Journal articles on the topic 'Council of Saragossa (380)'

Abstract Priscillian and some of his followers were victims of synodal and state process procedures in which bishops acted as prosecutors and supporters of the death penalty imposed at Trier. The accusation was that the Priscillians were heretics (Manichaeans) and practiced maleficium, i.e. sorcery, both prohibited by law. The source situation to this already in late antiquity often as scandalous condemned case – among others by the bishops of Tours, Milan and Rome –, is very insufficient for important details. In particular, there are very few texts which can be satisfactorily evaluated for the question of conciliar majorities and minorities and possibly controversial debates. Nevertheless, with the help of the writings of Priscillian and Sulpicius Severus, it is possible at least to reconstruct with some degree of reliability the interaction between ecclesiastical and state jurisdiction, as it was largely regulated by canons and imperial laws.

Priscillianism was a serious problem for the church in Spain from the second half of IV century till the end of VI century. In this article there has been discussed the beginning and the development of Priscillian schism and its dramatic conse­quences for Priscillian himself, his followers and the ancient church. Heterodox trend in Priscillian doctrine, immorality of this community’s life, as well as the errors of the church people and the imperial authority in solving Priscillian con­troversy have been shown. The first two stages of Priscillian schism have been analysed: the first one starting from Priscillian’s speech in the synod in Saragossa (380), and the second one from the above mentioned synod till Priscillian’s trial and execution (385). The reasons for Priscilllian’s execution and the reaction to his death, both in Christian and pagan world, have been presented.

It was in 1638 when in our city the outstanding book was published the bibliographic value of the historical-cultural significance. Full title of the edition -«Slovenian grammar, published in 1638 Kremenets in the Epiphany typography Fraternal Monastery ", and it is known under the concise name "Kremenets grammar". At the initiative of the rectorate of the Academy were measures have been developed to commemorate the 380th anniversary the release of this book, including - Grammar and All-Ukrainian reissues scientific readings «Kremenets grammar (1638) in the context of educational and cultural development of Ukraine in the second half of the 16th - the first half of the seventeenth century. " The implementation of these measures coincided in time: at the All-Ukrainian readings, timed to the 380th anniversary of Kremenets grammar, the first were presented copies of the rare book reprinted. The updated Grammar is phototypical edition of a monument of Ukrainian culture and education of the seventeenth century. This is a guide for students - students of the Brotherhood School. The originals reprinted original sources are in the National Museum. Andrew Sheptytskyi (Lviv) and at the National Library of Ukraine. VI Vernadsky (Kiev). The book was reprinted by the decision of the Scientific Council of the Kremenets Oblast humanitarian-pedagogical academy. Taras Shevchenko and the Academic Council National Library of Ukraine. VI Vernadsky.

ABSTRACT Intrauterine foreign bodies have been used in animals as a contraceptive since times immemorial. The use of pebbles in camels as a contraceptive has been reported in Arabs. Intrauterine contraceptive devices (IUCDs) have been used since 1962 when the first International Conference of Population Council, New York reported encouraging data on Margulies coil and Lippes loop as IUCDs. According to the World Health Organization, IUCDs are the second most widely used reversible contraceptive method after voluntary female sterilization. Intrauterine contraceptive devices have undergone extensive evolution from Grafenberg ring to Ota ring, Margulies coil, Lippes loop, Birnberg bows, Saf T-coil followed by Cu T 200, Cu 7, Multiload Cu 250/375, Cu T 380 Ag, Cu T 380 S [slimline]. Hormonereleasing IUCDs were developed in 1973. Ombrelle 250/380 and FlexiGard are the latest in this series. The common complications encountered with IUCD insertion are pelvic infections, infertility, the risk of both intrauterine and extrauterine pregnancy, pain, altered bleeding pattern, expulsion of the device, and its migration. Migration of IUCD into the bladder has been rarely reported in the literature. The authors report an unusual case of a secondary vesical calculus formed around a migrated IUCD. How to cite this article Agarwal N, Agarwal BK. Unusual Complication of Intrauterine Contraceptive Device. J South Asian Feder Obst Gynae 2016;8(3):243-245.

