Journal articles on the topic 'Council of Nicaea (1st : 325)'

Alleged Western influences on the historical and theological proceedings of the first ecumenical council in Nicaea (325 AD) have long been a matter of scholarly discussion. The idea of Western influence on the Nicene creed – and even the Western origin – has found much support. Scholars have attempted to establish a relationship between the strong emphasis on the divine unity by the early Western theologians like Tertullian, on the one hand, and in the Nicene creed on the other. In the last forty years, the theory of Western influence has been seriously questioned and has suffered severe criticism. The following brief study will examine the word ‘homoousios’, which is one of the most important terms in the Christian theological vocabulary, since it was used at the Council in Nicaea to express the divine consubstantiality of the Son with the Father. However, long and complicated debates have not yet produced any significant agreement among scholars concerning its origin and meaning. The study’s further aim is to demonstrate that the proceedings of the council of Nicaea took place with considerable involvement of Western theology. At the very least, the Western influence was not excluded.

The 318 Fathers at the First Council of Nicaea (325) began their profession of faith in the second article of the creed as follows:Confessing that: We believe in one God … And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father as only begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father, [ek tes ousias tou patros].

This article traces the influence of traditional Roman religion on Christianity. The establishment of the most important dogmas and the formation of the church hierarchy are analyzed. The classical era is the Christian period of history that initiated the most important dogmas and formed the church hierarchy. The practice of Ecumenical Councils, which became the main governing bodies of the church, was introduced. The first Ecumenical Council was held in Nicaea. It approved the Creed, which was an exposition of the main dogmas that were obligatory for Christians. The Council of Nicaea was held for two months from June 19, 325. Taking into account historical sources, about three hundred and fifty bishops participated in it. It featured a speech by Emperor Constantine, in which he emphasized the importance of unity and harmony. The emperor needed a single and strong religion that would strengthen his rule.

"“Toward a New Pentecost”: celebrating together in 2025, the memory of the first Council of Nicaea (325), making this memory common to all Christians an event of universality and inclusion. “Towards a new Pentecost”! The article takes up these words of Pope Francis during his visit to Romania and develops a hypothesis: the celebration in 2025 of the 17th centenary of the Council of Nicaea (325) could be an opportunity for Christians together, Catholics, Orthodox and Protestants, to live a “new” Pentecost. New because it would manifest that some obstacles of the past can be removed if the Holy Spirit is allowed to act. The article addresses the issue of the dogma of homoousios defined at Nicaea with a formula that concerns faith in Jesus Christ, but in the same context it shows that an imperial practice is emerging that will increasingly accentuate the divisions within the church (Orthodox and heretics) and in society (citizens or outlaws). The imperial mentality identified in the type of religiosity of the two emperors Constantine and Theodosius persists throughout the centuries in the sensitive relationship then is established between state and church and this leads to reproduce within the church, through the curial culture, the same dynamics of absolutization of power. The final part reflects on Pope Francis who points Christians today toward a different direction, that of overcoming the power conflicts of the past and recalls the urgency of a witness of brotherhood in the confession of the one faith in God the Father and in the Son of the “same substance as the Father”, a faith that can be confessed together only with the power of the Spirit that generates communion. Keywords: Pentecost, Council of Nicea, State-Church, Christian unity "

Abstract This article deals with the fixed Christian Easter and the feasts, which depend on it. Both moveable and fixed feasts are recorded in Christian calendars and synaxaria. Following the decisions of the First Oecumenical Council of Nicaea (AD 325) the Ethiopians celebrated mostly the moveable Easter and its cycle. At the same time in the Ethiopian Royal Chronicles is also recorded that the Ethiopian Kings and their armies celebrated the fixed Easter and its festivals, especially the Good Friday.

The Nicene Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church is a stricter version of the Christian faith. Christian recites it as a confession of his faith. The article attempts to identify formulation origins of creed partly related with apostolic times. Next is presented, how in year 325 during the first ecumenical meeting convened in Nicaea the high-ranking fathers collected the items of Christian faith and gave the name of Nicene Creed or Creed. Gregory the Illuminator accepted the decisions of the Nicene creed and canonize that Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church, however, unlike other Christian churches, add his own confession. In addition to that Creed, two more Creeds are canonized and stored in the Armenian Church. All of them express the nature and essence of God and Holy Trinity, which is the foundation and major axis of Christianity.

The first Christian testimonies about the celebration of Christmas The article presents the earliest reference to the celebration of Christmas as a holiday or feast, namely: the Roman calendar of Philocalus (so-called Chronography of 354), the first sermons preached for this occasion (pope Liberius, Optate from Milewe, Zenon from Verona) and the first hymns (Ambrose from Milan and Prudentius, Ephrem the Syrian). The analysis of sources shows that there is no record of this feast before the First Council at Nicaea (325 A.D.). It appeared in Rome around 335 A.D. and from there it has spread to other regions. As soon as it appeared, it quickly gained popularity and characteristic theological significance.

The introduction and proliferation of the double procession of the Holy Spirit formulae in Hispania is a rich topic. There are aspects of it that have been somewhat marginalized, however. Surprisingly, one of those is the evidence from Isidore of Seville, the most celebrated churchman of the seventh century. He had a role in spreading the double procession/ Filioque of the Holy Spirit through some of his works and a council. This study for the first time brings them all together to assess the place of Isidore in making normative the Filioque in the broader context of Visigothic Hispania. This study intends to contribute to the approaching celebration of the 1700 anniversary of the Creed of Nicaea, 325-2025.

