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Journal articles on the topic 'Council of Nicaea'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 March 2023

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1

Fernández, Samuel. "Who Convened the First Council of Nicaea: Constantine or Ossius?" Journal of Theological Studies 71, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 196–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flaa036.

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Abstract The ancient church historians affirmed that it was Constantine himself who convened the Council of Nicaea. However, a chronological examination of the contemporary documents shows that the convocation of Nicaea was quite different. This essay aims to examine the origin of the idea of holding the Nicene council. According to the available data, Ossius of Cordoba convened the great episcopal council that was to be held at Ancyra but ultimately occurred in Nicaea. Although Constantine’s participation was decisive for the success of Nicaea, the study of the historical sources indicates that the original idea of holding the council that ultimately occurred at Nicaea must be credited to Ossius.

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2

Fernández, Samuel. "The Council of Nicaea and its reception." Teología y vida 57, no. 2 (June 2016): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0049-34492016000200010.

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3

WALTER, Christopher. "Icons of the First Council of Nicaea." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 34 (January 11, 1992): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.1068.

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4

ELLIOTT, THOMAS G. "Constantine's Preparations for the Council of Nicaea." Journal of Religious History 17, no. 2 (December 1992): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1992.tb00709.x.

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5

Elliott, T. G. "Constantine and ‘the Arian Reaction after Nicaea’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 2 (April 1992): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000877.

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Although Constantine was interested in the Council from a political point of view, and although he evidently got what he wanted from it, he did not simply walk away from Nicaea with the creed and consider the matter at an end. His letters written after the Council are important evidence for his attitude during it.

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Pavlovic, Jovana. "John Damascene or Jerusalem monk John." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 51 (2014): 7–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1451007p.

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Most of original manuscripts wrongly claim authority of the treatise Adversus Constantinum Caballinum to John of Damascus. We applied the method of detailed linguistic analysis in order to check the hypothesis that Jerusalem monk John, the representative of three eastern patriarchs on the Second Council of Nicaea, wrote this iconophile work. Stylistic resemblance between the speech that John of Jerusalem held on the Second Council of Nicaea and sermon Adversus Constantinum Caballinum could indicate the same person as author.

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7

Gratsianskiy, Mikhail. "The Dispute Between Nicaea and Nicomedia over the Status of Metropolis at the Council of Chalcedon: The Civic Aspect." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.7.

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Introduction. The subject of research in this paper refers to the imperial edict, conferring the title of metropolis on the city of Nicaea in 364 AD, and the imperial rescript of the same year, confirming the rights of Nicomedia to the same title and the status of the first city of the province. The documents were presented by bishops of Nicaea and Nicomedia in the course of litigation between them at the 4th Ecumenical Council in Chalcedon (451 AD). The objectives of this work are to present the translation of these documents and substantiate its correctness in comparison with other available translations into foreign languages. Further task is to identify and highlight through commenting those realities of the Roman world, which are reflected in the analyzed documents. Methods. The work is based on the application of the historical-critical method of analysing source data of the original texts, compiled in Greek. Analysis. The article deals with the dating of the documents, the peculiarities of the terms and expressions used in them, which regard to intercity relations in Roman times, the issue of city statuses and traditional elements of the provincial ceremonies associated with the imperial cult. In this context, special attention is given to the edict for Nicaea, which is dedicated to the metropolis status of Nicaea, and deals with peculiar ceremonial issues of “coronation”, “procession”, and the office of Bithyniarch. Results. The litigation between Nicaea and Nicomedia is a clear evidence of the preservation of ancient Hellenistic and Roman traditions in the era of the Christian empire. The fact that the bishop of Nicaea at the Ecumenical Council, in justifying the ecclesiastical and administrative rights of his city, resorted to arguments drawn from the sphere of intercity relations within the framework of the traditional provincial assemblies, speaks for the connection between the institutions of provincial assemblies and church councils. The author concludes that the traditional forms of urban life, intercity relations within the province and determination of the status of cities by traditional criteria were of key importance for the position of the city in the system of the provincial church hierarchy.

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8

Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Okoliczności zwołania Soboru Nicejskiego." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 139–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3583.

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The article presents the circumstances of the Council of Nicaea. There was a tradition to compose symbols of the faith (symbola fidei), and to organize synods. The Council of Nicaea was convoked by Emperor Constantine in cooperation with Pope Silvestre. After the victory on Licinius, Constantine wanted to arrange public and religious matters of the Empire. He was not a Christian but he was friendly to Christianity as a religion which he considered to be profitable for the Empire. He possessed the title of Pontifex maximus which authorized him to intervene not only in pagan cults, but also in ecclesiastical affaires. In spite of that, there were three main conflicts in that time: the date of the Passover, Donatism and Arianism. Donatism was a schism born in Latin Africa having a national background; it was a movement of the local population against the Roman administration. Arianism, born in Greek Africa, was inspired by philosophy, especially by Neo-Platonism. Constantine was welcomed by the Pope and other bishops because his actions were useful for the Church. People were waiting for the Council of Nicaea with hope.