In the year AD 431 the Council of Ephesus anathematized the ‘Messalians’ (Syriac) or ‘Euchites’ (Greek) – both terms meaning ‘those who pray’ – referring to them as ‘impious’ and ‘contaminating’. A defining characteristic of this group was their emphasis on constant prayer. The Messalian phenomenon, which originated in Syria and Mesopotamia, spread to Armenia and Asia Minor during the late fourth century, causing concern amongst the ecclesiastical hierarchy of many areas. In condemning the movement in AD 431 the Council of Ephesus confirmed the judgement of the synods of Antioch (c. 380) and Side (c. 390) that the Messalians, who were also known as ‘enthusiasts’, were a dangerous and divisive group who rejected work and discipline for the sake of prayer and individual advancement. The Messalians could be considered negligent and wasteful in their use of time.

Edwin Keiner held the chair for General Pedagogy and Social Pedagogy at the Free University of Bozen-Bolzano until his retirement in October 2019. From 2014 to 2017 he also served as Vice Dean of the Faculty of Education at the same university. Prior to that, he worked as a professor for the History of Education and Socialisation at the University of Bochum and as a professor for General Pedagogy at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg. He has studied the theory and the history of education as an academic discipline with special interest in a comparative perspective. His academic focus is on methodology, historical and comparative research on educational research, and historical, empirical and comparative as well as interdisciplinary approaches to and in educational research. For several years he took over the role as chairman of the Commission for Research on Educational Research and of the Section for General Pedagogy of the German Educational Research Association. In addition, Keiner was very active in the European Educational Research Association (EERA) for example as the first elected representative of all networks and member of the EERA Council. In 2018, Keiner succeeded in bringing the annual «European Conference on Educational Research» (ECER) with about 3,000 participants to the Free University of Bozen-Bolzano, Italy, South Tyrol. He was a member of the «International Research Community ‘Philosophy and History of The Discipline of Education’» (University Leuven, Belgium) for almost 20 years and member of the editorial boards of Paedagogica Historica, European Educational Research Journal and Educational Assessment, Evaluation and Accountability. At present, Edwin Keiner works part-time as a senior professor at the Faculty of Education, University of Frankfurt/Main, Germany.

A COLLECTION OF FIVE contributions on health policy and system infrastructure from three countries opens this issue. Toni Ashton continues her thinking about the changes that make a real difference in New Zealand with an analysis of what she sees as significant opportunities for primary health care (page 380). Jonathan Shapiro discusses the problems that may arise in the implementation of the ?contestability and choice? open market agendas in the United Kingdom (page 383). Raisa Deber challenges current orthodoxies in Australian health policy (particularly the use of competition principles) from her Canadian perspective (page 386). As the term of the inaugural Australian Council on Safety and Quality in Health Care draws to a close, its chair, Bruce Barraclough, reviews the Council?s achievements and the work that is not yet done (page 392). Linda Mundy and colleagues report on a new initiative in this country?s continuing effort to manage the introduction of emerging health technology (page 395).

The multivariable decision-making model has been verified based on the results of the multiple-choice questionnaires. According to the emphasis of Suggestion on further Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Education for College Students, which was released by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the State Council in 2004, the Ideological and Political education system for college students should be the key indicator to assess the quality of higher education. In this paper, we give the ideological and political education quality assessment system based on multivariate decision-making. Decisions in service operations are complex since they involve various interdependent decision-makers (agents) at different hierarchical levels.

