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Journal articles on the topic 'Council of Free Czechoslovakia'
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Trapl, Miloš, and Jana Burešová. "The Council of Free Czechoslovakia and Czechoslovak Exile in Australia in the 1970s and 1980s." Historica Olomucensia 51, no. 51 (December 11, 2016): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ho.2016.042.
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Trapl, Miloš, and Jana Burešová. "Contacts of the Council of Free Czechoslovakia with the Czechoslovak Post-February Exile in Australia (1948-1968)." Historica Olomucensia 49, no. 49 (December 11, 2015): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ho.2015.034.
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Sulyak, S. G. "V.A. Frantsev and Carpathian Rus." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/5.
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Frantsev Vladimir Andreevich (April 4 (16), 1867 – March 19, 1942) – a Russian Slavicist, who authored more than 300 works on Slavic studies. He graduated from a Warsaw grammar school, then studied in the Imperial Warsaw University. In 1893–1895, V. Frantsev made several journeys abroad with the academic pupose. In 1895, he began to prepare for the master’s degree. In 1897, he went abroad and spent three years there. In 1899, V.A. Frantsev made a trip to Ugrian Rus, after which published an article “Review of the most important studies of Ugric Rus” in the Russian Philological Bulletin (1901, Nr. 1–2) in Warsaw. During his trip, V.A. Frantsev met and subsequently maintained contacts with prominent figures in the revival of Ugrian Rus. In 1899, he became Associate Professor of the Department of the History of Slavic Dialects and Literatures of the Imperial Warsaw University, in 1903 – an extraordinary professor, in 1907 – an ordinary professor. In 1900–1921, V.A. Frantsev lectured at the University of Warsaw, which in 1915 moved to Rostov-on-Don in connection with WWI. Teaching actively at the University, he devoted his free time to archival studies, working mainly in the Slavic lands of Austria-Hungary, where he went “for summer vacations” from 1901 to 1914. Sometimes he continued his work during the winter vacations and Easter holidays, as in 1906/07 and in 1907/08, when the university did not function due to student unrest. V.A. Frantsev reported to the “Society of History, Philology and Law” at the University of Warsaw, of which he was an active participant. In 1902–1907, Frantsev published almost all of his major works (except P.Y. Shafarik’s correspondence, published much later). Among them were his master’s thesis “An Essay on the History of the Czech Renaissance” (Warsaw, 1902), doctoral dissertation “Polish Slavic Studies in the late 18th and first quarter of the 19th century” (Prague, 1906), “Czech dramatic works of the 16th – 17th centuries” (Warsaw, 1903), etc. In 1909, during heated discussions on the future structure of Chełm-Podlasie Rus, he published “Maps of the Russian and Orthodox population of Chełm Rus with statistical tables”. In 1913, V.A. Frantsev became a member of the Czech Royal Society of Sciences. Since 1915, he was a corresponding member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg in the Department of Russian Language and Literature. He did not accept the October Revolution, yet never publicly opposed the new government. At the end of 1919, he received an offer from the Council of Professors of the Prague Charles University (Czechoslovakia) to head the Russian branch of the Slavic Seminar. In Czechoslovakia, he became a professor at Charles University. In 1927, he took Czechoslovak citizenship. V.A. Frantsev’s life was associated with the Russian emigration. He was a full member and chairman of the Russian Institute, as well as chairman of the “Russian Academic Group in Czechoslovakia”, deputy chairman of the “Union of Russian Academic Organizations Abroad”, a member of the Commission for the Study of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus. In 1924, the Uzhhorod “A. Dukhnovich Cultural and Educational Society” republished V.A. Frantsev’s From the Renaissance Era of Ugric Rus under the title On the Question of the Literary Language of Subcarpathian Rus and a brief From the History of Writing in Subcarpathian Rus (1929). In 1930, The Carpathian Collection was published in Uzhhorod, with Frantsev “From the history of the struggle for the Russian literary language in Subcarpathian Rus” in the preface. He spent his last years in Czechoslovakia occupied by Nazi Germany. V.A. Frantsev died on March 19, 1942, a few days before his 75th birthday. He is buried in the Olshansk cemetery in Prague.
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Yordanov, Radoslav. "Bittersweet solidarity: Cuba, Sugar and the Soviet bloc." Revista de Historia de América, no. 161 (July 12, 2021): 215–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35424/rha.161.2021.855.
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This paper traces the complex sugar trade between Cuba and the East European Socialist states (the German Democratic Republic, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, and Hungary) from the Cuban revolution in 1959 until the dissolution of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) in 1991. To Cuba, selling its sugar to the Socialist states at above-world market prices was an expression of East European states’socialist solidarity. To the bloc states, it was a form of economic aid to Cuba. This formulation not only went against the preferred form of exchange within the CMEA, namely cooperation based on mutual interest but also incensed the Cubans who felt the revolution was entitled to the support of all Socialist states from Berlin to Moscow. Amid this complicated relationship, the reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev posed a serious challenge to Cuba, which was unprepared to face the free market. The result was a loss of foreign markets and a severe domestic crisis known as the Special Period.
This work seeks to provide a new reading of the ebb and flow between Cuba and its Socialist trading partners, relying on the views expressed in the candid reports of the East European diplomats and experts, who were involved in the day-to-day managing of their respective states’ economic relations with the Caribbean nation. It is based on original research in foreign ministry, party, and security services archives of the East European states. It also utilizes primary material originating from the Cuban foreign ministry.
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Olexák, Peter. "„Sme za demokraciu.“ Kanonik Andrej Cvinček a jeho percepcia a realizácia demokracie." Kultúrne dejiny 13, no. 2 (2022): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.273-290.
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This paper focuses on the years 1945 – 1948. The Slovak historiography calls this era the “people’s democracy”. A people´s government and democracy itself were supposed to be the cornerstones of post-war Czechoslovakia. The word “democracy” had not only been used very often in public by the organiser of the Slovak people’s uprising (Slovenské národné povstanie), but it was a keyword in all important political documents. Those intellectuals who were part of the revolution were fighting for a functioning democratic system, plurality, free elections, a pluralistic party system and a government that was approved by parliament. These ideals first materialized in the foundation of the Slovenská národna rada (National Councilof the Slovak Republic) and the founding of the Demokratická strana (Democratic Party in Czechoslovakia) in Banská Bystrica. Andrej Cvinček, a canon from Nitra (Slovakia), was an active player in this process. Cvinček was not only a politician with a Christian background, he was a politician who stood up against secular tendencies within the state and was a proponent of conservative political opinions. Cvinček was a forceful advocate of the Christian weltanschauung and the axioms, principles, and interests of his church and religious bodies and organizations. This paper wants to analyze his view on and perception of democracy in post-war Czechoslovakia. Cvinček was hinting at the extreme divergence of what communists described to be a people’s democracy and the very communist reality: this was a warning of what to expect from the immanent rise of totality. Simultaneously, we need to raise the question of whether changes in the political system and society had an impact on the convictions and the career of a politician that was fighting for church interests and Christian principles. This paper is based on materials kept in archives, press articles of his time, and memoirs of his contemporaries. The aim of this paper is, to a lesser extent, to portray his political career, but the focus is being laid on the creation of a typology of how he perceived and understood democracy and how democratic ideas were implemented in the given years 1944 – 1948.
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Myatt, Ian. "Visit to Czechoslovakia by the Society's Chairman of Council." Journal of the Royal Society of Health 111, no. 6 (December 1991): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146642409111100622.