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9

NEIL, B. "THE WESTERN REACTION TO THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA II." Journal of Theological Studies 51, no. 2 (October 1, 2000): 533–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/51.2.533.

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10

Kelhoffer, James A. "The Search for Confessors at the Council of Nicaea." Journal of Early Christian Studies 19, no. 4 (2011): 589–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2011.0053.

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11

Tanner, Norman. "The Book of the Councils: Nicaea I to Vatican II." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015692.

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The ecumenical and general councils of the Church have produced arguably the most important documents of Christianity after the Bible. How this ‘book’ of the councils came to be composed is the subject of this paper. In the composition, Christians have had to confront three problems similar to those involved in establishing the book of the Bible. First, which councils are to be considered ecumenical or general, paralleling the question of which books are to be included in the Bible. Secondly, which decrees are to be considered the authentic decrees of a particular council, paralleling the question of which chapters and verses make up a particular book of the Bible. Thirdly, which manuscripts or editions form the best text of a given decree, paralleling the search for the best texts of Scripture. There are, too, the additional issues of establishing some hierarchy in the importance of the councils and their decrees – the great creeds and doctrinal statements outrank, surely, most decrees of a purely disciplinary nature, just as the Gospels have a certain priority within the New Testament or Romans and Galatians outrank in importance the Pastoral Epistles – and secondly the difficulties of translating the original texts into the vernacular languages, alike for the councils as for the Bible. Alongside these similarities between the book of the councils and that of the Bible was the tension between Scripture and Tradition. How far could Tradition, represented cumulatively and retrospectively by the councils, interpret or develop the teaching of Scripture? This tension was never far below the surface, and erupted especially in the Reformation controversies.

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Petek, Nina, and Jan Ciglenečki. "Prvi koncili u kršćanstvu i budizmu Strukturne analogije i povijesne sličnosti." Obnovljeni život 74, no. 1 (January 19, 2019): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.74.1.2.

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It is well known that the ecumenical councils convening throughout the history of the Church — the Council of Nicaea in 325 A.D., the Council of Constantinople in 381 A.D., the Council of Ephesus in 431 A.D. and the Council of Chalcedon in 451 A.D.— were of great import. It is much less known, however, that centuries before the first Christian councils, a similar process was taking place in ancient India. At the Councils of Rajagrha in 486 B.C., Vaishali in 386 B.C., Pataliputra in 250 B.C., Sri Lanka in 29 B.C. and Kashmir in 72 A.D., Buddhist monks resolved to set forth dogmas, to put them in writing and to draw the line between orthodox and false doctrines. Generally speaking, the first councils, both in the West and in the East, were convened due to the need to preserve original doctrines. In addition, original teachings had to be canonised and systematised. Also, the process of including religious doctrines into imperial politics is characteristic of two royal personages, namely, the Indian king Aśoka and the Roman Emperor Constantine the Great. Both were actively involved in the councils of their day and contributed decisively to the further development and consolidation of both Buddhism and Christianity respectively.

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Pashkov, Dmitry. "The modernising church law-making of St. emperor Justinian, with the regulation of provincial councils as an example." St.Tikhons' University Review 106 (June 30, 2022): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturii2022106.11-24.

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The Church Councils of the ante-Nicene period had neither a clear periodicity nor a strictly defined competence. Their competence was very broad, almost limitless: questions of faith, discipline, the calendar, the practice of the Sacraments. These local councils of the ante-Nicene era were replaced, from the fourth century, by provincial councils.In 325 a number of rules for provincial councils were approved in Nicaea: they had to be convened twice a year, consist of bishops of one particular province, take place in a provincial civil centre (metropolis) and their competence was limited to second-instance judicial proceedings. Further church legislation did not extend this competence, although in fact the councils dealt not only with judicial, but also with doctrinal problems. The biannual councils as prescribed by Nicaea canons becomes burdensome because of the large size of some provinces and some other reasons. The novels of Justinian I for the first time clearly defined the competence of a "provincial" council. The emperor included not only judicial, but also canonical and doctrinal topics in the competence of the provincial councils, while establishing a regularity of holding them "once a year". The modernizing legislative activity of St. Emperor Justinian proved useful and was recognized by the church hierarchy.

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14

Frenkel, Luise Marion. "The Reception of the Council of Nicaea by Ethnic Minorities in the Eastern Roman Empire." Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 49, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890433-04901002.