The Church Councils of the ante-Nicene period had neither a clear periodicity nor a strictly defined competence. Their competence was very broad, almost limitless: questions of faith, discipline, the calendar, the practice of the Sacraments. These local councils of the ante-Nicene era were replaced, from the fourth century, by provincial councils.In 325 a number of rules for provincial councils were approved in Nicaea: they had to be convened twice a year, consist of bishops of one particular province, take place in a provincial civil centre (metropolis) and their competence was limited to second-instance judicial proceedings. Further church legislation did not extend this competence, although in fact the councils dealt not only with judicial, but also with doctrinal problems. The biannual councils as prescribed by Nicaea canons becomes burdensome because of the large size of some provinces and some other reasons. The novels of Justinian I for the first time clearly defined the competence of a "provincial" council. The emperor included not only judicial, but also canonical and doctrinal topics in the competence of the provincial councils, while establishing a regularity of holding them "once a year". The modernizing legislative activity of St. Emperor Justinian proved useful and was recognized by the church hierarchy.

Abstract This paper responds to recent publications which play down the role of Bishop Alexander of Alexandria in securing the adoption of the term homoousion at the Nicene Council of 325. It argues that, while the term is not employed in any surviving work from his hand, there is some reason to believe that he sanctioned the use of it by his colleagues. There is no doubt that before the Council he had already declared the Son to be “from the Father’s essence”, and it is all but certain that when this phrase was challenged, together with the homoousion at Nicaea, it was he who produced a conciliatory exegesis of both innovations, relying on the theology that had already been expounded in his letters Philostorgius’ story that he and Hosius of Cordoba had concerted a plan to introduce the homoousion is not implausible, and it should not be assumed that the author of an anonymous life of Constantine, which corroborates this narrative, is merely paraphrasing Philostorgius. Their testimony is consistent with that of Ambrose of Milan, who can be shown to have been acquainted both with documents and with witnesses of the proceedings at the Council.

It is well known that the ecumenical councils convening throughout the history of the Church — the Council of Nicaea in 325 A.D., the Council of Constantinople in 381 A.D., the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. and the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D.— were of great import. It is much less known, however, that centuries before the first Christian councils, a similar process was taking place in ancient India. At the Councils of Rajagrha in 486 B.C., Vaishali in 386 B.C., Pataliputra in 250 B.C., Sri Lanka in 29 B.C. and Kashmir in 72 A.D., Buddhist monks resolved to set forth dogmas, to put them in writing and to draw the line between orthodox and false doctrines. Generally speaking, the first councils, both in the West and in the East, were convened due to the need to preserve original doctrines. In addition, original teachings had to be canonised and systematised. Also, the process of including religious doctrines into imperial politics is characteristic of two royal personages, namely, the Indian king Aśoka and the Roman Emperor Constantine the Great. Both were actively involved in the councils of their day and contributed decisively to the further development and consolidation of both Buddhism and Christianity respectively.

The article is devoted to the development in the Roman church tradition of the idea of a special status in the Universal Church of the three Peter’s sees: Rome, Alexandria and Antioch. The question of the origins of this ecclesiological construction is connected with the possibility of attributing the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum to the Council of Rome, 382. This hypothesis still causes debate in the scientific literature. The author analyzes references to the special status of Peter's sees in the subsequent tradition up to the middle of the 5th century. We are talking about the texts of Popes Innocent I, Boniface I and Leo the Great, as well as Praefatio longa, which is an introduction to the Nicene canons and dated from the same time. The peculiarity of these texts in comparison with the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum is the correlation in one form or another of the idea of the special ecclesiastical status of Rome, Alexandria and Antioch with the canons of Council of Nicaea (325). The 6th Nicene canon establishes the jurisdiction of the See of Alexandria over Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis and notes the special significance of Rome and Antioch, but in this text these sees do not line up in any hierarchy, in contrast to the texts of the Roman ecclesiological tradition. There is also no mention in this canon of St. Peter. Considering these circumstances, the author supports the dating of the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum by the period of the pontificate of Pope Damasus I (366–384), believing that the idea of the special status of the three Peter's sees was originally formulated without connection with the 6th canon of the Council of Nicaea, but then was further confirmed by a peculiar interpretation of this text. On the whole, the idea of special significance in the Universal Church of the three sees of Peter is interpreted in the article as a polemical construction, directed mostly against the claims of Constantinople to the status of the New Rome and not strongly correlated (unlike the later model of the pentarchy) with the really existing regional ecclesiatical structures.

This research discusses the history of the calculation of the date of Easter as part of the reform of the Gregorian calendar using a historical approach. It examines the history of the determination of the date of Easter by the Council of Nicaea in 325 AD and the use of the ecclesiastical full moon method to calculate the date of Easter. This research also discusses the differences in the dating of Easter in the Julian and Gregorian calendars and the relationship between the dating of Easter and the astronomical vernal equinox. The results of this research show that the date of Easter is calculated based on mathematical calculations, taking into account the ecclesiastical full moon and is no longer related to accurate astronomical calculations. This research provides a clear overview of the history and methods of determining the date of Easter and can serve as a reference for scientists and researchers to further study the reform of the Gregorian calendar and the calculation of the date of Easter.