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Dzuričko, Stanislav. "Význam a prínos rokovaní Vatikánu a Československa v 60. rokoch 20. storočia v živote katolíckej cirkvi v Československu." Notitiae Historiae Ecclesiasticae 12, no. 2 (2023): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/nhe.2023.12.2.66-82.
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The main objective of this study is analysis of the positions of the Vatican and Czechoslovakia during mutual negotiations, considering of political and social changes in 1960s with influences on the situation of catholic church in Czechoslovakia. In following paragraphs there are analyses of mutual relations between state and church in Czechoslovakia during the 1950s, which had an influences to situation and relations between state and church in 1960s, informations about the changes in eastern politic of Vatican, starting of negotiations in the context of Second council of Vatican, which has an influence on life of catholic church in Czechoslovakia, and finally there are analyses of mutual negotiations between Vatican and Czechoslovakia during the 1960s. Importance of the study is based mainly on the analyses of mutual negotiations and partial results of that negotiations, including the influences to concrete chapters of church life in Czechoslovakia in the historical context of individual events. That could contribute to detail exploring of mutual relationships between the czechoslovakian state aparate and catholic church. The main object of the study was fulfilled, although in the future it is not excluded that can occur as well as new historical insights on the issue.
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Almashiy, Volodymyr. "Socio-Political and Socio-Cultural Activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic (1989-1993)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.226.
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The given article, based on archival documents, provides the analysis of socio-political, socio-cultural, and educational activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic, the updated name of which was adopted at the extraordinary Congress of the Cultural Union of Ukrainian workers of Czechoslovakia in January 20, 1990 in Prešov. The Cultural Union of Ukrainian Workers of Czechoslovakia of cultural orientation (founded in 1951), which was the predecessor of the new organization, is mentioned. According to the decision of the Congress, the reformed organization focused on strengthening the friendship and cooperation with the Slovak people, other nationalities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, etc. It is noted that the return to the old name was seen by the Rusyn-Ukrainians of Eastern Slovakia as one of the means of identity struggle against the accelerated slovakization in the context of aggravation of interethnic relations in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the late 1980s and 1990s. The analysis of the adopted documents in which the Congress stated its intentions and requirements is given including: Program Proclamation of the Congress, the Memorandum of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia to the Federal Assembly of Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Slovak National Council and the SSR Government, the Statute of the Council of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia, “Organization’s Work Plan for the Near Future”, which expressed the need to give priority to working with young people in and out of schools. The catastrophic decrease in the number of schools with the Ukrainian language of instruction is stated. The paper also notes the numerical grow and revitalization of other Ukrainian national associations and institutions in Slovakia willing to work in the field of cultural and national life of Rusyns-Ukrainians (Oleksander Dukhnovych Society, Rukh, “OBRUCH” Organization, Association of Ukrainians in the Czech Republic, Carpathians Youth Union, etc.)
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Kenealy, Andrew. "The Velvet Revolution's Best Supporting Actors: Shirley Temple Black and U.S. Embassy Prague, 19891." Journal of Cold War Studies 26, no. 1 (2024): 50–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01191.
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Abstract This article discusses the contours of U.S. diplomacy in Czechoslovakia before and during the Velvet Revolution of 1989, showing how the U.S. embassy in Prague, in collaboration with the U.S. National Security Council (NSC) and State Department, crafted U.S. policy. Drawing on recently available primary materials (including declassified U.S. telegrams, Czechoslovak archival documents, unpublished memoirs, and original interviews), this article highlights the role of the U.S. embassy during the period from August to November 1989, including how key officials, above all Ambassador Shirley Temple Black, analyzed political developments, assisted Czechoslovak dissidents, and pursued extensive engagement with the Communist government. The article provides the first scholarly, granular account of U.S. diplomacy in Czechoslovakia during the November 1989 upheavals and contributes to the historiography on U.S. foreign policy and the end of the Cold War.
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Oleksiuk, Adam. "Alois Rašin – czeski i czechosłowacki ekonomista. Przegląd wybranych koncepcji, poglądów i doświadczeń." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6872.
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Alois Rašín (1867-1923) was a Czech and Czechoslovak politician, economist, one of the founders of Czechoslovakia and its first finance minister. Alois Rašín is also the author of the first Czechoslovak law and the creator of the national currency, i.e. the Czechoslovak koruna. Rašín was a representative of conservative liberalism. The paper presents a review of Alois Rašín's concepts, views as the Minister of Finance of Czechoslovakia. Particular attention was paid to his efforts to regulate the currency and monetary system of Czechoslovakia, and to fight galloping inflation (hyperinflation). Rašín supported the free competition, believed in an entrepreneurial society, and believed that the state should strive to maintain a balanced budget.
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Kudrna, Jan. "Volný mandát člena parlamentu v ústavním vývoji Československa a České republiky." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 51, no. 2 (August 10, 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2021.20.
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This article deals with the issue of the matter of the mandate of members of parliament in the constitutional history of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. Namely the article is dedicated to the problem, whether and when in the years 1918–2020 the mandate of the members of parliament was free or imperative. The detailed description shows, that in Czechoslovakia strongly prevailed the imperative mandate, irrespective of character of the political regime. The pre-war Czechoslovak constitution adopted in 1920 expressly declared the mandate as a free one and members of parliament should use them regardless of any instructions or commands. Nonetheless very quickly, in 1923, through the decision of the Election Court, the first deputies were deprived of their functions as a sanction for leaving their party policy. Thus, even in the democratic regime the mandate was transformed into the imperative form. After the WWII, the political circumstances in Czechoslovakia changed and the regime turned into a totalitarian form under the hegemony of the communist party. In these circumstances the deputies should serve as servants of the voters, to follow their instructions and they could be recalled, if not fulfilling the will of the (working) people. Nonetheless the recall system based on the public meetings of the voters was not very practical and it could fulfil the estimations only when the communist party has the situation fully under its control. In some critical moments other tools for recall had to be adopted, as it happened in the year 1969, when the political situation after the Prague Spring suppression needed to be consolidated and the will of the voters was different of the will of the conservative communist leaders. The last recalls appeared after the Velvet Revolution when democracy was re-established in Czechoslovakia. Thus, the free parliamentary mandate existed hardly in 8 years from 75 years of existence of Czechoslovakia. The last 30 years of its existence in the constitution of the Czech Republic and political practice is still quite an uncommon period in the Czechoslovak constitutional tradition.
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Mishchanyn, Vasyl. "ECHOES OF THE «PRAGUE SPRING» OF 1968 IN TRANSCARPATHIA: ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF THE STATE ARCHIVE OF THE TRANSCARPATHIAN REGION." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (49) (December 5, 2023): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(49).2023.290396.