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Abstract The continuity and recognition enjoyed by communities which identified themselves with notions condemned in fourth- and fifth-century church councils can be related to the concomitant and interrelated processes of consolidation of historiographic narratives about Christian synods, their materialisation in imperial monuments and texts, and the cultural acceptance of theological and political values and categories. Focusing on the Council of Nicaea, the paper reviews the continuous presence of local Arian communities in Constantinople until the seventh century and the use of “Arian” liturgies in the East. The criteria of orthodoxy are examined in the light of the variant readings of the Ekthesis of the Didascalia CCXVIII Patrum Nicaenum and the prayers attributed to Serapion of Thmuis.

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15

Beatrice, Pier Franco. "The Word “Homoousios” from Hellenism to Christianity." Church History 71, no. 2 (June 2002): 243–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095688.

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Homoousios is one of the most important words in the Christian theological vocabulary, since it was used at the Council of Nicaea to express the divine consubstantiality of the Son with the Father. However, long and complicated debates have not yet produced any significant agreement among scholars concerning its origin and meaning.

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16

Febrianto, Paulus. "“Dilahirkan, Bukan Dijadikan (‘γεννηθέντα οὐ ποιηθέντα’)”." Lux et Sal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2023): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.57079/lux.v3i1.85.

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The revelation of the Christian faith is not always apparent at first glance. This revelation is being contemplated constantly, especially when dealing with the challenges of the new era. One thing that cannot be spared from challenges is the understanding of faith in the divinity of Jesus Christ. One of the most significant periods occurred before the Council of Nicaea. The church had to face tough challenges that was coming from Arius. Therefore, how did the Fathers of the Council respond? This paper is aimed to review this theme.

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17

Colle, Ralph Del. "‘Person’ and ‘Being’ in John Zizioulas' Trinitarian Theology: Conversations with Thomas Torrance and Thomas Aquinas." Scottish Journal of Theology 54, no. 1 (February 2001): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060005119x.

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The 318 Fathers at the First Council of Nicaea (325) began their profession of faith in the second article of the creed as follows:Confessing that: We believe in one God … And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father as only begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father, [ek tes ousias tou patros].

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18

Teal, Andrew. "Council of Nicaea (325): Religious and Political Context, Documents, Commentaries. By Henryk Pietras." Journal of Theological Studies 69, no. 1 (October 31, 2017): 336–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flx208.

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19

ADKIN, N. "Ambrose, « De Virginibus » 2, 2, 10f. and the « Gnomes of the Council of Nicaea »." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 38, no. 2 (January 1992): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104663.

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20

Gusarova, Ekaterina V. "The Fixed Easter Cycle in the Ethiopian Church." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 463–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p30.

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Abstract This article deals with the fixed Christian Easter and the feasts, which depend on it. Both moveable and fixed feasts are recorded in Christian calendars and synaxaria. Following the decisions of the First Oecumenical Council of Nicaea (AD 325) the Ethiopians celebrated mostly the moveable Easter and its cycle. At the same time in the Ethiopian Royal Chronicles is also recorded that the Ethiopian Kings and their armies celebrated the fixed Easter and its festivals, especially the Good Friday.

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21

Petrosyan, Nelli. "Saint Gregory The Illuminator and Canons of Nicene Ecumenical Council." WISDOM 1, no. 6 (July 1, 2016): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v1i6.73.

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The Nicene Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church is a stricter version of the Christian faith. Christian recites it as a confession of his faith. The article attempts to identify formulation origins of creed partly related with apostolic times. Next is presented, how in year 325 during the first ecumenical meeting convened in Nicaea the high-ranking fathers collected the items of Christian faith and gave the name of Nicene Creed or Creed. Gregory the Illuminator accepted the decisions of the Nicene creed and canonize that Creed in the Armenian Apostolic Church, however, unlike other Christian churches, add his own confession. In addition to that Creed, two more Creeds are canonized and stored in the Armenian Church. All of them express the nature and essence of God and Holy Trinity, which is the foundation and major axis of Christianity.

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22

Moorhead, John. "What names did the Anti-nicenes use for Catholics and Arians?" Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 423–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050215.

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The parties involved in the Trinitarian disputes that led to and followed the Council of Nicaea are generally referred to as Catholics and Arians. But suchterminology reproduces that of the party that was ultimately victorious, and this paper utilizes the evidence of Latin texts from the fourth to the sixth centuries to enquire into the language used by the other side. It will draw attention to the use of such terms as Homousians and Romans for those better known as Catholics, and the application of such general concepts as lex and religio.

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23

Smelova, Natalia. "The Canons of the First Ecumenical Council of Nicaea in the Manuscript IOM, RAS Syr. 34." Written Monuments of the Orient 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/wmo25778-.

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24

Bellitto, C. M. "The Church in Council. Conciliar Movements, Religious Practice and the Papacy from Nicaea to Vatican II." Journal of Church and State 53, no. 4 (October 28, 2011): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csr108.

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25

Drake, H. A. "Constantine and Consensus." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168653.

