctrine have tended to overlook major aspects of his work. One of the most acute points of confusion in current scholarship—and a matter of no little significance for Nicene theology—is Gregory's doctrine of divine causality and the monarchy of God the Father within the Trinity. The recent debate over this topic, I would suggest, reflects the extent to which Gregory's doctrine has yet to be assimilated in contemporary historical and systematic theology. In this article I will seek to clarify Gregory's doctrine of divine causality in light of its current reception and to give some indication of its wider significance.
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Шлёнов, Д. "ho is the Head of the Church? To the Question of the Theory of Primacy." Theological Herald, no. 1(48) (March 15, 2023): 127–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2023.48.1.007.

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В настоящей статье рассматривается вопрос о допустимости первенствующего лица в земной Церкви. Исходя из представлений об иерархии, первенствующее лицо как первоиерарх Церкви, первой по диптихам, кажется не только допустимым, но и необходимым. Исторически Константинопольский патриарх (после Халкидонского собора 451 г. особенно) обладал первенством чести на Востоке, но не первенством чести и власти, которое, особенно после отпадения Рима в 1054 г., стало считаться недопустимым. Пользуясь отдельными прецедентами проявления первенства чести и власти со стороны Константинопольского патриарха, его сторонники пытаются обосновать справедливость экстерриториального решения по созданию Православной Церкви Украины, ставшего по сути дела причиной раскола среди Православных Церквей. Как известно, Русская Православная Церковь категорически не согласилась с таким подходом. Насколько обоснованно её решение, видно из обзора представлений о главе (κεφαλή) Церкви в библейской и патристической традиции. This article discusses the question of the admissibility of the primordial person in the earthly Church. Based on the concept of hierarchy, the leading person as the first hierarch of the Church, the first according to the diptychs, seems not only acceptable, but also necessary. Historically, the Patriarch of Constantinople (especially after the Council of Chalcedon in 451) had the primacy of honor in the East, but not the primacy of honor and power, which, especially after the fall of Rome in 1054, began to be considered unacceptable. Using separate precedents for the manifestation of the primacy of honor and power on the part of the Patriarch of Constantinople, his supporters are trying to justify the extraterritorial decision to create the Orthodox Church of Ukraine, which in fact became the cause of a schism among the Orthodox Churches. As is known, the Russian Orthodox Church categorically disagreed with this approach. The extent to which her decision is justified can be seen from a review of ideas about the head (κεφαλή) of the Church in the biblical and patristic tradition.
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Pashkov, Petr. "Canon 7 of the III Ecumenical council: its history and reception in the context of the issue of the Immutability of the creed." St. Tikhons' University Review 112 (June 30, 2023): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2023112.11-34.

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This publication discusses the history of the origin and reception of the definition of the Third Ecumenical Council on the Creed. This definition, drawn up in connection with the rejection of the statement of faith by Theodore of Mopsuestia, should, according to the plan of St. Cyril of Alexandria, to secure the Nicene Creed the status of the only symbolic text used in Baptism and the admission of heretics into church fellowship. The author shows that, although this rule was drawn up at the Council, it did not receive official approval and was not solemnly promulgated. In this regard, it did not enjoy authority in the Churches of Asia Minor and the Syrian region, where the forms of the Symbol, close to the modern Constantinople Creed, dominated. The article proves that at the Council of Chalcedon (451) a synthesis of various local traditions regarding the practice of reading the Creed was made: the so-called “Statement of the faith of 150 fathers”, traditionally associated with the Council of Constantinople in 381, received universal authority and began to be considered an authentic form of expression of the “Nicene faith”. To both versions of the text, which were henceforth considered one Creed, the Council attached the wording of the Ephesian ban on changing the Creed. At the same time, the concept of the immutability of the "catholic faith" in content was separated from the immutability of the Symbol by letter, with the possible emergence of new formulas (the latter should not have claimed the status of “symbols”). This idea relatively quickly received a reception in the East. In the West, the recognition of the Constantinople version of the text of the Symbol as authoritative occurs only in the 6th century, and initially in Rome. The Roman bishops, on the other hand, held for the longest time the literal inviolability of the Creed, even after the spread of the Filioque in the Latin West.
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Zakharov, Georgy. "The relationship between the sees of Rome, Thessalonica and Constantinople in the context of the development of synodal institutions in the first half of the 5th century." St.Tikhons' University Review 104 (February 28, 2022): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022104.27-37.