Deception can be defined as the act of causing someone to accept as accurate or valid what is false or invalid [1]. This paper analyses several Christian dogmas, that is, the established opinions by the church concerning the faith or morals that are either debatable or contradictory or against the writings of the bible. There is a need for research analyzing the bible and the Quran teachings compared to the beliefs of the church and accepted by the majority of people. Still, in reality, those beliefs are contrary to the teachings of religious doctrines. The paper will analyze the Nicene Creed adopted at the First Council of Nicaea in 325. In 381, in comparison to early Christian belief. The paper will discuss Paul’s contribution to Christianity and what changes Paul made in Christianity, which are against Jesus. Paul was an author of a large part of the New Testament (Perkins, 1988, p.4). Deception can come from omissions, additions, misinterpretation, fabrication, exaggeration, understatements, and distortion of information.[2]

The victory of Christianity in the last years of Constantine's was graphically described by Eusebius of Caesarea in his Life of Constantine. Clearly in Phoenicia, where he had excellent sources of reign information, the heart had gone out of the old religion. Every class in the community was prepared to accept Christianity and even to deride the deities that once they had held in awe. The victory there and ultimately over nearly the whole empire was so decisive that one is inclined to forget the tremendous struggle for the hearts and allegiances of the provincials that preceded it. Though in retrospect one might agree with von Harnack's view that even without Constantine's conversion Christianity would have triumphed, this was not how it appeared to most contemporaries. Down to the time of his victory over Licinius (September 324), Constantine seems to have aimed only at securing for Christianity the legal equality with the traditional cults, as envisaged by the Edict of Milan. The Council of Nicaea, however, summoned by the emperor in 325, proved to be decisive both for the establishment of orthodoxy and the victory of Christianity itself. Thenceforth, the history of the empire would also be the history of the Church.

Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in September 418 while fulfilling a commission from Zosimus of Rome. The translation of bishops from one church to another had been condemned by the 325 Council of Nicaea. The three letters are difficult to interpret because the information to his three correspondents (Possidius of Calama, Renatus, a monk of Caesarea Mauretaniae, and Alypius of Thagaste, who was in Italy at the time) seems to differ. A careful reading reveals that not only did Augustine’s knowledge of the situation change over time, but that the stress he placed on differing elements of that situation also changed depending upon the correspondent. The letters also disclose the involvement of Boniface I of Rome, Zosimus’ successor, and the complex relationship of the African churches with the bishop of Rome, especially in the matter of judicial appeal. What is suggested here is that Augustine, without saying so, seemed to be aware of the criteria Boniface had employed in another translation controversy, which was the approved translation of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth, and that, if applied to Honorius, this would lead the Roman bishop to reach a very different conclusion.

The ethnic self-consciousness of the Armenian ethnos, which passed the peak of ethnogenesis at the end of the first millennium BC, was ensured by the common origin, language and territory, common historical memory, continuity of state-political formations, cultural traditions and customs. Armenia is one of the oldest Christian states, and the Christianisation of the country in the early 4th century introduced a new cementing component into the Armenian identity. Wars with Mazdean Iran and later with the Muslim world, the struggle for fatherland and the struggle for faith cemented ethno-cultural and ethno-political identity. Armenia was one of the first countries to enter the Universal Church of the Christian East. Armenians participated in three Ecumenical Councils: the Council of Nicaea (325), the Council of Constantinople (381) and the Council of Ephesus (431), but did not attend the Fourth Council of Chalcedon (451) because of the war with Iran. The acts of the Council of Chalcedon, which reached Armenia much later, divided Armenians into two confessional directions — supporters and opponents of the Chalcedonian oros; the latter suspected in it hidden Nestorianism and did not recognise the supremacy of the Patriarch of Constantinople, while their opponents accused them of heresy. The emergence of Armenian writing in the early 5th century and the phenomenon of the «Golden Age» — the unprecedented rise of Armenian literature after the invention of the alphabet — determined for centuries the ethnic identity of Armenians, the unity of which was most universally and concretely reflected in the ethnic term «Armenian» (հայ, hay, ἀρμένιος). That is why the designation of the supporters of the Chalcedonian oros as Armenians-«Romaeans» and Armenians-«Georgians» did not find an adequate explanation for a long time. The term «Chalcedonian Armenians» was introduced in the early XX century by N. Y. Marr, as a designation of Armenians, called in the sources of XI–XV centuries «Romans» or «Ivirs», depending on their belonging to the Greek or Georgian Church. This hypothesis posed an important problem in Orientalism, caused continuous discussions and, accordingly, initiated further research. In recent decades, various aspects of the problem of the Chalcedonian Armenians (political, social, administrative, theological, polemical, historiographical) have attracted the attention of researchers; however, there is a range of issues that are unexplored or controversial. The term «Chalcedonite Armenians» proposed by N. Y. Marr instead of «Armenians-Romeans» and «Armenians-Ivirs» remained the most debatable issue for a long time. The aim of this paper is to clarify the content of the term «Chalcedonian Armenians» and, accordingly, the use of double ethnonyms in medieval sources, which served the emergence of this term in Modern times, i.e. to study the chronology and authorship of these sources.

The aim of the following article is to present chronologically the creation of the position of the diocese vicar in Pontus. The act of creation of the diocese was ascribed to emperor Diocletian according to the previously prevalent concept of historiography. However, this position is currently gradually criticized. The main source material which enables the dating of the territorial reform of the Roman state is the Verona List, which is also called Laterculus Veronensis. The document presents the earliest period of shaping ofthe diocese structure as well as the subscriptions of the bishops who authorized the decisions taken at the First Council of Nicaea. Besides the aforementioned evidence, another extremely significant source is the prosopographical data from the officials serving in the rank of vicarii and comites provinciarum in the late Roman period. In case of the Pontus diocese, we have at our disposal inscriptions which present the career of Lucilius Crispus as agens vice praefectorum praetorio. A detailed analysis of the epigraphical data facilitated the process of the dating of the term of office of this regional functionary. It can be ascertained that he performed his function at the time of the reign of emperor Galerius (terminus a quo at the end of November 308). His place of residence was in Galatian Ancyra. The next official of this rank was noted in relations between Lactantiusand Eusebius of Caesarea during the reign of Licinius (circa 313). This anonymous vice-prefect resided in Nicomedia at the time. Additional data is provided by hagiographic sources which describe the fate of Galatian martyrs and it also made note of two vicars, namely Domitianus and Aggripinus. However, the portrayal of the legal situation in the period of tetrarchy which was presented in the said sources raises reasonable doubts concerningtheir credibility. Nevertheless, both agentes (Lucilius Crispus and the anonymous vice-prefect of Licinius’) operated in the Black Sea region as extraordinary delegates of the praetorio prefect without the formation of a permanent organ of local administration. The implementationof a diocesan organisation most probably took place during the independent reign of Constantine the Great. Only then was it possible to carry out a consistent and permanent separation of jurisdiction of individual officials who had vice sacra iudicans jurisdiction. A passage, hitherto disregarded by historians, which comes from Vita Constantini points to this. Moreover, it explicitly states the name of the Pontus diocese. It allows the datingof terminus ante quem appointment of the Black Sea regional unit on the 19th of July 325.