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The article highlights the question of the reaction of the party and Soviet leadership, as well as the population of the Transcarpathian region to the events in Czechoslovakia in 1968. The study is based on the materials of the State Archive of the Transcarpathian Region, which were not previously published. We note that the archive did not include the main documents - the materials of the 3rd plenum of the regional committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, which considered the issue of events in Czechoslovakia. This happened at the level of acquisition of the fund in October 1990. In total, 25 cases P-1 have been withdrawn from the description of 6 funds. Some materials are preserved in the «Soviet» fund R-195. We are talking about the certificates and information that the party and Soviet leadership sent to the republican center, as well as letters from the chairman of the regional executive committee of the Transcarpathian regional council V. Rusin and the head of the culture department of the Transcarpathian regional executive committee V. Kerechanin to the first secretary of the Transcarpathian regional committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine Yu. Ilnitsky. The Soviet leadership saw the events in Czechoslovakia as a direct threat to the socialist system. Therefore, the propagandists were entrusted with the task of «correctly» conveying the party's policy for members of the CPSU, as well as broad segments of the population. For this, special information letters were sent in the region of the Ukrainian SSR. Researchers have identified at least two propaganda campaigns to interpret the «Prague Spring»: the first (summer 1968) – aimed at supporting the official position of the USSR on the events in Czechoslovakia; the second – in August 1968 – from the «popular» discussion of the TASS message about «fraternal assistance» – the introduction of troops of the Warsaw Pact Organization into Czechoslovakia. Under special supervision was the Transcarpathian region – the territory that in 1920-1930. was an integral part of Czechoslovakia. Here, state security agencies especially closely monitored the reaction of the population to events in Czechoslovakia. A significant number of the recorded 1,182 cases of critical statements and assessments of the situation from «anti-Soviet positions», were in Transcarpathia. The leadership of the region was entrusted with a number of tasks: through the exchange of delegations through party, Soviet, Komsomol, trade union bodies, public organizations, cultural and sports societies, journalists to communicate with the leadership of the East Slovak region, to receive the necessary information from them regarding the development of events in Czechoslovakia; inform the senior republican leadership; restrict access to information that came from Czechoslovakia through radio, television, the press; propaganda processing of ordinary members of the CPSU and the population of the Transcarpathian region.
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FEINBERG, MELISSA. "Fantastic Truths, Compelling Lies: Radio Free Europe and the Response to the Slánský Trial in Czechoslovakia." Contemporary European History 22, no. 1 (December 14, 2012): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000501.
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AbstractThis article examines the coverage by Radio Free Europe (RFE) of the show trial of Rudolf Slánský in 1952 and contrasts this coverage with documents on the response to the trial within Czechoslovakia. RFE aggressively portrayed the trial as a pack of lies and condemned its anti-Semitism as not authentically Czechoslovak. The response within Czechoslovakia was more much nuanced. Most publicly accepted the trial as valid and acted in ways that underscored that acceptance. Within this acceptance, however, they varied from the trial script and brought their own meanings to the story. Those meanings were not always ones that either RFE or Czechoslovak leaders would have recognised as true.
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Mills, Susan J. "Free Church Federal Council Archives." Baptist Quarterly 34, no. 6 (January 1992): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.1992.11751888.
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Scott, Norman. "Establishing and Financing of a Joint Venture." Revue générale de droit 19, no. 4 (April 5, 2019): 787–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058497ar.
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This article deals with a Guide prepared by the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe concerning east-west joint ventures. The publication focusses on the issues arising in the establishment and operation of east-west joint ventures in those European members countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) which now allow this form of industrial co-operation in their respective territories — namely, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Romania and the Soviet Union. In parallel with that Guide, the author exposes the importance and the contents of the contract itself with its main provisions.
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Olexák, Peter. "Postoj kanonika Andreja Cvinčeka k procesu s Jozefom Tisom." Disputationes Scientificae Universitatis Catholicae in Ružomberok 22, no. 4 (2022): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/dspt.2022.22.4.81-95.
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The main goal of this contribution is to expand the existing knowledge about the largest retribution process in the history of post-war Czechoslovakia by looking at the commitment and attitude of the Nitra canon Andrej Cvinček, who at the time of its preparation and proceedings was the vice-chairman of the Slovak National Council and the vice-chairman of the Democratic Party in Slovakia, that is, the association that participated in the creation, approval and adoption of the regulation on retribution courts, and played a role in the process itself.
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Scruton, Roger. "The New Right in Central Europe I: Czechoslovakia." Political Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1988): 449–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00241.x.
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‘The New Right’, as it has come to be known, derives from at least two major intellectual sources, free market theory and social conservatism. The question how far these are compatible is frequently raised. The aim of this two-part article is to explore the impact of ‘New Right’ thinking in East Central Europe (specifically in Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary) in order to show that, in the conditions of ‘real socialism’, free market and social conservative ideas seem to arise naturally from the same root conceptions. The first part deals with Czechoslovakia-specifically with the thought of Patocka, Have1 and Bratinka, and with the conservative wing of the Charter movement. It argues that, while many writers would specifically reject labels like ‘conservative’ or ‘right-wing’, the actual content of their thought is very close to that of the New Right in the western hemisphere. In particular, the call for a ‘depoliticization’ of society, for responsible accounting, and for a lived historical identity which will be both national and European, are indistinguishable from long-standing themes of social conservatism.
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Ruda, Oksana. "Polityka językowa Polski i Czechosłowacji wobec mniejszości ukraińskiej w okresie międzywojennym na przykładzie szkolnictwa Galicji i Zakarpacia." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 23 (November 29, 2017): 131–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.23.10.
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Language policy of Poland and Czechoslovakia concerning the Ukrainian minority in the interwar period on the example of the schooling of Galicia and TranscarpathiaIn the article the international treaties and internal laws and orders of Poland and the Czechoslovakia, which regulate the linguistic rights of national minorities in field of education are studiedInternal legislation of the Czechoslovakia guaranteed free use of minority language both orally and in writing, and provided the right for national minorities to study in their native language in public primary, secondary and higher educationOn the contrary, in the constitutional acts of Poland only the right of minorities to study their mother tongue in public primary schools was guaranteed. Due the prevalence of Ukrainians in Galicia, the Polish authorities with respect to these territories performed different national and language policy aimed at deepening regional differences and assimilation of the Ukrainian population.
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Holeček, Vít. "Landmark emancipation of technical intelligence in pre-World War II Czechoslovakia." Acta Polytechnica 64, no. 3 (July 9, 2024): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14311/ap.2024.64.0213.
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This paper describes the development, activities, and both the scientific and social contributions of the Masaryk Academy of Labour, Czechoslovakia’s first technically oriented scientific institute and a major centre of the science at that time. It marked the first time an institution devoted to science and engineering had ever been established in the territory of what would eventually become the Czech Republic. Coming on the heels of Czechoslovakia’s independence at the end of the First World War, it succeeded the pre-war Royal Bohemian Society of Sciences and was integrated with the Czech Academy of Sciences and Arts and the newly established Czechoslovak National Council as the youngest of the Czech scientific institutions. In 1952, it was merged with other institutions to formthe Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, the predecessor of today’s Czech Academy of Sciences. The significance of the Masaryk Academy of Labour lay mainly in its targeted, practical application of science and engineering.
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Vystoupil, Jiří. "The Development of Travelling and Recreation in Czechoslovakia and Its Territorial Organization." Geografie 93, no. 3 (1988): 210–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1988093030210.
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The paper treats of the analysis and evaluation of effectual forms of the inland travelling and recreation (short and long-term travels, free, fixed-term travels, individual travels and recreation). It studies the development of the share of the population in travelling, local conditions, regional organization and the prospective development of free and fixed-term travelling in Czechoslovakia.
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Zubko, Olha. "Lavrivchanin Grigoriy Melnyk (1893–1938 (1939) (?)) – one of the fundators of the Ukrainian Autocephalian Orthodox Church in interwar Czechoslovakia (1918–1939)." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 4 (352) (2022): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2022-4(352)-111-119.
