Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Council of Free Czechoslovakia'

This thesis for the master of architecture degree focuses on the particular requirements for Senior Citizen Center in San Francisco.In the traditional society of the West, things did not change quickly, and people did not frequently move from one place to another; but this present-day society is one of dynamic suburbs; villages and towns can change their appearances in a very short time. The treatment of older people in contemporary society has caused many of them to feel alienated from the mainstream. Technical progress and the “rational” organization of present day civilization has largely eliminated the aged as persons having more experience that may beneficially be shared with the rest of us. I believe it is important to consider and respect the value of elderly people.My chosen program and site for this creative project is to design and solve the main problems of high density, the location, and the existing environments.In my own country of Thailand, there are only a few places specifically built for homeless elderly. It is very interesting therefore for me to explore and acquire knowledge for the design of Senior Citizen Center in the United States. There is a certain potential for this being useful someday in my own country.
Department of Architecture

This thesis deals with an overview of Czechoslovak Radio Free Europe (RFE) in the years 1968-1977. It analyzes, which comments RFE broadcasted during the Prague Spring and Soviet occupation by Warsaw Pact troops. The thesis discusses how the content of broadcasting changed after arrival of new editors in 1968 and what impact had activities of the State Sercet Security on the functioning of the Czechoslovak editorial. Finally, this thesis tries to answer the question of what effect had broadcasting on the citizens of Czechoslovakia. The first part of the thesis describes the origin of Radio Free Europe in 1951 and goes on to describe political events in Czechoslovakia in the years 1968 - 1977. The theoretical part is finished by chapter about the differences between communist and capitalist economic system and the economic situation in Czechoslovakia in the seventies. The second part of the thesis describes the general program of the Czechoslovak editorial staff and its functioning. The next chapter describes specific RFE broadcasting. The last two chapters examine the effect of broadcasting in the CSSR and the importance of the State Secret Security.

This dissertation is devoted to the Czechoslovakian entry into the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) and the consequences of this membership on Czechoslovak economics in the following ten years. The thesis discourses about the reasons for the entry into the COMECON by analysing the postwar economic and political situation as well as the elements Czechoslovakia was expecting from it. The emphasis of this dissertation is on the first two years of the functioning of the COMECON, during which it was revealed to be primarily an instrument of Soviet politics, and which affected the transformation towards the preference for heavy indrustry. The intention of the thesis is to confirm that Czechoslovakia was suiting its economical structure to the needs of the Eastern Bloc, which were pursued through COMECON. The study also focuses on the analysis of changes in COMECON activity and their impact on the Czechoslovak economy over the years. The purpose of the thesis is to review the motives behind the Czechoslovak entry into COMECON along with the consequences COMECON membership had on Czechoslovakia in the first ten years of its existence.