In the southern regions of Iran (Persia), Zoroastrianism was represented by numerous temples and pantheons of gods, while in the Northern provinces, fire worship retained its early form, recognizing one deity - Ahramazda. With the coming to power of the Sassanids, the number of temples began to increase. The fact that peregrine And his son were priests of the Anahita temple also set priorities during their rule. When the Sassanids came to power, Ardeshir imposed a special tax (one-tenth) on the temples of fire-worshippers. However, environmental analysis shows that during the reign of various rulers, Mazdeism, Mithraism, Manichaeism, and even Christianity gained moderate ascendancy in the Sassanid state, albeit temporarily. For the first 300 years after Christ, there was a serious struggle in Eastern Anatolia to become a strong and lasting religion. The first Christian Church in Parthia played a leading role in this struggle. The lack of information about the history of Parthia, and sometimes very little, enriches this period with legends. The Parthian aristocracy maintained its influence in the Northern regions of Persia. The reign of the Arshakids (of aranshah) continued in Albania until the 6th century. The Parthians understood and practiced fire worship differently than in Persia. The Parthian nobles saw and knew the important role of the temple of Anahita in the victory of the sons of Sassanids. Along with various traditional religions, many new religions spread in the Persian province and in Persian geography, new concepts were synthesized between religions, there was fierce competition between religions, and religious clans sought access to large palaces. The early Christians who settled in the Northern provinces of Parthia in the middle of the third century gained a large following. In 252-326, Gregory (his Church name) was the son of Apak (Anak) of the Arshakid dynasty , and he was baptized in Cappadocia and received a Christian upbringing. When another of the Arsacid dynasty, Prince Tridad, together with Gregory, founded the first Christian Church, of course, the Central government did not like it, and the persecution increased. However, by the will of the sons of A, they were able to hold and preserve the Church. The younger son of Gregory, Arastun (Armenians call him Aristakes), led the Church in 325-333, and then his older brother, the first son of Gregory erfan (Arfan) (Armenians call him Vrtanes), took over the leadership of the Church in 333-341 on the advice of his father was brought to the leadership. Arastun took part in the creation of the churches of Albania and Iveria, became their first Bishop, and participated in the first world Council of Christians (Nicaea-Syria). Early Christians quickly forgot the important decisions made at the first meeting of the apostles of Jesus, and Christians all over the world are involved in intrigues between the two churches - the Church of Nicaea (Syria) and the Church of Alexandria. After the formation of the Church of Constantinople, competition increased, and although the Christian Church in Eastern Anatolia and Cappadocia was subordinate to Constantinople, the Syriac Church sent representatives to Cappadocia and Eastern Anatolia in search of supporters. The church, founded by Gregory, son of Apak, acts as a true Christian church under the leadership of 10 generations after him and proclaims that Christianity is a divine religion. Only in 437, with the appointment of Hovhannes, a disciple of the Syrian missionary and provocateur Mesrop Mashtos (educated in Syria), the leadership of the church changed the character of the first Christian Church of the Parthians, covering a large area from Eastern Anatolia to Albania. The first Christian Church of the Parthians changed its essence, defining the status of a national church, and not a propagandist of common Christian values.