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This article covers the biography of Hryhoriy Melnyk (1893–1938 (1939) (?)) – a native of Lavrivka in Podillya – a military and religious figure, teacher, enlightener, priest, conductor, member of the Ukrainian Military Club named after Hetman Pavlo Polubotko, member of the All-Ukrainian Church Council (Kyiv), Ukrainian Garrison Council in Odessa, All-Ukrainian Church Council, Chaplain (Panotets) 4th Kyiv Cavalry Regiment of the UPR Army, cornet (lieutenant, ensign) of the UPR Army; former ensign of the Russian army. Hryhoriy Melnyk was forced to flee to Poland After the Church Council in 1921. For 9 months the priest served in 9 parishes in Pinsk region and later went to Czechoslovaczczyna through the Kalisz camp. According to some data, he studied at the Ukrainian Higher Pedagogical Institute named after M. Drahomanov in Prague, after others – at the Podebrady Academy of Economics. In Podebrady, Hryhoriy Melnyk was the head of the autocephalous parish named after Saints Cyril and Methodius from 1925 to 1938. The Podebrady parish was autocephalous therefore was subordinated to Archbishop Savatius and the Patriarch of Constantinople. The parish was not built on an empty site. Professor Vasyl Bidnov (1874–1935) established the Church Brotherhood named after Saints Cyril and Methodius as early as the beginning of 1924. Fraternity numbered up to 300 people, 100 of whom were teachers at the Academy of Economics (among them Ivan Shovgeniv, Otton Eichelman, Olexander Lototsky, Borys Martos, Yuri Rusov, Modest Levitsky, Mykhailo Yeremiyiv, Vasily Ivanis, Sergi Borodaevsky, Ivan Omelyanovych-Pavlenko; 182 students). With the beginning of the Second World War, Father Hryhoriy went to Zakarpattia to Korolev over the Tysa (now urban-type settlement in the Berehiv district of the Zakarpattia region of Ukraine). He worked at the Sevlyuska Teachers’ Seminary in Korolevo. According to unconfirmed reports, he died in battle with the Hungarians.
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Rajský, Andrej. "They Were “Heroes”. Conceptual and Narrative Analysis of the Figure of a Free Teacher in a Totalitarian Society." Historia scholastica 7, no. 1 (November 2021): 221–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2021-1-011.
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Despite the context of contemporary post-heroic indifference, our intention is to re-analyze the concept of heroism, not in the modernist (totalizing and iconic), or in the post-modernist (de-heroizing and ironic) way, but in the optics of hermeneutic re-reading of the specific teachers’ stories from the Stalinist years of the totalitarian regime. In the contribution we bring a conceptual identification of features of the ethical-characterial understanding of “hero without a halo”, by which we want to break the simplistic dichotomy between heroic and everyday – we introduce a third concept – “a hero of everyday life”. We point out how the mythical-idealistic idea of heroism perverted to a collective ideology and how the reality of the communist totalitarian regime in Czechoslovakia demanded heroes – heroes of everyday life. The aim of the research is to find the occurrence of the identifying features of the “everyday hero” in particular stories of three teachers from the times of socialist Czechoslovakia, with the help of narrative analysis.
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Cook, Joe. "The Second Act is Called Crisis." New Theatre Quarterly 8, no. 32 (November 1992): 379–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00007168.
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AFTER STRUGGLING to survive over four decades of rigid government control, theatre in Czechoslovakia is struggling to survive freedom. Like every other sector of society, theatre is having to deal with the enormous problems of transition from life under a totalitarian system to the free-for-all rush of a liberal, market-based democracy.
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Guzdek, Adam. "The best housing estate in Czechoslovakia." IOP Conference Series: Materials Science and Engineering 1203, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 032010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1757-899x/1203/3/032010.
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Abstract The Brno housing estate Lesna is undoubtedly an important achievement of Czechoslovak urbanism and architecture of the 1960s. It was built on the southern slopes north of Brno in 1962–1970 according to a project by a team of architects Frantisek Zounek, Viktor Rudis, Miroslav Dufek and Ladislav Volak. Although it was a standard housing construction made of prefabricated components, the architects did not want to hide its technical expression. They also fully copied it into the very urban arrangement of long blocks, which contributed to the fulfillment of the vision of the garden city. Close cooperation between the supplier, investor and designer was ensured already in the phase of elaboration of the project task. The architecture of residential buildings is based on the diligent efforts of the whole team to promote the use of a lightweight facade of a prefabricated house using parapet panels and strip glazing in the B 60 construction system. The unusually high-quality solution of the public space in the Lesna housing estate was mainly due to the time of its creation. Political liberalization in the 1960s allowed architects to come up with a generous plan for a free stop and thus perfectly fulfill the vision of a garden city. The population density of the Lesna housing estate, less than two hundred inhabitants per hectare, was multiplied by up to four hundred inhabitants per hectare in other housing estates of the "president Gustav Husak" era due to tightening economic indicators. Public greenery respecting the natural elements of the rugged relief required a different professional approach due to the extent of the exterior design. It was common practice that landscaping were carried out on residential complexes with a delay of several months and years after the first inhabitants moved in. The architects managed to reverse this common practice, so the first inhabitants moved to finished houses with access sidewalks, planted greenery and functioning residential amenities. This could not have been imagined by its inhabitants in the later realizations of housing estates. That is why the Brno housing estate Lesna is rightly called the best.
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Shnitser, Ihor. "THE SLOVAK ISSUE IN THE POLITICAL STRATEGY OF THE SLOVAK NATIONAL COUNCIL IN 1943 – 1945." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.257498.
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The article aims to investigate the Slovak question in the political strategy of the Slovak National Council (SNC) at the final stage of the Second World War. The methodological basis of the proposed article is the principles of historicism and objectivity, the application of which involves an unbiased depiction of past events in their historical context. The scientific topicality lies in the systematic analysis of the Slovak question in the activities of the SNC in 1943 – 1945. The author of the article states that the SNC program to resolve the Slovak issue consisted of three main points: recognition of the identity of the Slovak people, return of Slovakia to the Czechoslovak Republic, and regulation of Czech-Slovak relations in the country on an equal footing. The latter de facto provided for the reorganization of the Czechoslovak Republic on a federal basis, which was opposed by President Edvard Beneš and representatives of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile. The SNC began a program to resolve the Slovak question during the Slovak National Uprising of 1944, which, although defeated, contributed to Slovakia's liberation from German dependence and its integration into the anti-Hitler coalition. During the Slovak National Uprising, the SNA was transformed into the supreme legislative and executive body in Slovakia, which supporters of unitary Czechoslovakia could no longer ignore. As a result of intense negotiations in Moscow between the SNA delegation and representatives of the Czechoslovak émigré government in March 1945, Slovaks were given the opportunity to join the revived Czechoslovakia as an independent nation. The SNC became its legitimate representative and bearer of state power in Slovakia. Another critical achievement of the SNC was the Czechoslovak relations in the Czechoslovak Republic that the new Czechoslovak government promised to build on the principle of "equal to equal." All these aspects were fixed in the Košice government program of the National Front. The SNC was recognized as the bearer of national sovereignty and state power in Slovakia. In fact, it was a question of building the Czechoslovak Republic on a federal basis, as it presupposed the existence of Slovak national authorities alongside the central ones. At the same time, the program of the National Front government did not define in detail the basic principles of the state and legal system of the Czechoslovak state, which in the future prevented the SNC from maintaining its achievements in the Slovak question.
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Válek, Jakub. "Emigrace vrcholových sportovců z bývalého Československa v letech 1948–1989." Studia sportiva 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2014): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/sts2014-2-8.