AbstractGregory of Nazianzus’ Carmen 2,1,39 (εἰς τὰ ἔμμετρα) has generally been regarded as a sort of manifesto of Gregory’s poetry. Scholars have mostly concentrated on the programmatic core of the poem, but the iambic tirade of the closing part deserves attention as well. A thorough analysis of this text should start from a preliminary survey of its manuscript tradition, which points out the need of a critical edition, since the aged PG edition still relies on a few witnesses. Furthermore, this leads to the assumption that two different addressees are involved in the poem: the former is a fictitious one, whereas the second is Gregory’s sworn enemy, Maximus the Cynic. Thus, the iambic tirade which closes poem 2,1,39 should be set within the context of the Maximus affair. Such an identification affects the dating of the poem, too. Since the Maximus affair took place in summer 380, but on the other hand Gregory seems also to allude to the Council of Constantinople, which opened in 381, it may be concluded that the poem was composed in two phases and that the poetical program exposed is due to the re-working of an older satirical draft against Maximus.

In ancient Greece and in the countries of the East paedophile activities were, generally, not prosecuted; they were considered to be normal sexual practices. The Church saw this issue differently and, from the very beginning, condemned paedophilia. The earliest Church documents bear witness to that: Didache (ca 100), St. Justin condemns it in his Apologia (ca 153), Synod of Elwira (305-306), Apostolic Constitutions (ca 380), Gratian’s Decretum (ca 1140), the third Lateran Council (1179), the fourth Lateran Council (1215), the Code of Canon Law of 1917, and the Code of Canon Law of 1983. Paedophilia is a sexual deviation when an adult experiences sexual gratification only in relations with children that have not yet developed secondary and tertiary sexual features. According to the International Classifications of Diseases ICD-10, and according to the classification of the American Psychological Association DSM-IV, paedophilia belongs to the disturbances of sexual preferences. Paedophilia may take various forms: with or without the physical contact, with or without the use of force, it can also take the form of child’s pornography. According to can. 1395,2 of the Code of Canon Law the following are the distinctive elements that make up the crime of paedophilia: a) the age of the victim (below the age of eighteen) b) t he sexual nature of the offense against the sixth commandment of the Decalogue; c) the perpetrator must be a cleric. The Church’s Modus Procedendi stipulates that in cases of the molesting of minors, in the light of the Code of Canon Law of 1983 and of the EPISTULA a Congregatione pro Doctrina Fidei missa ad totius Catholicae Ecclesiae Episcopos aliosque Ordinarios et Hierarchas interesse habentes: DE DELICTIS GRAVIORIBUS eidem Congregationi pro Doctrina Fidei reservatis of 18th May 2001, the ecclesiastic superior must be notified of the likelihood of an offense having been committed. He conducts the preliminary investigation of which he, then, notifies the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. The Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, having studied the findings of the preliminary investigation conducted by the ecclesiastic superior, issues him with an instruction as to the further proceedings. In the Church, the prosecution in cases of the molesting of minors terminates when ten years have lapsed since the victim came of age.

PURPOSE The aim of this randomized trial was to assess the potential therapeutic advantage of an intensive induction-sequential chemotherapy schedule (bleomycin, vincristine, cisplatin [BOP])/etoposide, ifosfamide, cisplatin, and bleomycin [VIP-B]), compared with a regimen based on bleomycin, etoposide, and cisplatin (BEP) (BEP/etoposide and cisplatin [EP]) for the treatment of patients with poor-prognosis metastatic nonseminomatous germ cell tumors (NSGCTs). PATIENTS AND METHODS Patients had one or more of the following: a retroperitoneal mass > or = 10 cm in diameter; mediastinal or supraclavicular mass > or = 5 cm in diameter; at least 20 lung metastases (any size); liver, bone, or brain metastases; and serum beta human chorionic gonadotropin (betaHCG) > or = 10,000 IU/L or alfa fetoprotein (AFP) > or = 1,000 IU/L. A total of 380 patients were accrued between May 1990 and June 1994 into this joint Medical Research Council (MRC)/European Organization for Research and Treatment of Cancer (EORTC) trial; of these, nine patients were deemed ineligible. RESULTS There was no significant difference between the two arms in the proportion of patients who achieved a complete response (CR) with chemotherapy alone, ie, 79 of 185 assessable patients (57%) with BEP/EP and 72 of 186 (54%) with BOP/VIP-B (P = 0.687). With a median follow-up of 3.1 years (maximum, 5.8), a total of 107 patients (28%) had progressive disease. There was no significant difference in time to first disease progression, or failure-free or overall survival between the two arms (P = 0.21, 0.101, and 0.190, respectively). The 1-year failure-free survival rates for BEP/EP and BOP/VIP-B were 60% (95% confidence interval [CI], 53% to 67%) and 53% (95% CI, 47% to 61%). Grade 3 or 4 myelosuppression, febrile neutropenia, and weight loss were more pronounced with BOP/VIP-B than with BEP/EP, and there were more toxic deaths with BOP/VIP-B than BEP/EP (18 [9%] v nine [5%]). CONCLUSION The intensive BOP/VIP-B therapy was associated with more toxicity, but there was no evidence of an improvement in response rate or survival compared with treatment with BEP/EP.