Background: With almost 80,000 Europeans estimated to die annually from the consequences of exposure to second-hand smoke (SHS) and over a quarter of all Europeans being exposed to the toxins of cigarette smoke at work on a daily basis, SHS is a major European public health problem. Smoke-free policies, i.e. policies which ban smoking in public places and workplaces, are an effective way to reduce exposure. Policy options to reduce public exposure to SHS were negotiated by European Union (EU) decision makers between 2006 and 2009, resulting in the European Council Recommendation on smoke-free environments. A variety of stakeholders communicated their interests prior to the adoption of the policy. This thesis aims to analyse the engagement and collaboration of organisational stakeholders in the development of the Council Recommendation on smoke-free environments. Methods: The case study employs a mixed method approach to analyse data from policy documents, consultation submissions and qualitative interviews. Data from 176 consultation submissions serve as a basis to analyse the structure of the policy network using quantitative network analysis. In addition, data from these submissions, selected documents of relevance to the policy process and 35 in-depth interviews with European decision makers and stakeholders are thematically analysed to explore the content of the network and the engagement of and interaction between political actors. Results: The analysis identified a sharply polarised network which was largely divided into two adversarial advocacy coalitions. The two coalitions took clearly opposing positions on the policy initiative, with one coalition supporting and the other opposing comprehensive European smoke-free policy. The Supporters’ Alliance, although consisting of diverse stakeholders, including public health advocacy organisations, professional organisations, scientific institutions and pharmaceutical companies, was largely united by its members’ desire to protect Europeans from the harms caused by SHS and campaign for comprehensive European tobacco control policy. Seemingly coordinated and guided by an informal group of key individuals, alliance members made strategic decisions to collaborate and build a strong, cohesive force against the tobacco industry. The Opponents’ Alliance consisted almost exclusively of tobacco manufacturers’ organisations which employed a strategy of damage limitation and other tactics, including challenging the scientific evidence, critiquing the policy process and advancing discussions on harm reduction, to counter the development of effective tobacco control measures. The data show that the extent of tobacco company engagement was narrowed by the limited importance that industry representatives attached to opposing non-binding EU policy and by the companies’ struggle to overcome low credibility and isolation. Discussion: This study is the first that applies social network analysis to the investigation of EU public health policy and systematically analyses and graphically depicts a policy network in European tobacco control. The analysis corroborates literature which highlights the polarised nature of tobacco control policy and draws attention to the complex processes of information exchange, consensus-seeking and decision making which are integral to the development of European public health policy. The study identifies the European Union’s limited competence as a key factor shaping stakeholder engagement at the European level and presents the Council Recommendation on smoke-free environments as an example of the European Commission’s successful management of the policy process. An increased understanding of the policy network and the factors influencing the successful development of comprehensive European smoke-free policy can help to guide policymaking and public health advocacy in current European tobacco control debates and other areas of public health.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the development of international trade in Czechoslovakia from the end of World War II to the period of "sovietization". The author will examine foreign trade during the first post war years. He will concentrate on international trade in Czechoslovakia during 1945 -- 1953, especially on the problem of restricting trade with West European countries and strengthening ties with the Eastern bloc. The contribution of this paper consists mainly of creating a compact view of Czechoslovakian foreign trade after World War II until the end of the first five year plan (after the communist revolution).

This study sets out to review a comparison of membership within the United Nations Security Council and the Human Rights Council and how sexual orientation and gender (SOGI) rights are protected or promoted within a state's foreign policy. These states were selected due to the need of having a set within the 193 UN member states and by choosing the UNSC there is elimination of selection bias. Multilateralism carries many difficulties, and chief amongst this is the concept of human rights. Human rights in general are often contentious, and especially in the area of SOGI. Because SOGI rights are not explicitly guaranteed within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights or any of the major Human Rights Conventions many states contend that they cannot be recognized as they are new rights. However, advocates for SOGI rights call for the principle of equality pointing out that these are not new rights, simply recognizing the importance of equal rights for all.

There is little work done already to emphasize how foreign policy engages with sexual orientation. Instead there is plenty of research supporting the marginalization and discrimination against people because of their SOGI. Most studies deal with domestic situations. This study as an interdisciplinary approach blends quantitative, qualitative and legal focuses within expressed foreign policy and attempts to determine if there is any relationship between states that are involved within the United Nations Security Council, the Human Rights Council, and SOGI foreign policy. After a thorough review of the backgrounds related to SOGI of each selected state, each state is then measured across 2 indices each comprised of 4 factors to attempt to begin a valuation of the two subjects. The results appear to reflect that those states that are more involved within the UNSC and the Human Rights Council do tend to have a better record on SOGI within their foreign policy. However, these results can only be preliminary as more research is needed to fully understand how these two variables can interact with each other.

The thesis maps the change in the territorial structure of Czechoslovak foreign trade in 1945-1953. The aim of the study is verification of the hypothesis that allows for direct foreign trade policy constraints on political events. In other words, as the gradual political integration of Czechoslovakia into the Soviet bloc touched territorial structure of foreign trade. The text examines the changing trend in foreign trade, which has been shown by growth of the share of the USSR at the expense of the capitalist states, and addresses the question of whether and how much the Soviet Union could replace the liberal market economy. The work contributes to the knowledge of the functioning of the post-war period with foreign exchange trading and describes the influence of foreign trade by the disproportionately greater economic and political entity.