Hamsters were exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) in drinking water for 6 days. Equal amounts of proteins from urinary bladder or liver extracts of control and arsenic-treated hamsters were labeled with Cy3 and Cy5 dyes, respectively. After differential in gel electrophoresis and analysis by the DeCyder software, several protein spots were found to be down-regulated and several were up regulated. Our experiments indicated that in the bladder tissues of hamsters exposed to arsenite, transgelin was down-regulated and GST-pi was up-regulated. The loss of transgelin expression has been reported to be an important early event in tumor progression and a diagnostic marker for cancer development [29-32]. Down-regulation of transgelin expression may be associated with the carcinogenicity of inorganic arsenic in the urinary bladder. In the liver of arsenite-treated hamsters, ornithine aminotransferase was up-regulated, and senescence marker protein 30 and fatty acid binding protein were down-regulated. The volume ratio changes of these proteins in the bladder and liver of hamsters exposed to arsenite were significantly different than that of control hamsters. Introduction Chronic exposure to inorganic arsenic can cause cancer of the skin, lungs, urinary bladder, kidneys, and liver [1-6]. The molecular mechanisms of the carcinogenicity and toxicity of inorganic arsenic are not well understood [7-9). Humans chronically exposed to inorganic arsenic excrete MMA(V), DMA(V) and the more toxic +3 oxidation state arsenic biotransformants MMA(III) and DMA (III) in their urine [10, 11], which are carcinogen [12]· After injection of mice with sodium arsenate, the highest concentrations of the very toxic MMA(III) and DMA(III) were in the kidneys and urinary bladder tissue, respectively, as shown by experiments of Chowdhury et al [13]. Many mechanisms of arsenic toxicity and carcinogenicity have been suggested [1, 7, 14] including chromosome abnormalities [15], oxidative stress [16, 17], altered growth factors [18], cell proliferation [19], altered DNA repair [20], altered DNA methylation patterns [21], inhibition of several key enzymes [22], gene amplification [23] etc. Some of these mechanisms result in alterations in protein expression. Methods for analyzing multiple proteins have advanced greatly in the last several years. In particularly, mass spectrometry (MS) and tandem MS (MS/MS) are used to analyze peptides following protein isolation using two-dimensional (2-D) gel electrophoresis and proteolytic digestion [24]. In the present study, Differential In Gel Electrophoresis (DIGE) coupled with Mass Spectrometry (MS) has been used to study some of the proteomic changes in the urinary bladder and liver of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite in their drinking water. Our results indicated that transgelin was down-regulated and GST-pi was up-regulated in the bladder tissues. In the liver tissues ornithine aminotransferase was up-regulated, and senescence marker protein 30, and fatty acid binding protein were down-regulated. Materials and Methods Chemicals Tris, Urea, IPG strips, IPG buffer, CHAPS, Dry Strip Cover Fluid, Bind Silane, lodoacetamide, Cy3 and Cy5 were from GE Healthcare (formally known as Amersham Biosciences, Uppsala, Sweden). Thiourea, glycerol, SDS, DTT, and APS were from Sigma-Aldrich (St. Louis, MO, USA). Glycine was from USB (Cleveland, OH, USA). Acrylamide Bis 40% was from Bio-Rad (Hercules, CA, USA). All other chemicals and biochemicals used were of analytical grade. All solutions were made with Milli-Q water. Animals Male hamsters (Golden Syrian), 4 weeks of age, were purchased from Harlan Sprague Dawley, USA. Upon arrival, hamsters were acclimated in the University of Arizona animal care facility for at least 1 week and maintained in an environmentally controlled animal facility operating on a 12-h dark/12-h light cycle and at 22-24°C. They were provided with Teklad (Indianapolis, IN) 4% Mouse/Rat Diet # 7001 and water, ad libitum, throughout the acclimation and experimentation periods. Sample preparation and labelling Hamsters were exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg) in drinking water for 6 days and the control hamsters were given tap water. On the 6th day hamsters were decapitated rapidly by guillotine. Urinary bladder tissues and liver were removed, blotted on tissue papers (Kimtech Science, Precision Wipes), and weighed. Hamster urinary bladder or liver tissues were homogenized in lysis buffer (30mMTris, 2M thiourea, 7M urea, and 4% w/w CHAPS adjusted to pH 8.5 with dilute HCI), at 4°C using a glass homogenizer and a Teflon coated steel pestle; transferred to a 5 ml acid-washed polypropylene tube, placed on ice and sonicated 3 times for 15 seconds. The sonicate was centrifuged at 12,000 rpm for 10 minutes at 4°C. Small aliquots of the supernatants were stored at -80°C until use (generally within one week). Protein concentration was determined by the method of Bradford [25] using bovine serum albumin as a standard. Fifty micrograms of lysate protein was labeled with 400 pmol of Cy3 Dye (for control homogenate sample) and Cy5 Dye (for arsenic-treated urinary bladder or liver homogenate sample). The samples containing proteins and dyes were incubated for 30 min on ice in the dark. To stop the labeling reaction, 1uL of 10 mM lysine was added followed by incubation for 10 min on ice in the dark. To each of the appropriate dye-labeled protein samples, an additional 200 ug of urinary bladderor liver unlabeled protein from control hamster sample or arsenic-treated hamster sample was added to the appropriate sample. Differentially labeled samples were combined into a single Microfuge tube (total protein 500 ug); protein was mixed with an equal volume of 2x sample buffer [2M thiourea, 7M urea, pH 3-10 pharmalyte for isoelectric focusing 2% (v/v), DTT 2% (w/v), CHAPS 4% (w/v)]; and was incubated on ice in the dark for 10 min. The combined samples containing 500 ug of total protein were mixed with rehydration buffer [CHAPS 4% (w/v), 8M urea, 13mM DTT, IPG buffer (3-10) 1% (v/v) and trace amount of bromophenol blue]. The 450 ul sample containing rehydration buffer was slowly pipetted into the slot of the ImmobilinedryStripReswelling Tray and any large bubbles were removed. The IPG strip (linear pH 3-10, 24 cm) was placed (gel side down) into the slot, covered with drystrip cover fluid (Fig. 1), and the lid of the Reswelling Tray was closed. The ImmobillineDryStrip was allowed to rehydrate at room temperature for 24 hours. First dimension Isoelectric focusing (IEF) The labeled sample was loaded using the cup loading method on universal strip holder. IEF was then carried out on EttanIPGphor II using multistep protocol (6 hr @ 500 V, 6 hr @ 1000 V, 8 hr @ 8000 V). The focused IPG strip was equilibrated in two steps (reduction and alkylation) by equilibrating the strip for 10 min first in 10 ml of 50mM Tris (pH 8.8), 6M urea, 30% (v/v) glycerol, 2% (w/v) SDS, and 0.5% (w/v) DTT, followed by another 10 min in 10 ml of 50mM Tris (pH 8.8), 6M urea, 30% (v/v) glycerol, 2% (w/v) SDS, and 4.5% (w/v) iodoacetamide to prepare it for the second dimension electrophoresis. Second dimension SDS-PAGE The equilibrated IPG strip was used for protein separation by 2D-gel electrophoresis (DIGE). The strip was sealed at the top of the acrylamide gel for the second dimension (vertical) (12.5% polyacrylamide gel, 20x25 cm x 1.5 mm) with 0.5% (w/v) agarose in SDS running buffer [25 mMTris, 192 mM Glycine, and 0.1% (w/v) SDS]. Electrophoresis was performed in an Ettan DALT six electrophoresis unit (Amersham Biosciences) at 1.5 watts per gel, until the tracking dye reached the anodic end of the gel. Image analysis and post-staining The gel then was imaged directly between glass plates on the Typhoon 9410 variable mode imager (Sunnyvale, CA, USA) using optimal excitation/emission wavelength for each DIGE fluor: Cy3 (532/580 nm) and Cy5 (633/670 nm). The DIGE images were previewed and checked with Image Quant software (GE Healthcare) where all the two separate gel images could be viewed as a single gel image. DeCyde v.5.02 was used to analyze the DIGE images as described in the Ettan DIGE User Manual (GE Healthcare). The appropriate up-/down regulated spots were filtered based on an average volume ratio of ± over 1.2 fold. After image acquisition, the gel was fixed overnight in a solution containing 40% ethanol and 10% acetic acid. The fixed gel was stained with SyproRuby (BioRad) according to the manufacturer protocol (Bio-Rad Labs., 2000 Alfred Nobel Drive, Hercules, CA 94547). Identification of proteins by MS Protein spot picking and digestion Sypro Ruby stained gels were imaged using an Investigator ProPic and HT Analyzer software, both from Genomic Solutions (Ann Arbor, MI). Protein spots of interest that matched those imaged using the DIGE Cy3/Cy5 labels were picked robotically, digested using trypsin as described previously [24] and saved for mass spectrometry identification. Liquid chromatography (LC)- MS/MS analysis LC-MS/MS analyses were carried out using a 3D quadrupole ion trap massspectrometer (ThermoFinnigan LCQ DECA XP PLUS; ThermoFinnigan, San Jose, CA) equipped with a Michrom Paradigm MS4 HPLC (MichromBiosources, Auburn, CA) and a nanospray source, or with a linear quadrupole ion trap mass spectrometer (ThermoFinnigan LTQ), also equipped with a Michrom MS4 HPLC and a nanospray source. Peptides were eluted from a 15 cm pulled tip capillary column (100 um I.D. x 360 um O.D.; 3-5 um tip opening) packed with 7 cm Vydac C18 (Vydac, Hesperia, CA) material (5 µm, 300 Å pore size), using a gradient of 0-65% solvent B (98% methanol/2% water/0.5% formic acid/0.01% triflouroacetic acid) over a 60 min period at a flow rate of 350 nL/min. The ESI positive mode spray voltage was set at 1.6 kV, and the capillary temperature was set at 200°C. Dependent data scanning was performed by the Xcalibur v 1.3 software on the LCQ DECA XP+ or v 1.4 on the LTQ [27], with a default charge of 2, an isolation width of 1.5 amu, an activation amplitude of 35%, activation time of 50 msec, and a minimal signal of 10,000 ion counts (100 ion counts on the LTQ). Global dependent data settings were as follows: reject mass width of 1.5 amu, dynamic exclusion enabled, exclusion mass width of 1.5 amu, repeat count of 1, repeat duration of a min, and exclusion duration of 5 min. Scan event series were included one full scan with mass range of 350-2000 Da, followed by 3 dependent MS/MS scans of the most intense ion. Database searching Tandem MS spectra of peptides were analyzed with Turbo SEQUEST, version 3.1 (ThermoFinnigan), a program that allows the correlation of experimental tandem MS data with theoretical spectra generated from known protein sequences. All spectra were searched against the latest version of the non redundant protein database from the National Center for Biotechnology Information (NCBI 2006; at that time, the database contained 3,783,042 entries). Statistical analysis The means and standard error were calculated. The Student's t-test was used to analyze the significance of the difference