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This paper is devoted to the problem of the development of the church organization of the super-provincial level in the Balkan region and to the influence of the Roman and Constantinople Sees on this process. According to the author, the law of emperor Theodosius II, concerning church affairs in Illyricum (421), did not imply the liquidation of the vicariate of Thessalonica created by the Roman see and the transfer of this region to the jurisdiction of Constantinople. It was about endowing the Constantinopolitan see with the function of an alternative judicial instance (along with the see of Thessalonica), which was justified by the status of Constantinople as the New Rome. The protest of Pope Boniface I and the western emperor Honorius against this decision, apparently, led to the fact that the status quo remained in Illyricum. Nevertheless, this law was included in the Code of Theodosius. It is also possible that, along with the diocese of the Orient, Illyricum was meant as the sphere of implementation of the 9th and 17th canons of the Council of Chalcedon (451), which prescribe, in the case of litigation with the participation of the metropolitan, to apply for a trial to the exarch of the diocese or to the Constantinopolitan see. This rule, apparently, was associated with the existence in Constantinople of a "permanent synod", the organization of which did not require significant costs and efforts, in contrast to the synods of dioceses.
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Crawford, Gregory A. "Book Review: Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 4 (June 21, 2017): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56.4.304a.

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Designed to be comprehensive in its scope, this set covers major religious events from remote prehistory (ca. 60,000 BC) to the highly contemporaneous (AD 2014). Taken together, the editors have done an admirable job in choosing topics to cover and in compiling a highly readable, informative, and thought-provoking compilation. The first volume covers the period of prehistory to AD 600 and includes entries for topics as diverse as the first burials that indicate a belief in an afterlife found in Shanidar Cave, Iraq (ca. 60,000 BC), the discovery of the oldest human-made place of worship at Göbekli Tepe in modern Turkey (tenth millennium BC), the ritual use of alcohol (ca. third millennium BC), the founding of Buddhism (sixth to fourth centuries BC), the Roman conquest of Judaea in 63 BC, the conversion of Saul (Saint Paul) in AD 34, the Council of Chalcedon in AD 451, and the papacy of Gregory the Great (reigned AD 590–604). Volume 2 covers from AD 600 to 1450, thus encompassing the Middle Ages in the West, the rise of Islam in the Middle East, the growth of Christian monasticism, the crusades, the development of the first universities in Europe, and the lives of Joan of Arc and Jan Hus. The final volume covers from 1450 to the present, starting with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks and ending with the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS, ISIL, or Daesh) in 2014.
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41

Wendlik, Krzysztof. "Defense of the Dogma of the Chalcedon Council on the Base of the Fifth Book of the Work "Against Eutyches" by Vigilius of Tapso." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 461–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6702.

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Powyższy artykuł przedstawiający poglądy teologiczne Wigiliusza z Tapso, jednego z biskupów północnoafrykańskich, żyjącego na przełomie V i VI wieku, przywołuje atmosferę debat teologicznych dotyczących dogmatu chalcedońskiego, nie gasnących przez kolejne dziesięciolecia po jego uroczystym ogłoszeniu w roku 451. Kontekst historyczny, w którym żył i pracował Wigiliusz, spowity był panowaniem Wandali, którzy najechali północną część Imperium Rzymskiego w roku 429. Ciągła destabilizacja, a przede wszystkim okrutne prześladowanie wobec chrześcijan i wpływ herezji Ariusza, były warunkami, w których przyszło pełnić posługę biskupią Wigiliuszowi. Jednym z dzieł, które przypisuje się naszemu autorowi, jest Contra Eutychetem (Przeciwko Eutychesowi), gdzie w piątej księdze - zatytułowanej „Obrona dekretu Soboru Chalcedońskiego” - bezpośrednio wykazuje niezasadność sposobu myślenia Eutychesa, głoszącego, iż po fakcie Wcielenia Logosu mamy do czynienia wyłącznie z jedną naturą w Osobie Jezusa Chrystusa. Wigiliusz obalając herezję Eutychesa bazował nie tyle na swoim oryginalnym sposobie argumentacji, który charakteryzowało przeniesienie punktu ciężkości z poziomu spekulacji teologicznych na poziom dywagacji lingwistycznych, lecz przede wszystkim ukazał daleko idącą niezgodność z Tradycją i Nauką Kościoła argumentów Archimandryty pochodzącego z Konstantynopola. Przejawiała się ona chociażby już w tym, że zwolennicy Eutychesa (i on sam) akceptowali poglądy Ariusza, potępione o wiele wcześniej, tym samym tracili moralne prawo do dyskusji na płaszczyźnie wiary i teologii. Punktem odniesienia dla Wigiliusza jako teologa w obronie Horosu Chalcedońskiego były z całą pewnością oficjalne wypowiedzi Soborów oraz pogłębione studium teologii św. Augustyna i papieża św. Leona Wielkiego, a zwłaszcza jego Tomus ad Flavianum. Argumentem, który przemawia z całą pewnością na korzyść biskupa Tapso, jest wierność Nauce i Tradycji Kościoła, dzięki której swobodnie i pewnie mógł się poruszać na polu teologii, która pozostała dla niego tym, czym być powinna, a więc interpretacją wiary przeżywanej we wspólnocie Kościoła.
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42