La présente thèse traitant de la libre circulation des avocats tant du point de vue de la réglementation de l'Union que de sa mise en œuvre en Slovaquie comporte deux parties, la première traitant de la reconnaissance des diplômes et des qualifications professionnelles et des modalités d'exercice de la profession d'avocat et la deuxième relative à la prestation de services et à l'établissement des avocats. Grâce aux initiatives du législateur, mais aussi du juge de l'Union, la migration des avocats dans le marché intérieur européen a été largement facilitée, tout en préservant les sauvegardes de qualité des services juridiques prêtés par les avocats migrants dans l'Union européenne. S'agissant de la réglementation slovaque de la profession d'avocat, celle-ci est largement conforme au cadre juridique de l'Union. Néanmoins, certaines dispositions du droit slovaque transposant l'acquis de l'Union ne semblent pas être précisément transposées et conformes à la réglementation de l'Union correspondante.

La déontologie des avocats émane-t-elle d’eux à raison des nécessités de l’exercice ou des autorités politiques parce qu’elle touche une tâche régalienne ? La France a peu hésité. S’inspirant notamment de THEODOSE puis JUSTINIEN, empruntant aux carolingiens et à la chevalerie une morale religieuse, les rois à compter de Saint LOUIS ont légiféré d’autant que la naissance des juridictions royales à la fin du XIIIème siècle stabilise le rôle et le titre de l’avocat. Les coutumes et les « stiles » complètent ce dispositif. Ces principes (loyauté, indépendance, respect) se transformeront au cours des époques en « usages ». Tant que l’avocat est un membre de l’institution judiciaire ayant vocation d’en devenir un cadre la déontologie reposait sur un consensus. La vénalité des charges lui ôtant cette promotion, le transforme en simple « auxiliaire », rétif aux injonctions au point de fomenter d’improbables grèves. Imprégné de la grandeur fantasmée de ses ancêtres antiques il préfère consolider son rang social (noblesse, préséance). A partir de LOUIS XIV la déontologie se fige. La Révolution balaie cet héritage multiséculaire. Pressés par les concepts de liberté et de gratuité les constituants, majoritairement avocats, suppriment la profession et les Parlements honnis. Des « défenseurs officieux », souvent sans foi ni loi, se substituent aux avocats. La déontologie disparut pendant vingt ans. Rétablis avec réticence par NAPOLEON, ces « factieux » lutteront tout le XIXème contre l’Etat pour la maîtrise des « usages » fragilisant un peu plus ceux-ci déjà traversés par les courants sociétaux (émancipation, nationalité). Le décret de 1920 régla cette situation qui faillit engloutir les Ordres. Jamais plus jusqu’en 1971 les avocats ne participeront à la définition de leurs règles. Tout au plus une association (ANA) fera avec succès des propositions. Les guerres illustrèrent le pouvoir d’intervention du Prince dans la déontologie en la suspendant, l’aménageant en profondeur (interdiction des juifs) ou en créant des institutions pérennes (CAPA). La France Libre conserva de Vichy tout ce qui ne heurtait pas des principes fondamentaux. Les années 54/57 introduisirent des modifications libérales (droit de manier des fonds, de s’associer, de réclamer des honoraires impayés). Il est un endroit où l’Etat n’a pas renoncé à l’avocat fonctionnaire : l’outre-mer. L’Algérie mise à part, « prolongement naturel de la France », dans les autres pays sous domination française, dans un désordre total, sans cette unité rêvée, la France a, dans l’indifférence des Ordres, créé une paradéontologie évoquant vaguement l’avoué. En dépit d’une prolifération législative la France n’a pas plus réussi à imposer une déontologie universelle. Usant de procédés imaginatifs renouvelés, les gouverneurs ont, principe de réalisme oblige, tout inventé pour sauver un système notoirement défaillant jusqu’à l’inadmissible (interdiction de plaider pour les indigènes). Dans les années 1930/1936 la République se résolut à instaurer des « barreaux libres », grosso modo calqués sur ceux de métropole, tentative libérale sans lendemain à raison de la guerre puis des conflits de décolonisation. Il faudrait réserver un sort à part à l’Algérie, « prolongement naturel de la France ». La Loi du 31 décembre 1971 en créant un « avoué plaidant » redouté par les caciques a initié une réforme profonde du rôle de l’avocat et posé ainsi les jalons d’une évolution ultérieure de la déontologie (institution d’une représentation nationale -CNB, octroi à celle-ci du pouvoir législatif en la matière). C’est néanmoins sans les avocats que fut publié le décret de déontologie en 2005. Une déontologie aussi linéaire s’explique par le souci pour le Prince d’assurer jusqu’à l’infini détail la perfection de sa mission de juger, une métaphysique du parfait. La marchandisation du droit, l’extension du domaine de l’avocat, l’industrialisation des acteurs contrarient cet objectif. La France tranchera-t-elle enfin ?