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The presented article deals with the migration of the Czech and Slovak sportsmen out of former Czechoslovakia within the years 1948–1989, i.e. under the rule of the so called „working mass dictatorship“. The sportsmen recruited from the elite level, minimal level was the winning in national championship, European or World level success, only in Olympic sports. Heuristic historical method and documents analyses were used for data collection. 271 sportsmen were found (212 male, 59 female) in 37 Olympic sports. Survey of frequency of sportsmen-migrants involved in sports types, destination of domestication, motives and gender differences are described. The majority of elite sportsman-migrants were successful in new life both in sports and professional domains. Some of them never came back, some of them returned after political changes in free Czechoslovakia 1990 or they have been living alternately in each country.
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Fujisawa, Jun. "The End of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 2 (2022): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2022.213.
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This paper analyzes the negotiations within the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance during the final years of its existence, focusing on the Soviet reform proposals and M. S. Gorbachev’s vision of the “Common European Home” as well as on Eastern European reaction to them. In the second half of the 1980s, Gorbachev tried to found a “unified market” for the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance by introducing a market-oriented reform of the organization. However, this attempt did not materialize because of the East German and Romanian objections. After the collapse of Eastern European socialist regimes in 1989, the Soviet leadership urged the member-states to accelerate the reform of this international organization, hoping to achieve the pan-European economic integration through close cooperation between the totally reformed Council for Mutual Economic Assistance and the European Community. Although the Central European countries, namely Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, aspired to join the EC individually, they agreed to participate in a successor organization of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance because the EC was not ready to accept them. Accordingly, by the beginning of 1991, all the member-states agreed to establish a consultative organization, which would be named the Organization for International Economic Cooperation). However, as the Soviet Union failed to sustain trade with the Central European countries, the three countries lost interest in the project. As a result, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance was disbanded without any successor organization. In other words, it did not collapse automatically after 1989 but came to an end as a result of various factors, such as rapidly declining trade between the member-states, Western disinterest in the cooperation with it, and the Central European policy changes.
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Abrahám, Samuel. "Early Elections in Slovakia: A State of Deadlock." Government and Opposition 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 86–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00435.x.
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THE EARLY GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SLOVAKIA HELD ON 30 September–1 October 1994 and resulting in the victory of populists and nationalists caught many observers by surprise, both in and outside Slovakia. Unlike in Poland and Hungary, the leftist party in Slovakia suffered decisive setbacks, receiving 10.4 per cent of the poll instead of around 20 per cent as indicated in the pre-election surveys. The Democratic Party, the latest successors to the intellectuals who took power from the communists after November 1989, did not even receive the 5 per cent necessary to enter the National Council (see Table 1). The reaction to the overall results has been one of resignation, and pessimism about the fate of democracy in this post-communist country, which, with the Czech Republic constituted Czechoslovakia until 1993.
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Pavlíček, Tomáš W. "“There Will Be No Free Bohemia without Free Poland, No Free Poland without Free Bohemia”. Masaryk’s Vision of Independent States." Acta Poloniae Historica 125 (August 8, 2022): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/aph.2022.125.09.
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The aim of the paper is to examine, using the comparative perspective, how politicians and historians perceived the ideas applied in the process of formation of the states of Poland and Czechoslovakia. The situation in the period of 1918–20 seemed to be open to various opportunities for constituting and cooperation of independent countries, but not all these opportunities were acceptable at that time. Although some of them had a stabilising potential, the official narrative became the foundation for national historiography.
The traditional master narrative (roles of Masaryk, Dmowski, Piłsudski), interrupted by the caesura of the 1945/54–89 period, understandably affects the current understanding of a state and celebration of its anniversaries, which raises a need to find a paradigm of interpretation that deviates from the nation state. The author disputes the approach of historiography which considered military violence a defining element of the process of formation of a state. He regards choosing a perspective which explains the transfer of the traits of the founders to the states as social institutions (quasi-figures) to be beneficial. Using archival documents, he shows how Masaryk’s ideas of forming a New Europe were received in Poland and what image of the situation in Poland was presented to Masaryk. Criticism of the neighbouring state in the speeches of the members of the Sejm was instrumentalised with regard to the tensions in the home politics. That is why the author puts the dispute about the Seven-day War and the Polish-Ukrainian conflict into a broader perspective.
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Sheshnev, Aleksandr. "Twin-City Relations between Czechoslovak and Lower Volga Cities in the Second Half of the 20th Century and Their Reflection in Urban Toponymy." ISTORIYA 13, no. 4 (114) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019850-4.
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In post-war Soviet history, an important place was occupied by scientific, technical, socio-cultural and educational practices of interaction between the cities of the Soviet Union and of the Eastern bloc. The special nature of relations was often reinforced by the status of twin cities. This practice has contributed to the strengthening of interaction between officials, residents and various associations at the local and regional levels. The Lower Volga cities such as the Saratov, Balakovo (Saratov region) and Kamyshin (Volgograd region), have developed special stable ties with Czechoslovak cities. During the implementation of such a major energy project of the countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance as the construction of the «Soyuz» gas pipeline, the works in the Lower Volga region was carried out by specialists from Czechoslovakia. A number of industrial and social objects in Kamyshin were built directly with the participation of Czechoslovak scientific and technical specialists. In the urban space, the special nature of relations is reflected in the architectural and cultural heritage; it can be traced in urban toponymy to the present day. After the Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia and the collapse of the socialist bloc, ties were severed. Only between the Slovak Trnava and the Russian Balakovo is symbolic on May 9, 2013 signed an agreement on the resumption of cooperation, providing for interaction in the fields of culture, education, sports, tourism, trade and other socio-economic issues.
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Mischanyn, Vasyl. "SOVIET STANDARDS OF ALCOHOLIC LEGISLATION OF TRANSCARPATHIAN UKRAINE (1944 – 1946 YEARS)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232449.
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The article deals with copying Soviet alcohol legislation by the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine on the region's territory. All this happened during Transcarpathia's preventive Sovietization in 1944 – 1945, from the liberation of Transcarpathia from Hungarian-German invaders on October 28, 1944. It should be noted that officially Subcarpathian Rus' was part of Czechoslovakia before signing the agreement on the reunification of Transcarpathian Ukraine with the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The treaty was signed on June 29, 1945, and ratified by the Provisional National Assembly of the Czechoslovak Republic on November 22, 1945, and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on November 27, 1945. The Transcarpathian region was created by the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet Decree on January 22, 1946. The next day the legislation of the USSR was introduced here. It should be noted that the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine copied the experience of the Soviet Union regarding alcohol policy. It consisted of establishing a monopoly on the production and sale of alcoholic beverages, complete state control over the production of wine and vodka products. One of the first laws of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine was decrees on the nationalization of distilleries and the brewery of Count Schönborn-Buchheim in Pidhoryany. Later, church distilleries were nationalized. Thus, a half dozen enterprises for the production of alcohol were nationalized in Transcarpathian Ukraine. By separate resolutions, the People's Council regulated the prices of alcohol, vodka, and beer. We also briefly consider the industrial capacity of enterprises for the production of vodka, alcohol, beer, and point out the potential opportunities for winemaking in Transcarpathian Ukraine. After the signing of the reunification agreement, on July 6, 1945, a separate resolution of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine established a trust of the alcohol and vodka industry at the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine food industry department, to which the distilleries of Transcarpathian Ukraine were subordinated. That was one of the steps in preparation for implementing the industrial complex of Transcarpathia to the All-Union. The resolution of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine controlled «the production of alcoholic beverages and the prosecution of production without permits». At the same time, the leadership of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine often resorted to using the products of distilleries for their purposes, the military council of the 4th Ukrainian Front, «security police», etc.