Folgerø, Per Olav. "The Sistine Mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore in Rome: Christology and Mariology in the Interlude between the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 21 (September 21, 2017): 33–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.5530.

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In the present re-reading of the Sistine mosaics of S. Maria Maggiore, which embraces the Old and New Testament scenes in their totality, it will be argued that the iconography is a visual manifestation of the Christology predominating in the Roman Episcopate during the interlude between the Councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon (AD 431 to 451). The fact that the Old Testament narration opens with the Life of Abraham and concludes, on the opposite wall, with the Battles of Joshua, including a distinct pictorial indication of the position of Rahab, the harlot of Jericho, who became the great-great-grandmother of King David, has led the present author to the suggestion that the lost panels concluding the cycle may have included at least one Davidic scene. Such a scene would have extolled the soteriological meaning of the human nature of Christ, “the Son of David, the Son of Abraham” (Mt 1:1), thoughts expounded by Leo the Great in his Tomus ad Flavianum, which laid the ground for the Chalcedonian Council. By the same token the thesis will be advanced that, on the triumphal arch, the matron in the blue maphorion, who sits on Christ’s left side, counterbalancing the Virgin in the Adoration of the Magi scene, may be a personification of the women in the genealogical line of Jesus Christ listed in the Gospel of Matthew (Mt 1:1-16). The two women counterpoised in the Adoration scene would thus exalt and substantiate the Gentile, non-Jewish, contribution to the lineage of Our Saviour. The divine providence expressed through these `extraneous´ links in His ancestry (the key figures of whom were the Gentile women Rahab and Ruth), in the story which led to the Descent of the Logos and the Birth of Christ, may have been the underlying, unifying theme in the vast decoration of the basilica.
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43

Spanu, Nicola. "Hagit Amirav, Authority and Performance – Sociological Perspectives on the Council of Chalcedon (AD 451). Göttingen, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2015, 233 p., Open Access book, ISBN: 9783647208688." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 489–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2019-0034.

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44

Posternak, Andrey. "The Ministry of Deaconesses in Byzantium and Projects for Its Reconstruction at the Pre-Council Conference in Russia 1906." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.26.

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Introduction. The order of deaconesses in Byzantium was formed by the time of the Council of Chalcedon in 451. The idea of the institutionalization of the women’s ministry was revived in the new conditions in Russia of the 19th – early 20th century because of the need for Church reforms. Materials and methods. A comparative analysis of the ancient order of deaconesses and the project of its reconstruction in Russia allows us to determine characteristics of the ministry and status of deaconesses that depended on the specific living conditions of the Church. The deaconesses in the Byzantine Empire were ministers of the Church: the bishop ordained widows or virgins between the ages of 40 and 60. Deaconesses kept chastity, had property rights, were assigned to a parish, helped priests at the baptism of women, and were subordinate to clergymen. By the 12th century, the female order in Byzantium disappeared, however the honorary title of deaconess could later be worn by the prioress of female monasteries. The Russian Church has never had deaconesses, but in the 19th – early 20th century projects were discussed for the reconstruction of this women’s ministry which was actively developing in the protestant tradition. The Pre-Council Conference in 1906 developed a draft of Church reforms, including the rules for orthodox deaconesses, who could be elected from active parishioners, not nuns. It was assumed that these women were supposed to keep order in the Church, help the priest in the parish, at the baptism and catechumenate of women, help the sick and the needy, in the so called “inner mission”. However, the undeveloped status of deaconesses as new ministers of the Church did not allow this project to be implemented. Results. The order of the deaconesses that disappeared in Byzantium and the attempt to restore it in Russia show that a stable institutionalization of women’s ministry took place only at a certain period in the history of the Church which needed it.
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Akopov, Arkadi, Liana Nazaryan, Davit Nahatakyan, Armen Hayrapetyan, Hakob Muradyan, and Hasmik Matikyan. "РАСПРОСТРАНЕНИЕ ХАЛКИДОНИЗМА В TАЙКЕ И ЕГО ВЛИЯНИЕ НА ФОРМИРОВАНИЕ ИСТОРИКО-КУЛЬТУРНОЙ СРЕДЫ." Proceedings in Archaeology and History of Ancient and Medieval Black Sea Region, no. 15 (October 31, 2023): 736–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.53737/2284.2023.77.54.028.