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The church historian Socrates Scholasticus tells a story about an encounter during the Council of Nicaea between the emperor Constantine and the schismatic bishop Acesius. On learning that Acesius's dispute had nothing to do with the Creed or the date of Easter—the two major issues under debate at that Council—Constantine asked, “For what reason then do you separate yourself from communion with the rest of the Church?” Acesius replied that his sect objected to the relative leniency with which other Christians had treated those who had cracked under the empire-wide persecutions of the third century. He then “referred to the rigidness of that austere canon which declares, that it is not right that persons who after baptism have committed a sin, which the sacred Scriptures denominate ‘a sin unto death’ be considered worthy of participation in the sacraments.” Whereupon, Socrates continues, the emperor said to him, “Place a ladder, Acesius, and climb alone into heaven.”

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26

Quarles, Charles. "Matthew 27:52-53 as a Scribal Interpolation: Testing a Recent Proposal." Bulletin for Biblical Research 27, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.27.2.0207.

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Abstract In his recent commentary on Matthew, C. A. Evans suggested that Matt 27:52-53 is an early scribal interpolation. Although no extant manuscripts omit these verses, Evans argued thatthe absence of references to these verses in Christian literature prior to the Council of Nicaea supports this conjectural emendation. Although several German and Dutch scholars ofthe 18th and 19th centuries also proposed this emendation, most appealed primarily to historical and theological evidence. A thorough text-critical analysis has not previously beenpublished. This essay explores the internal and external evidence and concludes that these verses belong to the earliest text of Matthew that can be established from currentlyavailable evidence.

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27

Pottenger, Andrew J. "The ‘Servant of God’: Divine Favour and Instrumentality under Constantine, 318–25." Studies in Church History 54 (May 14, 2018): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2017.3.

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This article focuses on the doctrine of divine favour and instrumentality as viewed from the emperor's own perspective, in relation to the early development of the ‘Arian controversy’ as far as the Council of Nicaea. While modern writers have focused on explicit statements by Constantine to suggest that unity was the emperor's highest priority, this article reveals a pattern by which he sought to manage divine favour and argues that doing so effectively was of primary importance to him. Such a shift in understanding the emperor's priorities adds to the range of explanations for his later apparent inconsistencies as the actual achievement of unity continually eluded him.

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28

Edwards, Mark. "Alexander of Alexandria and the Homoousion." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 5 (2012): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007212x613410.

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Abstract This paper responds to recent publications which play down the role of Bishop Alexander of Alexandria in securing the adoption of the term homoousion at the Nicene Council of 325. It argues that, while the term is not employed in any surviving work from his hand, there is some reason to believe that he sanctioned the use of it by his colleagues. There is no doubt that before the Council he had already declared the Son to be “from the Father’s essence”, and it is all but certain that when this phrase was challenged, together with the homoousion at Nicaea, it was he who produced a conciliatory exegesis of both innovations, relying on the theology that had already been expounded in his letters Philostorgius’ story that he and Hosius of Cordoba had concerted a plan to introduce the homoousion is not implausible, and it should not be assumed that the author of an anonymous life of Constantine, which corroborates this narrative, is merely paraphrasing Philostorgius. Their testimony is consistent with that of Ambrose of Milan, who can be shown to have been acquainted both with documents and with witnesses of the proceedings at the Council.

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29

MANGO, Cyril. "The Meeting-Place of the First Ecumenical Council and the Church of the Holy Fathers at Nicaea." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 44 (July 6, 2011): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.425.

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30

Naumowicz, Ks Józef. "PIERWSZE WCZESNOCHRZEŚCIJAŃSKIE ŚWIADECTWA O ŚWIĘCIE BOŻEGO NARODZENIA." Colloquia Litteraria 8, no. 1/2 (November 21, 2009): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2010.1.05.

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The first Christian testimonies about the celebration of Christmas The article presents the earliest reference to the celebration of Christmas as a holiday or feast, namely: the Roman calendar of Philocalus (so-called Chronography of 354), the first sermons preached for this occasion (pope Liberius, Optate from Milewe, Zenon from Verona) and the first hymns (Ambrose from Milan and Prudentius, Ephrem the Syrian). The analysis of sources shows that there is no record of this feast before the First Council at Nicaea (325 A.D.). It appeared in Rome around 335 A.D. and from there it has spread to other regions. As soon as it appeared, it quickly gained popularity and characteristic theological significance.

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31

Prayidno, Iswadi. "Pre-eksistensi Putra Allah." Lux et Sal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.57079/lux.v3i1.84.

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The deity of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, has been being the object of contemplation for the faithful since the beginning of Christianity. One of the reflected points is the pre-existence of the Son of God. The Church Fathers, especially around the Council of Nicaea, tussled a lot with this issue. They used philosophical terms which were quite complicated in their time. Strangely, long before that, Paul as a radical monotheist, who later became a follower of Christ, seemed to speak about the pre-existence of this Son effortlessly. This fact is interesting to be observed. Therefore, this article is intended to discuss Paul's views regarding the divinity of Jesus Christ.