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Johnston, Rosamund. "Listening in on the Neighbors: The Reception of German and Austrian Radio in Cold War Czechoslovakia." Central European History 54, no. 4 (December 2021): 603–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000054.
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AbstractIn 1966, a Radio Free Europe (RFE) report estimated that seven in ten Czechs and Slovaks listened to Radio Vienna, making it the most popular foreign station in Czechoslovakia. Yet conventional narratives of Western radio in socialist central Europe highlight the role played by runner-up RFE. By focusing on the practice of listening to German-language radio in Czechoslovakia between 1945 and 1969, this article shows that cross-border, German-language listening mattered not only between the Germanies, but also in central Europe, where listening habits were shaped by the region's multilingual heritage. In addition to highlighting German's significance as a language of regional communication, the article reveals the importance of cross-border contacts and the significance of light entertainment in Cold War central Europe. Rather than separating listeners out by citizenship, foreign radio listening fostered solidarities that cut across national boundaries and divided people by generation, geography, class, and technical dexterity instead.
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Czyżniewski, Marcin. "The dynamics of the party system in the Czech Republic." Historia i Polityka, no. 38 (45) (December 14, 2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.041.
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The article examines the changes that took place in the Czech party system from the moment of the political transformation of 1989/1990 to the last parliamentary elections in 2017. It is based on a survey of data on the results of the elections to the Czech National Council and the Chamber of Deputies. The interpretation of the data allows answering several research questions: is the Czech party system stable, and if so, is it possible to determine it model? Are the inevitable model changes sudden or evolutionary as a consequence of an observable trend? Is it possible to distinguish and define the stages of functioning of the Czech party system? To what extent does the party system of the Czech Republic have roots in the party system of Czechoslovakia and did the disintegration of the federal republic significantly affect its change?
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Bláhová, Ivana. "Ohlédnutí za Velkou Prahou." PRÁVNĚHISTORICKÉ STUDIE 53, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 101–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/2464689x.2023.28.
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The paper deals with the legal aspects of the establishment of the so-called Greater Prague, i.e., the merger of neighbouring municipalities with the capital of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1922. The introduction briefly outlines the efforts to merge Prague with its suburbs dating from the mid-19th century until 1918. The following section focuses on the activities of the National Assembly on the establishment of Greater Prague. In addition to the establishment and the membership of the Greater Prague Committee, parliamentary papers related to the creation of Greater Prague are described and analysed. Parliamentary papers 719 and 1216, which included government bills to merge neighbouring municipalities and settlements into the City of Prague, a bill on elections to the Metropolitan Council and a bill on the organisation and powers of the Metropolitan Council and local committees, are discussed in detail. From a comparison of the government proposals, the amendments proposed by parliamentary committees and the text of the laws adopted, it is possible to deduce the general tendencies of the relationship between the state administration and local government at the beginning of the Czechoslovak Republic. The issues of financing the establishment and operation of the new capital of Czechoslovakia have not gone unnoticed.
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Bröstl, Alexander. "On the Third Power: Taking Independence of the Judiciary Seriously." Gdańskie Studia Prawnicze, no. 4(48)/2020 (December 11, 2020): 13–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/gsp.2020.4.01.
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The article deals with the problem of the independence of the judiciary from a historical point of view (subordination of the judicature to the royal will in the 17th century in England, examples of the two rival-judges, Francis Bacon and Edward Coke). Then it focuses on the historical background and guarantees of an independent judiciary in former Czechoslovakia, and in contemporary Slovakia. It concerns the judicial reform ready to be introduced in the Slovak legal order by 2021 with the aim to renew the credibility of the judiciary (courts and prosecution offices). Proposed legal measures are presented (security examinations, new property declarations, crime of perversion of justice committed by judges). New constitutional amendments have to do with the election of the candidates for judges of the Constitutional Court in the National Council, and the establishment of a Supreme Administrative Court.
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Scruton, Roger. "The New Right in Central Europe II: Poland and Hungary." Political Studies 36, no. 4 (December 1988): 638–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00253.x.
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‘The New Right’ as it has come to be known, derives from at least two major intellectual sources, free market theory and social conservatism. The question how far these are compatible is frequently raised. The aim of this two-part article is to explore the impact of ‘New Right’ thinking in East Central Europe (specifically in Czechoslovakia, Poland and Hungary) in order to show that in the conditions of ‘real Socialism’, free market and social conservative ideas seem to arise naturally from the same root conceptions. This second section deals with Poland, and examines the new ‘market sociology’ propagated within universities, together with the metaphysical and political ideas surrounding the Polish Nationalist movement.
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Pospíšil, Filip. "Inspiration, Subversion, and Appropriation: The Effects of Radio Free Europe Music Broadcasting." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 4 (October 2019): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00908.
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During the Cold War, young people in Eastern Europe were often seen as mere recipients and reproducers of Western popular culture. This article examines the role of musical programming in broadcasts by Radio Free Europe (RFE) to Czechoslovakia, focusing on the content, impact, and audience reactions. The article shows that the audience took an active part in the cultural exchange and helped shape the programming on RFE and other Western radio stations. Drawing on RFE's own records as well as archival collections in Prague, including former State Security files, plus memoirs and recollections of former RFE employees and their listeners, the article highlights RFE's impact over time in Soviet-bloc societies, as well as the shifts in thinking, cultural preferences, and behaviors of different strata or groups within these societies.
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Demidova, Elena I., and Maxim A. Vasilchenko. "Czechoslovak National Council (Branch for Russia) and Its Activities during Revolutionary Events of 1917 and the Civil War." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2022): 848–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-3-848-861.
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The study of the Czechoslovak national movement, the activities of the Czechoslovak National Council and its branch for Russia during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is one of the key topics for understanding the complexity of political situation in Russia, causes of the Civil War and its consequences. The article discusses the activities goals and objectives and decision-making mechanism of the Czechoslovak National Council for Russia, on the behalf of which negotiations were conducted between Soviet state bodies and the Czechoslovak corps leadership on the issue of passage of Czechoslovak echelons to their homeland. The study uses both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special ones (historical-chronological and content analysis). The use of the historical-chronological method is to correlate documentary information with general historical picture of the period, while the use of content analysis is to create a more reliable picture of the activities of the Czechoslovak National Council and its branch for Russia. The study analyzes structure of this socio-political institution, its activities to prevent the Czechoslovak military corps from being drawn into the Civil War in Russia, and reveals contradictions between civil and military participants in the Czech national movement. It is to find out what the Czech national liberation movement in Russia was and how the activities of the department for Russia of the Czechoslovak National Council changed in 1917–18. It has examined all currently published materials of the Czechoslovak National Council. The documentary information has been brought in correlation with general historical picture of the period and desire to implement the principle of sovereignty, recreating a reliable picture of the Czechs’ and Slovaks’ perception of the Russian revolutionary events. The First World War and subsequent contradictory and ambiguous political events in Russia had a direct impact on the growth of the national consciousness of the Czechs and Slovaks, strengthening their desire for state self-determination. On the patriotic upsurge, guided by ideas of Slavic unity in their fight against the forces of the Quadruple Alliance, national military formations were created in Italy, France, and Russia, that took part in the hostilities of the First World War. The authors highlight the role and measured political line of the leader of the Czechoslovak National Council, the future first president of independent Czechoslovakia, T. G. Masaryk.