Is ethics of lawyers emanating from them because of the necessities of its exercise or from the political authorities because it touches a sovereign task? France has not hesitated. Inspired in particular by THEODOSIUS and JUSTINIAN, borrowing Carolingians and chivalry religious morals, kings from St. Louis have legislated especially as the birth of royal courts at the end of the thirteenth century stabilized the role and title of the lawyer. The customs and the "stiles" completed this device. These principles (loyalty, independence, respect) will change over time into "uses". As long as the lawyer is a member of the judicial institution with a vocation to become executive, the deontology was based on a consensus. The venality of the offices depriving him of this promotion, transforms him into a simple "auxiliary", wayward to the point of stirring unlikely strikes. Impregnated with the fantasized grandeur of his ancestors in the antiquity he prefers to consolidate his social rank (nobility, precedence). From LOUIS XIV the deontology (ethics) freezes. The Revolution sweeps away this multisecular heritage. Pressed by the concepts of freedom and gratuitousness, the constituents, mostly lawyers, suppress the profession and the parliaments that are being hated. "Unofficial defenders", often without faith or law, take the place of lawyers. Ethics disappeared for twenty years. Reluctantly reinstated by NAPOLEON, these "factious" struggle all the nineteenth against the state for the control of "uses" weakening them (already in butte to societal currents: emancipation, nationality) a little more. The decree of 1920 settled this situation, which almost engulfed the Orders. Never again until 1971 will lawyers participate in the definition of their rules. At most one association (ANA) will make successful proposals. The wars illustrated the Prince's power of intervention in deontology by suspending it, overhauling it (prohibiting Jews) or creating permanent institutions (CAPA). “France Libre” preserved from Vichy everything that did not conflict with fundamental principles. The years 54/57 introduced liberal modifications (the right to wield funds, to associate, to claim unpaid fees). It is a place where the state did not give up to make the lawyer a civil servant: overseas. Except for Algeria, a "natural extension of France", in other countries under french domination, in a total disorder, far from its dreamed unity, France has, in the indifference of the bar associations, created a paradeontology vaguely evoking the “avoué”. Despite a legislative abundance, France has no more succeeded in imposing a universal code of ethics. Using renewed imaginative processes, the governors have, as required by a principle of realism, all invented to save a notoriously failing system until the inadmissible (prohibition to plead for the natives). In the years 1930/1936 the Republic resolved to establish "free bars", roughly modeled on those of metropolis, a liberal attempt without a future because of the war and the conflicts of decolonization. The Law of December 31, 1971 creating a "pleading-solicitor" dreaded by the caciques initiated a profound reform of the role of the lawyer and laid the groundwork for a subsequent evolution of ethics (institution of a national representation -CNB granting it legislative power in this area). It was nevertheless without the lawyers that the decree of ethics was published in 2005. Such a linear deontology is explained by the concern for the Prince to ensure to the infinity detail the perfection of his mission to judge, a metaphysics of the perfect. The commodification of the law, the extension of the field of the lawyer, the industrialization of the actors contradict this objective. Will France finally decide ?