between the control and arsenite exposed hamsters. P values less than 0.05 were considered significant. The reproducibility was confirmed in separate experiments. Results Analysis of proteins expression After DIGE (Fig. 1), the gel was scanned by a Typhoon Scanner and the relative amount of protein from sample 1 (treated hamster) as compared to sample 2 (control hamster) was determined (Figs. 2, 3). A green spot indicates that the amount of protein from sodium arsenite-treated hamster sample was less than that of the control sample. A red spot indicates that the amount of protein from the sodium arsenite-treated hamster sample was greater than that of the control sample. A yellow spot indicates sodium arsenite-treated hamster and control hamster each had the same amount of that protein. Several protein spots were up-regulated (red) or down-regulated (green) in the urinary bladder samples of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) for 6 days as compared with the urinary bladder of controls (Fig. 2). In the case of liver, several protein spots were also over-expressed (red) or under-expressed (green) for hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) in drinking water for 6 days (Fig. 3). The urinary bladder samples were collected from the first and second experiments in which hamsters were exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) in drinking water for 6 days and the controls were given tap water. The urinary bladder samples from the 1st and 2nd experiments were run 5 times in DIGE gels on different days. The protein expression is shown in Figure 2 and Table 1. The liver samples from the 1st and 2nd experiments were also run 3 times in DIGE gels on different days. The proteins expression were shown in Figure 3 and Table 2. The volume ratio changed of the protein spots in the urinary bladder and liver of hamsters exposed to arsenite were significantly differences than that of the control hamsters (Table 1 and 2). Protein spots identified by LC-MS/MS Bladder The spots of interest were removed from the gel, digested, and their identities were determined by LC-MS/MS (Fig. 2 and Table 1). The spots 1, 2, & 3 from the gel were analyzed and were repeated for the confirmation of the results (experiments; 173 mg As/L). The proteins for the spots 1, 2, and 3 were identified as transgelin, transgelin, and glutathione S-transferase Pi, respectively (Fig. 2). Liver We also identified some of the proteins in the liver samples of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) in drinking water for 6 days (Fig. 3). The spots 4, 5, & 6 from the gels were analyzed and were repeated for the confirmation of the results. The proteins for the spots 4, 5, and 6 were identified as ornithine aminotransferase, senescence marker protein 30, and fatty acid binding protein, respectively (Fig. 3) Discussion The identification and functional assignment of proteins is helpful for understanding the molecular events involved in disease. Weexposed hamsters to sodium arsenite in drinking water. Controls were given tap water. DIGE coupled with LC-MS/MS was then used to study the proteomic change in arsenite-exposed hamsters. After electrophoresis DeCyder software indicated that several protein spots were down-regulated (green) and several were up-regulated (red). Our overall results as to changes and functions of the proteins we have studied are summarized in Table 3. Bladder In the case of the urinary bladder tissue of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite (173 mg As/L) in drinking water for 6 days, transgelin was down-regulated and GST-pi was up-regulated. This is the first evidence that transgelin is down-regulated in the bladders of animals exposed to sodium arsenite. Transgelin, which is identical to SM22 or WS3-10, is an actin cross linking/gelling protein found in fibroblasts and smooth muscle [28, 29]. It has been suggested that the loss of transgelin expression may be an important early event in tumor progression and a diagnostic marker for cancer development [30-33]. It may function as a tumor suppressor via inhibition of ARA54 (co-regulator of androgen receptor)-enhanced AR (androgen receptor) function. Loss of transgelin and its suppressor function in prostate cancer might contribute to the progression of prostate cancer [30]. Down-regulation of transgelin occurs in the urinary bladders of rats having bladder outlet obstruction [32]. Ras-dependent and Ras-independent mechanisms can cause the down regulation of transgelin in human breast and colon carcinoma cell lines and patient-derived tumorsamples [33]. Transgelin plays a role in contractility, possibly by affecting the actin content of filaments [34]. In our experiments loss of transgelin expression may be associated or preliminary to bladder cancer due to arsenic exposure. Arsenite is a carcinogen [1]. In our experiments, LC-MS/MS analysis showed that two spots (1 and 2) represent transgelin (Fig. 2 and Table 1). In human colonic neoplasms there is a loss of transgelin expression and the appearance of transgelin isoforms (31). GST-pi protein was up-regulated in the bladders of the hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite. GSTs are a large family of multifunctional enzymes involved in the phase II detoxification of foreign compounds [35]. The most abundant GSTS are the classes alpha, mu, and pi classes [36]. They participate in protection against oxidative stress [37]. GST-omega has arsenic reductase activity [38]. Over-expression of GST-pi has been found in colon cancer tissues [39]. Strong expression of GST-pi also has been found in gastric cancer [40], malignant melanoma [41], lung cancer [42], breast cancer [43] and a range of other human tumors [44]. GST-pi has been up-regulated in transitional cell carcinoma of human urinary bladder [45]. Up-regulation of glutathione – related genes and enzyme activities has been found in cultured human cells by sub lethal concentration of inorganic arsenic [46]. There is evidence that arsenic induces DNA damage via the production of ROS (reactive oxygen species) [47]. GST-pi may be over-expressed in the urinary bladder to protect cells against arsenic-induced oxidative stress. Liver In the livers of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite, ornithine amino transferase was over-expressed, senescence marker protein 30 was under-expressed, and fatty acid binding protein was under-expressed. Ornithine amino transferase has been found in the mitochondria of many different mammalian tissues, especially liver, kidney, and small intestine [48]. Ornithine amino transferase knockdown inhuman cervical carcinoma and osteosarcoma cells by RNA interference blocks cell division and causes cell death [49]. It has been suggested that ornithine amino transferase has a role in regulating mitotic cell division and it is required for proper spindle assembly in human cancer cells [49]. Senescence marker protein-30 (SMP30) is a unique enzyme that hydrolyzes diisopropylphosphorofluoridate. SMP30, which is expressed mostly in the liver, protects cells against various injuries by stimulating membrane calcium-pump activity [50]. SMP30 acts to protect cells from apoptosis [51]. In addition it protects the liver from toxic agents [52]. The livers of SMP30 knockout mice accumulate phosphatidylethanolamine, cardiolipin, phosphatidyl-choline, phosphatidylserine, and sphingomyelin [53]. Liver fatty acid binding protein (L-FABP) also was down- regulated. Decreased liver fatty acid-binding capacity and altered liver lipid distribution hasbeen reported in mice lacking the L-FABP gene [54]. High levels of saturated, branched-chain fatty acids are deleterious to cells and animals, resulting in lipid accumulation and cytotoxicity. The expression of fatty acid binding proteins (including L-FABP) protected cells against branched-chain saturated fatty acid toxicity [55]. Limitations: we preferred to study the pronounced spots seen in DIGE gels. Other spots were visible but not as pronounced. Because of limited funds, we did not identify these others protein spots. In conclusion, urinary bladders of hamsters exposed to sodium arsenite had a decrease in the expression of transgelin and an increase in the expression of GST-pi protein. Under-expression of transgelin has been found in various cancer systems and may be associated with arsenic carcinogenicity [30-33). Inorganic arsenic exposure has resulted in bladder cancer as has been reported in the past [1]. Over-expression of GST-pi may protect cells against oxidative stress caused by arsenite. In the liver OAT was up regulated and SMP-30 and FABP were down regulated. These proteomic results may be of help to investigators studying arsenic carcinogenicity. The Superfund Basic Research Program NIEHS Grant Number ES 04940 from the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences supported this work. Additional support for the mass spectrometry analyses was provided by grants from NIWHS ES06694, NCI CA023074 and the BIOS Institute of the University of Arizona. Acknowledgement The Author wants to dedicate this paper to the memory of his former supervisor Dr. H. VaskenAposhian who passed away in September 6, 2019. He was an emeritus professor of the Department of Molecular and Cellular Biology at the University of Arizona. 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Fourth-century Christianity and the Council of Nicaea have continually been read as a Constantinian narrative. The dominancy of imperial Christianity has been a consequent feature of the established narrative regarding the events within early Christianity. There is a case for a revisionist enquiry regarding the influence of the emperor in the formation of orthodoxy. The role of bishops and its political characterisation had definitive implications upon Christianity as it would seem. Recent revisions on Constantine by Leithart and Barnes incited the enquiry. The enquiry was made possible through document analysis; this mainly took the form of a literature study. The orthodoxy that emerged at Nicaea in 325 CE was reflective of the political–orthodoxy trajectory that Christianity took beyond the 4th century. Between imperial intervention and clerical polities, one was a definitive dynamic to the then emergent Christianity. The influence of the emperor, which was an apparently definitive feature characterising the era, was compositely relevant as a catalyst in the formation of the Christianity that emerged during the 4th century. The implication that centuries before the Council of Nicaea Christianity had been characterised by significant phases of socio-cultural dynamics relegates the influence of the emperor. The emperor Constantine and his association with the Council of Nicaea characterised an era of imperial ecclesiastical politics in Christianity, and so did the Jewish–Christian Schism and a monarchical episcopate that shaped the orthodox matrix of the church. This research deduced that the function of imperial intervention should be analysed in conjunction with diverse factors characterising the Christianity emergent at Nicaea, particularly ecclesiastical polities.