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Szobi, Pavel. "Czechoslovakia and the council for mutual economic assistance in the foreign policy of the Soviet Union after World War II." Revista Portuguesa de História, no. 45 (2014): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_45_16.
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Ivanets, Andrii. "«A Man Passionately Devoted to the Ukrainian Idea»: on the Question Regarding Biography of the Head of the Black Sea Ukrainian Community in Sevastopol, Viacheslav Laschenko (1875—1953)." Ukrainian Studies, no. 4(85) (January 15, 2023): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.4(85).2022.267876.
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The Ukrainian national movement of the beginning of the 20th century in Crimea is poorly researched, although at that time Ukrainians constituted the third largest ethnic community among the Crimean population. The article reconstructs main milestones in the biography of one of the leading figures of the Ukrainian national movement in Sevastopol and the Black Sea Fleet in 1917–1920, public and political activist, writer and poet Viacheslav Lashchenko (1875–1953). He was born in Yelysavethrad (the modern name of the city is Kropyvnytskyi) in the family of Ukrainian intellectuals. Already during his studies at higher educational institutions, V. Lashchenko took an active part in the Ukrainian national movement, in particular, he organized and headed the Ukrainian Student Community in Warsaw. After receiving a historical and philological education, he taught at schools of the Dnieper Ukraine, where the authorities considered him untrustworthy due to his pro-Ukrainian views and transferred him to new jobs several times. In Sevastopol, during the revolution of 1905–1907, V. Lashchenko combined teaching at the gymnasium with participation in the illegal Ukrainian patriotic circle «Kobzar», which soon he headed. During the revolution of 1917, this organization initiated the creation of the Black Sea Ukrainian Community in the city of Sevastopol, which united several thousand Sevastopol civilians, sailors, officers and soldiers. The community played an important role in the development of the movement for the Ukrainianization of the Black Sea Fleet, most of whose sailors were Ukrainians. V. Lashchenko was elected the first head of the Black Sea Ukrainian Community in Sevastopol. In the summer of 1917, he became a member of the Sevastopol City Council on the list of the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries, and in the autumn, he probably headed the Ukrainian Council of Soldiers’ and Workers’ Deputies in Sevastopol. During the frequent changes of power in Crimea in 1918–1919, little is known about his activities, and in 1920, during the Wrangel’s regime, V. Lashchenko joined the leadership of the Ukrainian National Democratic Bloc, which proclaimed loyalty to P. Wrangel, the idea of statehood of Ukraine as part of federal Russia and the creation of the Ukrainian army. After Crimea was seizured by the Bolsheviks, he emigrated to Czechoslovakia, where he engaged in public, creative and, probably, teaching activities. During the Second World War, he emigrated to the USA, but, according to the researcher, he returned to Czechoslovakia, where he died.
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Barcellona, Rossana. "Concili perduti o censurati? I dibattiti smarriti su grazia e libero arbitrio (Gallia, secoli V e VI)." Augustinianum 63, no. 2 (2023): 507–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202363222.
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The article considers three episcopal assemblies held in Gaul, which the manuscript tradition has not preserved, all involved in doctrinal debates on grace and free will. The first two, the council of Arles and the synod of Lyon, took place in the second half of the fifth century and concerned the affair of the presbyter Lucidus. The third is the Council of Valence that met just before the Second Council of Orange (529), that is, the council that marks the “resolution” of the conflict and also the only documented. With the idea that the history of the councils occupies important points in the reconstruction of the debate on grace and free will, even in the case of councils whose acts have not been transmitted, the article seeks to enhance these three events by reconsidering indirect sources. The episcopal meetings of Arles, Lyon, and Valence are, indeed, an integral part of the doctrinal work on grace and free will, which for about a century interested monastic and ecclesiastical circles in Gaul. Moreover, the recovery of their history restores well the complexity of the cultural, religious and political climate in which they took place.
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Nappi, Carmine. "Examen critique de quelques hypothèses sous-jacentes à la nouvelle politique commerciale suggérée par le Conseil économique du Canada." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 525–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800701ar.
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Abstract This paper criticizes some optimistic hypotheses implied by the Economic Council in proposing its new commercial policy for Canada. More specifically, it shows why the Samuelsonian free trade model has been misused by the Council and that its reasons for explaining the weak comparative productivity of the Canadian secondary sector are clearly insufficient. Also, the Council underestimates the total costs of the proposed policy and its regional effects. The paper suggests that the Council's recommendation would be more politically acceptable if it could demonstrate that the new policy will not continue to benefit only the Ontarian peninsula. It would also help if the Council could name the industries able in the medium term to absorb the factors displaced by the tariff elimination, and if it could refute the proposition that more free trade sectorial tests are needed before adopting the proposed very general commercial policy.
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Dedurin, G. G. "International legal determination of the national minorities’ status in the Central and Eastern European countries within the Versailles system." Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 269–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2022.2.24.
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Peculiarities of the international legal status determination of the national minorities within the Versailles system have been studied using the example of a number of Central and Eastern European countries. The governments of Czechoslovakia, Poland, and Hungary were asked, based on the norms of international law, to develop appropriate provisions for the protection of the rights of national minorities in order to prevent new conflicts and threats to peace.
The system of treaties, declarations and agreements, which were supposed to ensure the observance of the rights of national minorities and whose guarantor was the League of Nations, has been analyzed. In practice, this was embodied in giving minorities the right to submit petitions to the Council or Assembly of the League of Nations, as well as in the activities of the Permanent Chamber of International Justice. The right to submit petitions was used at different times by representatives of the Ruthenian minority in Czechoslovakia, the Russian minority in Eastern Galicia, the Jewish minority in Hungary, the German minority in Poland, etc.
The weaknesses of this system have been identified, which prevented the creation of effective international mechanisms for the protection of the rights of national minorities in the specified regions of Europe. In particular, it has been emphasized that the majority of treaties, conventions, treatises, etc. were openly sabotaged by the countries that were supposed to fulfill them. The governments of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe considered the proposed system unequal, because its conditions did not apply to a number of other multinational states that had similar problems. Conflict situations surrounding the problem of national minorities continued to arise. They were caused by various factors: from divided loyalties and irredentist movements to manifestations of governmental and social discrimination.
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Zubko, Olha. "The Podebrady centre of the UAOC in the interwar csr (1924–1939)." Scientific Papers of the Kamianets-Podilskyi National Ivan Ohiienko University. History 37 (October 4, 2022): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32626/2309-2254.2022-37.132-143.
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Th e purpose of the study is to characterize the activities of the Podebrady centre of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church of Ukraine in interwar Czechoslovakia. Th e research methodology is based on the principles of concrete-historical, problem-chronological approaches, objectivity, and integrity, as well as the use of methods of analysis and synthesis. Th e scientifi c novelty lies in refl ecting the solution of Ukrainian emigration to the issue of the Ukrainianization of the Church. Conclusions. Th e Podebrady Ukrainian Orthodox movement was represented by three separate groups of believers. Th e fi rst belonged to the canonical ju- risdiction of the Serbian Orthodox Church under Archbishop Gorazd (Pavlika, 1879–1942). The second, mostly “autocephalists”, – the Supreme Church Council of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church for emigration on the territory of the Czechoslovak Republic, headed by the famous politician Serhii Shelukhin (1864–1938) and the connoisseur of Ukrainian church life, specialist historian Vasyl Bidnov (1874–1935) – it was subordinate to the Constantinople to the patriarch. Archbishop Savvatii was the head of the group of “Ukrainian Praguers” (Vrabets, 1880–1952). Th e third group of Ukrainian emigrants joined the Russian Orthodox parish and recognized the authority of Bishop Serhii (Korolyova, 1881–1952). Th e emigration “autocephalous” centre arose in the resort town of Podebrady, 20 km from Prague, and had 182 Ukrainian Academy of Economics students and 51 teachers. From 1924 to 1939, Hryhoriy Melnyk (1893 – aft er 1939) was the Podebrady “autocephalists” pastor. Th e members of the Orthodox Brotherhood, named aft er Saints Cyril and Methodius, were active participants in the life of the Ukrainian emigration community in interwar Czechoslovakia. Th ey left the most noticeable mark not only in main- taining high morale but also in the material support of other exiles and their families in the fi ght against drunkenness, suicide, and eugenics.