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32

Zakharov, Georgy. "Three Sees of Peter in the Roman ecclesiological tradition of the end of the 4th — the first half of the 5th centuries." St. Tikhons' University Review 103 (October 31, 2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi2022103.37-49.

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The article is devoted to the development in the Roman church tradition of the idea of a special status in the Universal Church of the three Peter’s sees: Rome, Alexandria and Antioch. The question of the origins of this ecclesiological construction is connected with the possibility of attributing the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum to the Council of Rome, 382. This hypothesis still causes debate in the scientific literature. The author analyzes references to the special status of Peter's sees in the subsequent tradition up to the middle of the 5th century. We are talking about the texts of Popes Innocent I, Boniface I and Leo the Great, as well as Praefatio longa, which is an introduction to the Nicene canons and dated from the same time. The peculiarity of these texts in comparison with the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum is the correlation in one form or another of the idea of the special ecclesiastical status of Rome, Alexandria and Antioch with the canons of Council of Nicaea (325). The 6th Nicene canon establishes the jurisdiction of the See of Alexandria over Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis and notes the special significance of Rome and Antioch, but in this text these sees do not line up in any hierarchy, in contrast to the texts of the Roman ecclesiological tradition. There is also no mention in this canon of St. Peter. Considering these circumstances, the author supports the dating of the third part of the Decretum Gelasianum by the period of the pontificate of Pope Damasus I (366–384), believing that the idea of the special status of the three Peter's sees was originally formulated without connection with the 6th canon of the Council of Nicaea, but then was further confirmed by a peculiar interpretation of this text. On the whole, the idea of special significance in the Universal Church of the three sees of Peter is interpreted in the article as a polemical construction, directed mostly against the claims of Constantinople to the status of the New Rome and not strongly correlated (unlike the later model of the pentarchy) with the really existing regional ecclesiatical structures.

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33

Paczkowski, Mieczysław Celestyn. "Wiara w listach św. Bazylego Wielkiego." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3627.

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The article is an examination of Basil’s teaching about faith and its importance in his large correspondence. The bishop of Caesarea describes faith as the acceptance of the Gospel, the conviction of the truth of the message, a confession of one’s belief in the Trinity. The Cappadocian emphasizes faith as an acceptance and conviction of the truth which comes from the inspired Scriptures and the teaching of the Nicaea. The confession of faith formulated by the Council of Nicaea constituted the essence of the truth of the Christian faith. The bishop of Caesarea indicates the importance of the baptismal formula for the formulation of the true Christian doctrine. During the baptismal rite the baptizand makes their confession of faith and is thus admitted into the community of the faithful. Basil’s teaching of initiation into the Christian mistery is dominated by his use of the word mean the apostolic doctrines which constitute what the „Great Church” taught and believed. The Cappadocian points to the danger of false and heretical assemblies (parasynagogues) and of the false teachers of the faith. It is presented as a way of knowing God. There is also one important emphasis in Basil’s thought which especially characterizes his view of the human steps in the concrete realization of it: the knowledge of God and faith in Him is manifested in love to God and one’s neighbor.

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Giulea, Dragoș Andrei. "Antioch 268 and Its Legacy in the Fourth-Century Theological Debates." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 2 (April 2018): 192–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000056.

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AbstractThe study proposes an analysis of the concepts ofousiaandhypostasisin the theology of the Council of Antioch which condemned Paul of Samosata in 268 CE. The authentic reports preserved from the assembly unveil the fact that the synodals who condemned Paul of Samosata employed the two terms interchangeably to denote the individual entity or person rather than the common essence or nature of the Father and Son. Additionally, they defended Christ's divinity before time and simultaneously assumed a certain subordinationism. The study additionally explores theSitz im Lebenof this theology, an accepted language embraced in the Eastern part of the Roman world in the third century. The article further traces the elements of this Antiochene theology in the fourth century in what was traditionally viewed as the “Arian” councils held in Antioch in 341 and 345 as well as in such authors as Eusebius of Caesarea and the Homoiousians. While Antioch 341 and 345 distanced themselves from Arianism, it is more coherent to interpret them, together with Eusebius and the Homoiousians, through this new hermeneutical lens, namely Antioch 268, rather than the traditional polarization between Nicaea and Arianism.

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Logan, Oliver. "Norman Tanner, The Church in Council: Conciliar Movements, Religious Practice and the Papacy from Nicaea to Vatican II." European History Quarterly 42, no. 4 (October 2012): 721–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691412458504ac.