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

In this thesis I outline the contribution Community-based theatre has made to New Zealand theatre. This involves a defining of theatre production as a material practice. Community-based theatre was a tendency from the 1930s, a promise of the left theatre movement and, I argue, was being searched for as a form of practice by the avant-garde, experimental practitioners of the 1970s. At the same time, early Māori theatre began as a Community-based practice before moving into the mainstream. With the arrival of neo-liberalism to Aotearoa in 1984, community groups and Community-based theatre could become official providers within the political system. This led to a flowering of practices, which I describe, together with the tensions that arise from being a part of that system. However, neo-liberalism introduced managerial practices into state contracting and patronage policy, which effectively denied this flowering the sustenance deserved. At the same time, these policies commodified mainstream theatre production. In conclusion, I argue that in the current situation of global crisis, Community-based theatre practice has a continuing role to play in giving voice to the multitude and by being a practice of the Common.

While much has been written on the Australian film and television industry, little has been presented by actual producers, filmmakers and technicians of their time and experiences within that same industry. Similarly, with historical documentaries, it has been academics rather than filmmakers who have led the debate. This thesis addresses this shortcoming and bridges the gap between practitioner experience and intellectual discussion, synthesising the debate and providing an important contribution from a filmmaker-academic, in its own way unique and insightful. The thesis is presented in two voices. First, my voice, the voice of memoir and recollected experience of my screen adventures over 38 years within the Australian industry, mainly producing historical documentaries for the ABC and the SBS. This is represented in italics. The second half and the alternate chapters provide the industry framework in which I worked with particular emphasis on documentaries and how this evolved and developed over a 40-year period, from 1970 to 2010. Within these two voices are three layers against which this history is reviewed and presented. Forming the base of the pyramid is the broad Australian film industry made up of feature films, documentary, television drama, animation and other types and styles of production. Above this is the genre documentary within this broad industry, and making up the small top tip of the pyramid, the sub-genre of historical documentary. These form the vertical structure within which industry issues are discussed. Threading through it are the duel determinants of production: ‘the market’ and ‘funding’. Underpinning the industry is the involvement of government, both state and federal, forming the three dimensional matrix for the thesis. For over 100 years the Australian film industry has depended on government support through subsidy, funding mechanisms, development assistance, broadcast policy and legislative provisions. This thesis aims to weave together these industry layers, binding them with the determinants of the market and funding, and immersing them beneath layers of government legislation and policy to present a new view of the Australian film industry.

The study "Democrat Petr Zenkl (from teaching to the exile)" is a complex political monography of one of the most important Czechoslovak politicians, PhDr. Petr Zenkl. It focuses on his resistance to the rule of Austria-Hungary, his early activities and the beginnings of his political career, his municipal work in Prague, his participation in the governments of the First and Third Czechoslovak republic, his career in the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party and his leading role among anti-comunist exiles in the USA during the Cold War.

碩士
淡江大學
歐洲研究所
86
This thesis mainly discusses the functioning principal for the safeguard clause mechanism (Art XIX of GATT) under the free trade system (GATT). This urle is designed to achieve the goal of helping the GATT/WTO system function properly with the aim of building a free trade regime. Within the context of this thesis, by presenting the European Community law, it slso evaluates the result of reformed Agreement on Safeguard, whether it function well to achieve the goal of realizing the free trade in the interiational commerce. 　　In the internatonal commercial world, "Free Trade" is supported by the Theory of Comparative Advantage by David Ricardo and the other refined theory of comparative advantage and fact. They believe the exchange of goods from trade between countries will increase the productivity, enhance the income of people and improve people's livng atandard. In order to put free trade into practice in the real world. General Agreement on Tariffs and trade--GATT was established after the World War Ⅱ. However, while making the free trade rules of GATT into practice, some exceptional rules were put into the GAtt rules too, gicing the contracting parties to withdraw its free trade obligation when they faced open market diffculty. Art. XIX is just one of these rules. Anyhow Art XLX did not achieve its original purpose after GATT went into effect, besides its poor performance undermined the set-up goal of GATT. There were three major reasons why it did not work out well. One is the substantive requirements are not clearly defined. The other is that the use of Art. XLX is replaced by other import relief rules, such as Anti-dumping rule Art. VI of, Anti-subsidy rule Art. XVI. And the last reason is the replacement of Grey Area Measures. Fortunately the above-mentioned reasons were resolved in the Uruguay Round Multilateral Negotiation, The contracting parties agreed to sign the Agreement on Safeguard--the result of reforming Art. XIX . This reformed Agreement on Safcguard has improved the previous problem of poor defined requirement, but there is still the difference in the substantive requirement between the "fair trade" import relief and "unfair trade " import, which needs to be settled. It is probably that the des-cqual invoking number between the two import relieves will continue exit in the future. Further observation is necessary for the development of the reformed Agreement on Safeguard. 　　Since the European community and its member states adopt more import relief measures than any other contracting countries, the compliance which European Community obeys the Agreement on Safegaurd of WTO is the rule of thump for observation. Comparing the Council Regulation No. 3285/94 with the Agreement of Safeguard, the rules of Council Regulation No. 3285/94 comply within the interpretation of the Agreement of Safeguard. However the actual practice of No. 3285/94 is beyond the evaluation, due to the reason that there is no application case ever since the regulation went into effect, The defree that European community obeys the Agreement on Safeguard should be further observed in the future too.