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In 451, after the Ecumenical Council of Chalcedon, Chalcedonism spread in Armenia, especially in Tayk. With its spread, Georgian penetrated there having an impact on the historic and cultural life and the ethnic image of the region. A part of the Armenians, breaking away from the Armenian Church, became Georgian-speaking. The study aims to analyze the process and the ethno-religious environment resulted from the impact of the new confession. In Tayk, a bishop’s seat was founded as early as the 4th century by Gregory the Illuminator, and it continued to be a diocese of the Armenian Apostolic Church, which is testified by the fact that the names of the bishops of Tayk have been remembered at church meetings etc. until the 9th — 10thcenturies. Chalcedonism and Georgian writing and literature rooted in the region as late as the 9th — 10th centuries, when the Bagratunis, the local ruling elite, accepted the Chalcedonian confession. As a result, the population of Tayk and their rulers were called ‘Georgians’ or ‘Iberians’ in both Armenian and foreign records. In Tayk, even church ceremonies were performed in Georgian, though Armenian was also used. После Четвёртого Вселенского Халкидонского собора в 451 г. халкидонизм стал распространяться в Армении, особенно в её провинции Тайк. С распространением халкидонизма туда внедрился грузинский язык, что оказало значительное влияние на историко-культурную жизнь и этнический облик региона. Часть армянского населения, постепенно отдаляясь от Армянской церкви, стала грузиноязычной. Цель статьи — изучить процесс распространения халкидонизма в Тайке и образовавшуюся в результате этого новую этнорелигиозную среду, проанализировать влияние нового вероисповедания на историко-культурную среду. В Тайке, где епископский престол еще в IV в. был основан Григорием Просветителем, до IX—X вв. продолжала оставаться епархия Армянской Апостольской церкви, свидетельством чего являются имена епископов Тайка, упоминаемых на церковных собраниях и в других случаях. Только в IX—X вв., когда местная правящая элита — Багратуни — приняла халкидонскую религию, в регионе укоренились халкидонизм, грузинская письменность и литература. В результате смены вероисповедания в армянских и зарубежных источниках население и правители Тайка стали также именоваться «грузинами» или «иберами». В Тайке и соседнем Кхарджке даже церковные обряды проводились на грузинском языке, хотя использовался и армянский.
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46

Cavadini, John C. "Christ in Christian Tradition, Vol. 2: From the Council of Chalcedon (451) to Gregory the Great (590-604). By Aloys GrillmeierS.J., Part One: Reception and Contradiction. The development of the discussion about Chalcedon from 451 to the beginning of the reign of Justinian. Translated by Pauline Allen and John Cawte. Atlanta, GA: John Knox, 1987. xxi + 340 pages. $34.95." Horizons 16, no. 1 (1989): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900040081.

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47

Pásztori-Kupán, István. "Paul B. ClaytonJr, The Christology of Theodoret of Cyrus: Antiochene Christology from the Council of Ephesus (431) to the Council of Chalcedon (451), Oxford Early Christian Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. x + 355. $175.00." Scottish Journal of Theology 64, no. 4 (September 26, 2011): 490–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930610000207.

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48

Fowden, Garth. "Alexandria between Antiquity and Islam: Commerce and Concepts in First Millennium Afro-Eurasia." Millennium 16, no. 1 (October 21, 2019): 233–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2019-0012.