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Dahm, Karl Heiner. "THE COUNCIL OF NICAEA - (Y.R.) Kim (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to the Council of Nicaea. Pp. xx + 424, ills, maps. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Paper, £28.99, US$36.99 (Cased, £84.99, US$110). ISBN: 978-1-108-44811-6 (978-1-108-42774-6 hbk)." Classical Review 71, no. 2 (June 18, 2021): 522–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x21001256.

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Bozanic, Snezana, and Djura Hardi. "Religious and moral context of social protection of medieval space." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 150 (2015): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1550079b.

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People have preserved and respected space since ancient times. The reasons were manifold: socio- economic, legal, religious and moral. Serbian medieval rulers tended to largely provide with riches, but also to protect estates of monasteries, as evidenced by surviving charters or their parts called appeal and anathema. When resolving property disputes (including the boundaries of a certain area), in addition to the representatives of state authorities, the witnesses who took the most frightful oaths went out in the field in order to determine the accurate boundaries. In order not to disturb the economic life, throughout the Middle Ages Serbian rulers used to issue charters to people of Dubrovnik (and to the other foreign merchants) that ensured undisturbed transit across Serbian territory. Serbian medieval rulers usually invoked: God, Virgin Mary, a patron saint of a monastery, Last Judgment, the Cross, First Council of Nicaea and Judah. They inspired awe in people and contributed to the protection of the space.

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Martin, Annick. "The receipt of the Council of Nicaea and its impact on the evolution of theological trends in eastern Churches (325-381)." Antiquité Tardive 22 (January 2014): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.5.103171.

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Zornija, Meri. "„Temporibus domini Iohannis episcopi..." – o počecima predromaničke skulpture u Boki kotorskoj." Ars Adriatica, no. 6 (January 1, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.533.

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This paper focuses on a series of pre-Romanesque fragments found in Kotor and several other localities in Boka Kotorska, which can be linked to an early phase in the formation of the pre-Romanesque style. Chronological orientation points provided by the triple mention of Bishop Ivan, who was present at the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, have served as a framework dating the fragments to the last quarter of the 8th and the early 9th century. They are considered to be work of a highly skilful stonemason workshop, for which the name Stonemason Workshop from the Time of Bishop Ivan of Kotor has been proposed. The reliefs have been compared to analogous sculptural decoration adorning the cathedrals of other cities in the Eastern Adriatic based on similar stylistic and iconographic features,as well as masterful stonemasonry in high-quality marble. These analogies indicate a common visual language used by the masters active in the broad belt stretching from Istria to Boka Kotorska, who brought to our coast the spirit of new, pre-Romanesque art at the turn of the 9th century.

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Stella, Francesco. "The Carolingian Answer to the Iconoclastic War and the Birth of Western Art." European Review 30, S1 (November 2022): S33—S46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798722000308.

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After a long quarrel scattered with persecutions, uprisings, dismissals and replacements of religious authorities, deaths, military expeditions, confiscations and attempts of assassinations in Greece, Italy and other European areas, the Council of Nicaea, in 787, imposed the victory of the iconodules in the Byzantine Empire. The West, especially the Kingdom of the Franks and the Lombards ruled by Charles, later known as Charlemagne, tried to take an official position in the synod of Frankfurt in 794 and in an odd and complex treatise, comprising four books, entitled Opus Caroli, or Libri Carolini, which were recently attributed by Ann Freeman to Theodulf of Orleans, one of the greatest intellectuals of his time. In this work, which we could call the first western treatise on images, the icon is freed from its ritual and cult value, and returned to its artistic use, thus determining, according to some scholars, the larger freedom of figurative representation that characterizes western religious art as compared with the Orthodox one. This stance is followed by a lively debate, involving many authors, the materials of which have not yet been translated and put into full circulation in historical-artistic research.

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Dudek, Jarosław. "Biskupi Dyrrachionu w strukturach patriarchatu Konstantynopola (VII-XI wiek)." Vox Patrum 58 (December 15, 2012): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4075.

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The Early Middle Ages brought grave losses to the Christian Churches in the East. It was only the patriarchate of Constantinople that managed to maintain its previous dignity. Starting form the end of the 7th century, one may notice the patriarchate activity in the western Balkans. That church substance, having survived barbarians invasion, was defined in the literature as „the bridge between the West and the East” and it became the subject matter of a rivalry with the papacy. The patriarchate of Constantinople, consistently supported by the emperors of the New Rome, gradually gained superiority in this field. A significant role in these changes was played by the attitude of the patriarchate towards the bishopric in Dyrrachion (at present Dürres in Albania). The majority of preserved written sources concerning this church centre was created in a defined relationship with projects pursued by some emperors and patriarchs. From this perspective, one may follow the evolution of the local bishopric status based on preserved registers of bishoprics subject to Constantinople (Notitiae episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitane) as well as the lists of attendance of Dyrrachion’s metropolitan bishops at the Trullan Synod (692) and The Second Council of Nicaea (787). In the first case, it is possible to reconstruct the image of the mediaeval Dyrrachion metropolis clearly referring to the ancient church traditions of the New and Old Epirus (Epirus Vetus i Epirus Nova). However, the second preserved source data collection underlines quite high status of the bishops of Dyrrachion at synods and councils, which reflects their growing position (in comparison with Thessaloniki, Corinth or Athens) in the organization structures of the patriarchate of Constantinople.