This thesis deals with the relations between Czechoslovakia and Israel in 1967-1971. It is specifically concerned with anti-Zionist policies of the socialist regime, which reflected themselves not only in the anti-Israeli stance of Czechoslovakia, but also in the relations of state authorities towards Jewish minority, and bore antisemitic characteristics. Contrary to lasting rigorous refusal of antisemitism since 1940s/50s, Czechoslovakia manifested its hostility towards Israel on regular basis. Struggle against Zionism was one of the aims of the Czechoslovak ideological war against alleged or real adversaries. For the regime, Israel represented West, and West was full of so called centres of ideological diversion. One of such centres was also Radio Free Europe (RFE). Author of the thesis assumes that RFE not only reflected the ideological struggle concerning Jews and "Zionists," in Czechoslovakia, but also played a role of a counter-balancing force in the matter. By means of analysis of RFE situation reports, the thesis evaluates the extent of RFE counter-balance of the Czechoslovak anti-Zionist ideology. After theoretical introduction (chapter one), changes in the relations of Czechoslovakia towards Israel and local Jewish community in 1945-1967 are described. Second chapter also debates tension...

The disertation is focused on development and importance of the Czechoslovak desk of the Radio Free Europe in period between 1950 and 1994. This broadcasting have gained in time of strong censorship significant and till now unresearched importance. In February 1948 the Communist party took power in the Czechoslovakia. After that Czech and Slovak democratic politicians had left country to the West. They wanted to break the isolation of people living behind the Iron Curtain and promote restoration of democracy in their homeland. In 1949 was in the USA established the National Committee for Free Europe as fomally independent citizens association. As its most known activity had became the Radio Free Europe (RFE). This radio station had became an important tool for political strugle between two blocks in time of the Cold War. The basic qestion is what real position RFE broadcasting have reached in this struggle. The estabilishing of foreign broadcasting to the Czechoslovakia was very difficult task. RFE started its activity as exiles platform for purpose of liberation the Czechoslovakia from rule of the Communistic Party regime. The programming position of the RFE was in reality influented by american politicians and was depending on changing global political conditions as well. The unique position of...