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Abstract Late antique Alexandria is much better known than the early Islamic city. To be fully appreciated, the transition must be contextualized against the full range of Afro-Eurasiatic commercial and intellectual life. The Alexandrian schools ‘harmonized’ Hippocrates and Galen, Plato and Aristotle. They also catalyzed Christian theology especially during the controversies before and after the Council of Chalcedon (451) that tore the Church apart and set the stage for the emergence of Islam. Alexandrian cultural dissemination down to the seventh century is here studied especially through evidence for the city’s libraries and book trade, together with the impact of its educational curriculum from Iran to Canterbury. After the Arab conquest, Alexandria turned into a frontier city and lost its economic and political role. But it became a city of the mind whose conceptual legacy fertilized not only Greek scholarship at Constantinople, but also Arabic science and philosophy thanks to the eighth- to ninth-century Baghdadi translation movement. Alexandria emanated occult energies too, thanks to the Pharos as variously misunderstood by Arabic writers, or the relics of its Christian saints, not least the Evangelist Mark, surreptitiously translated to Venice in 828-29. Study of the astral sciences too - astronomy but also astrology - was fertilized from Alexandria, as far afield as India and perhaps China as well as Syria, Baghdad and Constantinople. Egypt’s revival by the Fatimids, who founded Cairo in 961, had little impact on Alexandria until about the end of the eleventh century when, for a time, the city attracted Sunni scholars from as far away as Spain or Iran, while commerce benefited from the rise of the Italian merchant republics and the beginning of the Crusades. While the early caliphate had united a vast zone from Afghanistan to the Atlantic, the eleventh century saw a reemergence of late antique distinctions between the Iranian plateau, Syro-Mesopotamia, and the two Mediterranean basins. Alexandria was one of the points where these worlds intersected, though sub-Saharan Africa, to which it formally belonged, remained largely beyond its horizon until the twentieth century.
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49

Tkachuk, Ruslan. "THE PROVING OF THE CATHOLIC DOCTRINE OF THE PRIMACY OF THE POPE BY THE UKRAINIAN POLEMICIST THEODORE SKUMYNOVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Literary Studies. Linguistics. Folklore Studies, no. 2(34) (2023): 126–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2659.2023.34.25.

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The article reveals the arguments of the primacy of the Pope in the universal church given by the Ukrainian Catholic polemicist Theodore Skumynovych in the work "Przyczyny porzucenia Disuniey przezacnemu narodowi ruskiemu podane" (1643). Justifying the supremacy of the Roman cathedra, the writer gave an "argument from history" that Pope Sylvester I, having elevated the bishop of Byzantium Mitrophan to the patriarchal title, founded the Patriarchate of Constantinople. In the context of the history of the Byzantine Church, the Catholic writer raised the question of the legality of the Patriarchs of Constantinople use of the title "oecumenicus episcopus", which the bishops of the Eastern Churches called Pope Leo I at the Council of Chalcedon (451). It is revealed the details of the dispute between Pope Gregory the Great and Patriarch John IV the Faster concerning the naming of the Patriarch of Constantinople as an "oecumenicus episcopus". Theodore Skumynovych considered the historical facts of the appointment and displacement of the first hierarchs of the East to be proof of the judicial supremacy of Rome. In particular, the polemicist talked about the restoration of Athanasius the Great and Paul I in the episcopal cathedra by Pope Julius I. From the "Poluustav" of the Vilnius Holy Spirit Monastery the writer cited the story of the appointment of St. Hippolytus of Rome by the Pope as bishop of Portuen. Proving the primacy of the Roman Church, Theodore Skuminovych relied on the facts of the anathematization of the Byzantine emperors and first hierarchs by the bishops of Rome. The most persuasive example of this was the story of the exile of John Chrysostom from the Constantinople's cathedra. The article provides some details of the episcopal ministry of John Chrysostom, such as: the gist of church reforms, relations with the imperial court and Theophilus of Alexandria and also the appeal to Pope Innocent I. The focus of Theodore Skuminovich's attention is the anathema pronounced by Pope Innocent I against Emperor Arcadius, Eudoxia and the dead at that time Patriarch Arsakiy. The return by Pope Nicholas I to the patriarchal cathedra in Constantinople of Patriach Ignatius served to the polemicist as an argument in favor of the primacy of the Pope. In the story about the displacement of Patriarch Photius, the writer mentioned the Fourth Council of Constantinople (869), which in the Catholic Church is considered the Eighth Ecumenical Council. The Other proofs of the supremacy of the Pope were the information from the lives of Maxim the Confessor, Stephen the New and Theodorit the Studite.
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Weinrich, William C. "From the Council of Chalcedon (451) to Gregory the Great (590–604): The Church of Alexandria with Nubia and Ethiopia after 451. Vol. 2, pt. 4 of Christ in Christian Tradition. By Aloys Grillmeier, S.J. with Theresia Hainthaler. Translated by O. C. Dean. London: Mowbray, 1996. xxiv + 431 pp. $50.00 cloth." Church History 68, no. 2 (June 1999): 430–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170873.

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