Este artículo estudia algunos aspectos de las relaciones entre las iglesias de Chipre y Antioquía. Las fuentes principales son Teodoreto de Ciro, Eusebio de Cesárea, Filostorgio, Sócrates, Sozomeno, Jerónimo, Rufino de Aquileya, Epifanio de Salamina, Teodoro, Teófanes, Víctor Tonense y el obispo romano Inocencio I. Otras fuentes son los cánones de varios sínodos: concilio de Nicea en el año 325 d.C, concilio de Constantinopla en 381, primer concilio de Efeso en 431, segundo concilio de Efeso en 449 y concilio de Calcedonia en 451.This article deals with some aspects in relations between the Churches of Cyprus and Antioch. The main sources are Theodoret of Cyr, Eusebius of Caesarea, Philostorgius, Sócrates, Sozomen, Jerome, Rufin of Aquileia, Epiphanius of Salamis, Theodorus, Teophanes, Víctor of Tuna and román Bishop Inocentius I. Other sources are the Canons of various Synods: Council of Nicaea in year 325 A.D., Council of Constantinople in 381, Fist Council of Ephesus in 431, Second Council of Ephesus in 449 and Council of Chalcedon in 451.

The modern resurgence of orthodoxy in Anglican circles takes as its cardinal tenet the eternal coinherence of three persons in the one Godhead, equal in substance, rank and power. This is assumed to be the doctrine of the Nicene Council of 325, and the putative heresy that denies it is known by the term subordinationism. Although the ample lexicon of Greek heresiology supplies no clear antecedent for this term, the charge of subordinationism is thought to imperil any claim to be teaching in the catholic tradition, even if the teacher is Barth or Rahner. The confidence with which these accusations are levelled, however, seems to be in an inverse ratio to the accuser’s knowledge of history, for neither in New Testament scholarship nor at the cutting edge of the modern study of patristics will one find much evidence that subordinationism is even an anomaly, let alone an aberration from the biblical or conciliar norm. It is only in modern theology, not in the writings of empirical historians, that the Gorgon’s head of Arius is held up to those who question the strict equality of persons. At the same time, we must not forget that the systematician’s reading of Nicaea was until recently also that of the historian. No doubt the reason is partly that until the last half–century every historian was also a confessional theologian; but there is also a certain truth in the older approach so long as some pains are taken to define “subordination”.