With the rise of the new social movements and increasing number of protests over service delivery in South Africa’s poorest townships, many activists have started to question whether unions are able to relate to the demands of the unorganised and poor. It is argued that under the new democracy COSATU has become bureaucratic and is too closely aligned to the ANC to challenge government policies and play a transformative role in society. Such concerns are not entirely new. Labour historians and industrial sociologists have long debated the political potential and democratic character of trade unions and there is a vast literature documenting the organisational styles of unions in South Africa today and in the past. Based on examination of union archival records and interviews with key informants, this study traces the emergence of the ‘workers control’ tradition in South African trade unions. ‘Workers control’ is a unique approach based on non-racial, industrial trade unions, which are democratically organised on the factory floor. Such unions, which are ideally controlled by elected worker representatives at all levels and united nationally on the basis of sharing common policies and resources, create the basis for an autonomous movement that promotes the interest of workers. Although most closely associated with FOSATU (1979-1985), this study found that workers control had deeper historical roots. Workers control was a product of the ideological and organisational renewal that characterised the 1970s and was initially created by the Trade Union Advisory Coordinating Committee (TUACC) in Natal and, later, the Witwatersrand. TUACC, which included significant numbers of women employed as semi-skilled production workers and unskilled migrant men, reflected complex shifts in the labour market and the economy. It was in this context that ordinary union members together with a diverse layer of activists developed TUACC’s unique approach to organisation. The power of white university trained activists in determining union policies has been overestimated and worker leaders, particularly more educated women workers, played an important role in building TUACC unions. Based on a Gramscian analysis, TUACC maintained that democratic unions based on strong shop floor organisation could exploit loop holes in the law and participate in industrial structures without undermining union autonomy and democracy. TUACC, however, was less clear of how to relate to political movements and parties. TUACC distanced itself officially from the banned ANC to avoid repression, but some workers and unionists looked to homeland and traditional leaders for alliances. This tension between the creation of a democratic trade union culture and the workers’ support of more autocratic political and traditional leaders and populist movements was never resolved. All of TUACC’s affiliates were founder members of COSATU and this study gives us some insight into the traditions that inform COSATU’s responses to social movements, political parties and the state today. Drawing on the insights of the Anracho-syndicalism, this study also highlights some of the dangers of separating the economic and political activities of workers into unions and political parties respectively.

This master thesis maps out events and processes which are connected with the resurgence of the Woodcraft league of Czechoslovakia after the fall of communism in Czechoslovakia in 1989. It deals with woodcraft community and affiliated groups that intensified their activities during the last years of the period of normalization in Czechoslovakia. After the Velvet revolution, these groups and individuals represented basis for the resurgence of the Woodcraft league. Furthermore, this paper describes concrete steps connected with this resurgence, introduces prominent actors of this process and tries to explain their major steps. It does not omit controversial events, neither ideological cleavages linked to the resurgence of the organisation, which was gagged more than 40 years. Finally, this final thesis puts the focus on the evolution of the organisation during its first modern period when it has succeeded in establishing itself within the Czechoslovakian society marked by a newly gathered freedom, an uncritical euphoria and by the subsequent return to reality. The information for this study was collected using the method of oral history, more specifically through interviews with prominent actors of these events. Collected findings were subsequently compared with information from other written sources...

The presented text is concerned with the development of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL) in the period from the late 1980s to mid-1990s. The main aspiration of this Diploma Thesis is the introduction of these specific radio projects in a new era with new missions. RFE/RL gained great popularity during the Cold War period as they were powerful tools in the fight against communist regimes in Europe and the Soviet Union. However, with the fall of Iron Curtain, it was generally anticipated that their tasks were complete. Both Services had to fight against these general assumptions and prove that their mission had yet more functions. Thus, they focused on promoting ideas and principles of democratic and liberal societies. This type of educational broadcasting proved to be very much needed in the post-communist countries which sought to implement the norms of the Western world. This paper describes the overall, somewhat complicated story of RFE/RL, its mission and further developments in broadcasting, which were fundamentally influenced by plans for budget cuts and resulted in the relocation of RFE/RL's operations from Munich to Prague. For more thorough understanding of these issues, the paper also draws on broader historical context of RFE/RL's development from the very beginning of its operations in...

The thesis aimed to analyze the depiction of the monetary reform in 1953 in Czechoslovakia in the regional printed media in Olomouc (Stráž lidu and Časopis Krajského národního výboru Olomouc) and to compare the published reports at the regional level with the national press (Rudé právo and Svobodné slovo). A more detailed look into the situation was also provided by examining the archival documents of political authorities (HSTD, the press department of the KV KSČ in Olomouc and the KNV Olomouc) who were in charge of the analyzed newspapers and the aim was to find out whether the written instructions to individual editors on how to report about the economic changes in the newspaper were preserved. For the analysis of archival materials and preserved copies of selected newspapers, I chose the historical direct method, historical-comparative method and narrative analysis. Research in the archives did not provide direct evidence that the competent state authorities in charge of the analyzed periodicals passed instructions on what is to be printed about monetary reform to the editors of each analysed newspapers. However, the fact that the notes on instructions have not been preserved does not preclude their existence. Thanks to the historical-comparative method it was possible to find based on the...