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Frend, W. H. C. "Prelude to the Great Persecution: The Propaganda War." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 38, no. 1 (January 1987): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690002248x.

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The victory of Christianity in the last years of Constantine's was graphically described by Eusebius of Caesarea in his Life of Constantine. Clearly in Phoenicia, where he had excellent sources of reign information, the heart had gone out of the old religion. Every class in the community was prepared to accept Christianity and even to deride the deities that once they had held in awe. The victory there and ultimately over nearly the whole empire was so decisive that one is inclined to forget the tremendous struggle for the hearts and allegiances of the provincials that preceded it. Though in retrospect one might agree with von Harnack's view that even without Constantine's conversion Christianity would have triumphed, this was not how it appeared to most contemporaries. Down to the time of his victory over Licinius (September 324), Constantine seems to have aimed only at securing for Christianity the legal equality with the traditional cults, as envisaged by the Edict of Milan. The Council of Nicaea, however, summoned by the emperor in 325, proved to be decisive both for the establishment of orthodoxy and the victory of Christianity itself. Thenceforth, the history of the empire would also be the history of the Church.

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Dunn, Geoffrey D. "Boniface I, Augustine, and the Translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae." Augustinian Studies 51, no. 1 (2020): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies202051115.

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Augustine’s Epistulae 23A*, 23*, and 22*, written in late 419 and early 420, present his involvement in the dispute concerning the translation of Honorius to Caesarea Mauretaniae (modern Cherchell), a city Augustine had visited in September 418 while fulfilling a commission from Zosimus of Rome. The translation of bishops from one church to another had been condemned by the 325 Council of Nicaea. The three letters are difficult to interpret because the information to his three correspondents (Possidius of Calama, Renatus, a monk of Caesarea Mauretaniae, and Alypius of Thagaste, who was in Italy at the time) seems to differ. A careful reading reveals that not only did Augustine’s knowledge of the situation change over time, but that the stress he placed on differing elements of that situation also changed depending upon the correspondent. The letters also disclose the involvement of Boniface I of Rome, Zosimus’ successor, and the complex relationship of the African churches with the bishop of Rome, especially in the matter of judicial appeal. What is suggested here is that Augustine, without saying so, seemed to be aware of the criteria Boniface had employed in another translation controversy, which was the approved translation of Perigenes as bishop of Corinth, and that, if applied to Honorius, this would lead the Roman bishop to reach a very different conclusion.

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Gassman, Mattias. "The Cambridge Companion to the Council of Nicaea. Edited by Young Richard Kim. Cambridge Companions to Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021. xix + 424 pp. $36.99 paper." Church History 90, no. 3 (September 2021): 647–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721002213.

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Mazurczak, Urszula. "List apostolski Duodecimum saeculum Ojca Świętego św. Jana Pawła II z okazji tysiąc dwusetnej rocznicy Soboru Nicejskiego II. Miejsce ikony w wierze i rozumieniu św. Jana Pawła II." Roczniki Humanistyczne 68, no. 4 Zeszyt specjalny (2020): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh20684-4s.

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The letter of the Holy Father John Paul II written in Rome in 1987, in the tenth year of His pontificate, on December 4th, on the day of memorial of Saint John Damascene, the doctor of the Church, on the Twelfth Centenary of finishing the controversy over the icon, is of great importance for the Pope’s program of ecumenism. The Holy Father indicated various directions of the dialogue, however, the one of the utmost importance concerned the agreement with the Orthodox Church, which was confirmed in the letters and in His other documents quoted in this paper. The image used to be essential for religious practice, for illustrating the word of prayer and of the song, in order to preserve the tradition of the Church. The strict prohibition introduced by the iconoclasm depreciated not only the artistic tradition of paintings but also the basic dogmas of Christ’s Incarnation and the one which introduced Virgin Mary as the Theotokos (the God-bearer). The ban constituted a threat not only for the icons but also for the Christian faith. In His Letter, the Pope underlined the important role of the Second Council of Nicaea which reintroduced icons and maintained and deepened the meaning of the cult in the faith of believers. Furthermore, the Holy Father indicated the connection with the Second Vatican Council in understanding the function and form of images in contemporary Church. Contemporary trends are overwhelmed by the impotence of the spiritual expression of sacral art, which is a great concern for the Pope. The Letter is, therefore, a dramatic warning of the threats for religious art in contemporary time, expressed by the Holy Father with these words: ‘The rediscovery of the Christian icon will also help in raising the awareness of the urgency of reacting against the depersonalizing and at times degrading effects of the many images that condition our lives in advertisements and the media.’ (DS, 11).