AbstractThomas Aquinas did not simply write a Summa “against” the Gentiles (contra Gentiles), but rather first and foremost a Summa “for” the Gentiles (pro Gentilibus). As the sole recourse for Muslims and pagans for whom there was no Scripture in common, natural reason is not only a vertical site for access to God; it designates the horizontal topos for a human community capable of gathering us together. Yesterday's “reason” (Thomas Aquinas) plays the role of “finitude” today (Heidegger) – to know what forms us “in common.” Such is the unique perspective of an apologetics that no longer holds itself up with a kind of “looming transcendence” (Merleau‐Ponty), as if the absolute were immediately given. We will cease opposing metaphysics and theology with a discourse that is supposedly pure yet wrongly sought. The lesson of the Council of Nicaea (325 CE) guides us to transform tradition rather than overcome it. The Council's “that is” regarding the same substance (homooúsion) of the Father translates the biblical into the Hellenic, rather than endeavoring to depart from the Hellenic as such. In this respect, the famous “that which everyone calls God” (et omnes dicunt Deum) at the end of each of Aquinas’ Five Ways indicates less the idol of a conceptual God to be overcome, and instead signals the icon of a rational God, who in its kenosis takes up our proper nature in order to transform it. From a theo‐logy where “only God speaks well of God” (subjective genitive), we shall pass over to a theo‐logy where “humans can also speak of God, at least in part” (objective genitive). A new connection between metaphysics and theology is established here, one capable of initiating a different relation between the believer and the world.