The purpose of this study was to explore the perceptions of principals and school board members (SBMs) regarding their working relationship in the Zambezi region of Namibia. Not much research about this area has been conducted in the Zambezi region and Namibia at large. The reviewed literature posits that principals play a major role in creating effective working relationships with SBMs. It also argues that positive working relationships between principals and SBMs are at the heart of making a school extraordinary. This working relationship can be fruitful if there is a closer understanding of the roles and responsibilities between the principals and SBMs. Three leadership theories that seemed to suit the study were analyzed and discussed. The transformational leadership, partnership and Dewey’s theory of democracy in education were relevant to this study. The three leadership theories guided the study in exploring the perceptions of principals and SBMs regarding their working relationships in the Zambezi region. They also guided the study to clarify the challenges that contributed to the lack of trusting working relationships between principals and SBMs in the Zambezi region in Namibia. The study is located in the interpretive paradigm, where a qualitative case study approach to the research problem was employed. For the purpose of the study, the researcher selected six schools, two primary schools, two combined and two senior secondary schools, as sites to explore the research problem. It is important to mention that the findings of the study cannot be generalized to all school boards in Namibia, since the research was limited to six schools in the Zambezi region only. The researcher summarized the findings of the study according to the four research questions. The findings derived from this study revealed that the majority of principals and SBMs perceived their working relationship as collegial. However, the study also revealed that some SBMs did not have a good working relationship with the principals. SBMs were not aware of how the finances of the school were utilized. Furthermore, they accused principals of not being transparent when it came to staff appointments. The findings from this study also revealed that, when there was a good working relationship between principals and SBMs at the school, it became easier to maintain discipline among learners and that learners performed better. There needs to be good communication between principals and SBMs, as principals and SBMs are important partners when it comes to the smooth running of a school. There were consultations between principals and SBMs on matters regarding school development. It was, furthermore, learnt that, where there were consultations between principals and SBMs, unity and trust were developed. The Ministry of Education, Arts and Culture (2001:15; 2016:2) in Namibia clearly points out that “For every state school, a school board must be established to administer the school affairs and promote the development of the school and learners of the school” and to “ensure the school is effective in its teaching and learning programme”. However, the study revealed that principals and SBMs were not working in accordance with the Education Act, Act 16 of 2001. SBMs lost interest in participating in school activities. It became evident that SBMs did not seem to be attending school board meetings when invited and rendered many excuses. It emerged from the findings that parent SBMs wanted to be given sitting allowances when attending school board meetings. The findings from the study indicate that there should be good communication between principals and SBMs. Regular school board meetings could help build a good working relationship between principals and SBMs. School board training should be organized for principals and SBMs. To mitigate the challenges faced by principals and SBMs regarding their working relationship in the Zambezi region of Namibia, recommendations associated with understanding of and adherence to policies, working together, communication, trust and fear among SBMs, are that all schools should have scheduled school board meetings that are communicated very early to everyone concerned and SBMs should be given sitting allowances. The researcher recommends that principals and SBMs receive compulsory and appropriate training that will help them to understand and perform their roles and responsibilities well. Where necessary, school board trainers should use a vernacular language (or seek the services of an interpreter) so that parent SBMs who are not fluently bilingual can understand and grasp all essential concepts of the training programme. In addition, the researcher recommends that community members, who are educated and knowledgeable but do not have children at the school, should be co-opted to serve on the school board. There should be clear policies and processes regarding the recruitment of staff who works at the school. The researcher posits that effective communication can be enhanced by employing vernacular languages in meetings to ensure that parent SBMs understand all the proceedings and are involved. It is advisable for the principal and other SBMs to communicate effectively, keep to what they say and always follow through with tangible actions. To reduce fear demonstrated by Learners’ Representative Council (LRCs) serving on the school board during meetings, it is advisable to give appropriate training so that they can gain a better understanding of their roles and responsibilities. In order for principals to work in harmony with SBMs, it is essential to have well-defined roles, as well as to treat everyone fairly and respectfully.
Educational Management and Leadership
D. Ed. (Education Management)