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Tanner, Norman. "How Novel Was Vatican II?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 2 (April 10, 2013): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000367.

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The Second Vatican Council is recognised by the Roman Catholic Church as the twenty-first ecumenical council. The largest in terms of participants and one of the longest-running, it also covered the widest range of topics and produced the largest volume of documents and decrees. This article, based on the text of the ninth Lyndwood Lecture, examines a number of characteristics of Vatican II in comparison with previous councils, arguing that, while in many ways Vatican II was novel, in its composition, agenda, influence and reception one can discern parallels with past councils back as far as the first ecumenical council at Nicea in 325.1

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Smith, Mark. "The Cambridge companion to the Council of Nicaea. By Richard Young Kim. Pp. xx + 424 incl. 7 figs. Cambridge–New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. £28.99 (paper). 978 1 108 44811 6." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 73, no. 1 (January 2022): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046921001846.

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Janković, Ivan. "Necessity changes the law: A case of incomplete implementation of canon law regarding autocastration." Pravni zapisi 13, no. 1 (2022): 318–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pravzap2201318j.

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Canon law - in this case: the Rules (CANONES) of the Orthodox church - mandates that a priest who castrates himself must be defrocked (deprived of ecclesiastical status). This provision appears in the oldest source of canon law, the Apostolic canons (4th century CE), to be repeated in the first canon of the First Council of Nicaea as well as in numerous subsequent codices. In the only instance of autocastration by a priest in the modern era in Serbia (in 1861) that we know of, the provision was not fully implemented. Instead, the autocastrated priest was barred from performing religious services and from wearing epitrachelion (stole, worn around neck when performing rites, without which rites have no effect whatsoever). In time, this interdiction was gradually reduced, until it applied only to leading the liturgy (but not to assisting in it). After that, he was allowed to wear the stole and perform all other religious services, such as prayers, weddings, christenings and funerals. The priest in question was also a monk (hieromonk), but his monastic status, rights and obligations were unaffected by his act of autocastration. Moreover, at one point (in 1868) he was appointed the head of his monastery, to act in the Metropolitan's name. The monastery (Jošanica) was undergoing a deep crisis throughout 1860's: its property was in ruins, while individual monks were prosecuted for various crimes, ranging from homosexuality to attempted murder. At various times, the monastery was unable to service its parish because it lacked priests (hieromonks). It was precisely this shortage of priests that persuaded the church authorities (i.e. the Metropolitan as the head of the then Serbian Orthodox Church) not to defrock the autocastrated priest, notwithstanding the canons. As the Metropolitan himself explained, this was done "out of necessity", in keeping with the Serbian proverb "necessity changes the law".

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سالم, عبد البديع محمد عبد الله محمد. "عقائد الموحدين من النصارى : دراسة تحليلية لمذهب التوحيد في المسيحية حتى مجمع نيقية المسكوني عام 325 م = The Creeds of the Unitarian Christians : An Analytical Study of Christian Unitarianism until the Ecumenical Council of Nicaea , 325 A.D." مجلة الدراسات العقدية 8, no. 17 (2016): 385–473. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0030390.

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Cameron, Averil. "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012365.

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One has to be brave to return to the subject of Byzantine Iconoclasm, a subject which, we may feel, has been done to death. But the division in Byzantine society which lasted off and on for over a century, from 726 to the ‘restoration of orthodoxy’ in 843, was so profound that any Byzantine historian must at some time try to grapple with it. This is especially so if one is trying to understand the immediately preceding period, from the Persian invasions of the early seventh century to the great sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs in 674-8 and 717. It is well recognized by historians that this was a time of fundamental social, economic, and administrative change, which coincided with, but was by no means wholly caused by, the loss of so much Byzantine territory to the Arabs. However, the connection, if any, of this process of change with the social and religious upheaval known as Iconoclasm still leaves much to be said; indeed, no simple connection is likely in itself to provide an adequate explanation. In this paper I want to explore further some of the background to the crisis, without attempting here to provide a general explanation for Iconoclasm itself. I shall not venture beyond the first phase of Iconoclasm, which ended with the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, and after which the argument is somewhat different. Indeed, I shall be focusing here not even on the period known as ‘first Iconoclasm’, but mainly on the preceding period, when the issues inherent in the controversy were already, and increasingly, making themselves felt. Though we shall inevitably be concerned with some of the arguments brought against icons by their opponents, it is the place of images themselves in the context of the pre-Iconoclastic period which will be the main issue. Finally, while I want to offer a different way of reading the rise of icons, I do not pretend that it is the only one, or even possibly the most important. I do suggest, though, that it can help us to make sense of some of the issues that were involved.

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