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Turenne, Sophie. "FREE SPEECH AND SCANDALISING THE COURT IN MAURITIUS." Cambridge Law Journal 74, no. 1 (March 2015): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197315000124.
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AT the behest of the Law Commission, Contempt of Court: Scandalising the Court (18 December 2012), Parliament recently abolished the common law offence of scandalising the court (s. 33 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013). But the offence is still frequently found in many parts of the common law world and the decision of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in Dhooharika v DPP of Mauritius [2014] UKPC 11; [2014] 3 W.L.R. 1081 may indicate its future in common law jurisdictions. The Privy Council was asked to decide, inter alia, whether the common law offence was compatible with s. 12 of the Constitution of Mauritius. Section 12 protects a person's freedom of expression but also makes saving for any law, or any act done pursuant to law, which aims to maintain the authority and independence of the courts and which is reasonably justifiable to that end.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Political transformations in the Czech Republic after the “Velvet revolution”: a retrospective approach." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.148-164.
Full textAbstract:
Using a retrospective approach, the author explores the changes that took place in Czechoslovakia after the 1989 «velvet revolution». The article emphasizes that the «velvet revolution» later grew into a national revolution and led to the emergence of two new nation-states; into a political revolution that destroyed the authoritarian regime and contributed to the emergence of new democratic political institutions; in the economic revolution, during which the mechanisms of a market economy were created in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The country made a simultaneous transition from dictatorship to democracy, from a command economy to a free market and to a nation state. Despite such a difficult situation and a large number of tasks, Czechoslovakia was able to eliminate the totalitarian legacy, solved the transformational tasks and problems of the division of Czechoslovakia into two sovereign states. In the Czech Republic, the classical political mechanisms of a democratic civil society had already been established in the 1990s and first, a multiparty political system. New democratic election laws laid the groundwork for a competitive multi-party system and political pluralism. The 1993 Constitution of the Czech Republic legislated a new political system for a democratic society, which was to be based on the voluntary creation and competition of political parties, who respect fundamental democratic principles and deny violence as a means to an end. The «velvet revolution» caused a sharp rise in civic activity. On the eve of the first parliamentary elections in 1992, more than 140 political parties and right-wing and left-wing social movements were registered in the CSFM. This was the peak of the quantitative growth of the number of political parties at the stage of building civil society.
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Voron, Nataliia. "PARTICIPATION OF UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA IN INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES AND CONVENTIONS (20S – 30S OF THE 20TH CENTURY): INFORMATION AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 90–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-90-96.
Full textAbstract:
The paper provides an information and statistical analysis of the participation of Ukrainian émigré historians of Czechoslovakia in international congresses and conventions in the 20s and 30s of the 20th century both on the territory of the country of residence and abroad. According to the author’s estimates, Ukrainian scholars and historians from Czechoslovakia attended more than 25 various scientific congresses and conventions during that period. About nine of them were held in Prague. The issues of history and ethnography were heard at 10 conferences. Ukrainian émigré historians attended congresses of Slavic ethnographers and geographers in Prague, Poland (several cities), Belgrade, Sofia, and international congresses of historians in Warsaw and Zurich. The issue of the history of Ukraine was majorly discussed at the First and the Second Ukrainian Scientific Congress. Ukrainian scientific institutions were most often represented by scientists such as Dmytro Doroshenko and Vadym Shcherbakivskyi. Dmytro Antonovych, a professor of the Ukrainian Free University, the permanent chairman of the Ukrainian Historical and Philological Society was quite an active speaker at international forums. Most often, historians gave reports on the history of Ukraine of the sixteenth-eighteenth centuries, ethnography, folklore studies. The environment of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in Prague and its scientific and cultural life contributed to the preservation and development of the Ukrainian national idea, popularization of the research on the history of Ukraine and the history of Ukrainian culture in the European historical space. Scientists in Czechoslovakia were the representatives of the Ukrainian scientific forces in Europe. The émigré historians presented their interesting research on the history of Ukraine, reminding the European scientific community of the existence of the authentic Ukrainian people with their rich history and traditions, the ancestral desire for freedom and independence.
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Puig, Gonzalo Villalta, and Bader Al-Haddab. "The Constitutionalisation of Free Trade in the Gulf Cooperation Council." Arab Law Quarterly 25, no. 3 (2011): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157302511x568547.
Full textAbstract:
The past two decades have witnessed a proliferation of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs). This article considers the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (or Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)) as it investigates the claim that RTAs constitutionalise the norm of free trade in supranational jurisdictions. The article suggests that the GCC Member States should take several major initiatives in order to enhance and strengthen their economic integration. They must now fasten their historically slow pace of economic integration and adhere to the time frame for economic and monetary union. The GCC Member States should learn from the experience of the European Union (EU) and transfer greater levels of national sovereignty to the GCC.
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van der woude, Marc. "The Limits of Free Circulation; The Torfaen Borough Council Case." Leiden Journal of International Law 3, no. 1 (April 1990): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500003782.
Full textAbstract:
The energetic implementation of the 1992 programme should not be allowed to put the contribution of the Court of Justice to the establishment of the Common Market in the shade. Its case law on the direct effect of Treaty provisions concerning the free circulation of persons, services and goods enables European workers and business-men to fight effectively against protectionism in the EEC Member States. The Court gives, moreover, a very broad interpretation to the prohibitions contained in these provisions and, reciprocally, a very restrictive interpretation to their exceptions. This approach leads to the removal of nearly every obstacle to free trade. Liberalisation has its limits however. Certain economic activities require regulation, even if it has restrictive effects.
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Pokorny, Jiri. "Critical Care Medicine (CCM) in Czechoslovakia (CSSR): Present State and Its Development." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 1, S1 (1985): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00044149.
Full textAbstract:
Due to the development of modern resuscitation during anesthesia and surgical operations, methods of intensive therapy have been introduced in clinical medicine. Efforts, through cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR), to give any patient in need the chance to survive resulted in systems of emergency medical services (EMS). A short account of the present state of CCM in the CSSR is given here. The principle of “differentiated patient care” is outlined, with accepted definitions of resuscitative and intensive care. The terminology of different steps in CCM is offered for discussion.In Czechoslovakia, the Constitution of 1960 proclaims the right to health care for every citizen. Medical care is provided to all citizens free of charge by the State. The State took over the responsibility for planning, organizing and providing medical care on the highest attainable contemporary level. In the last ten years, special programs have been launched in order to cover most actual health areas such as neonatal and maternal health care, cardiovascular disease programs, oncology, geriatric care, and, last but not least, the care of patients with acute organ systems' failure.