Polish cities need to redevelop post-industrial areas located within their boundaries. Cities’ authorities, while preparing regeneration programs, can use best practices of Western European cities. One very good example is the case of the English town Barnsley. Barnsley in earlier days was famous for coal mining, but the last pit was closed in 1994. With the demise of the coal industry, people suffered from unemployment and the town from losing its main revenue sources (in 2000, the town was ranked 16th out of 354 most deprived district of England). Town was blighted by a very high incidence of post-industrial areas: disused colliery spoil tips, pit yards and the railway infrastructure which served the collieries. For many years Barnsley has carried out an extensive land reclamation program, together with investments put into new road links and job creation schemes for the former colliery workers. Between 1982 and 2003, over 23 million GBP was spent on the restoration of over 600 hectares of derelict land. Barnsley’s vision is to be a 21st Century Market Town. Those plans are prepared for the next 30 years, and the budget of 380 million GBP (including EU co-financing) constitutes the basis for the town transformation. In 2002, the Barnsley Metropolitan Borough Council, together with local partners, started the Rethinking Barnsley weekend, a consultation project, which was the entry for preparing the urban centre regeneration program, called Remaking Barnsley. Planned and partly realised projects include construction of the new Barnsley Interchange – bus and coach station opened in May 2007, new cultural centre in the old Civic Hall, new commercial centre in Barnsley Markets, Digital Media Centre – opened in August 2007 – an incubator of new technologies, as well as new office and residential areas in the town centre. New business parks opened the new possibilities on the labour market. A well planned and perfectly realised process of the town development, started by wide citizens’ consultancy program, treated as a basis for establishing the town development vision, transformed then into an action plan and verified by already completed projects, is a good example to be copied by Polish towns.

- Tim Behrend, Nancy K. Florida, Javanese literature in Surakarta manuscripts; Volume 2; Manuscripts of the Mangkunagaran palace. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 2000, 575 pp. - Harold Brookfield, Judith M. Heimann, The most offending soul alive; Tom Harrisson and his remarkable life. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, 468 pp. - Harold Brookfield, Victor T. King, Rural development and social science research; Case studies from Borneo. Phillips, Maine: Borneo Research Council, 1999, xiii + 359 pp. [Borneo Research Council Proceedings Series 6.] - J.G. de Casparis, Roy E. Jordaan, The Sailendras in Central Javanese history; A survey of research from 1950 to 1999. Yogyakarta: Penerbitan Universitas Sanata Dharma, 1999, iv + 108 pp. - H.J.M. Claessen, Francoise Douaire-Marsaudon, Les premiers fruits; Parenté, identité sexuelle et pouvoirs en Polynésie occidentale (Tonga, Wallis et Futuna). 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BackgroundBacterial infections are implicated in the pathogenesis of asthma exacerbation but guidelines recommend that antibiotics should not be administered. Telithromycin shows clinical benefit compared with placebo but toxicity limits its use.ObjectiveTo evaluate the efficacy of azithromycin compared with placebo in reducing the severity of asthma exacerbations.DesignMulticentre, randomised, double-blind, placebo-controlled study.SettingAccident and emergency and acute medical units, and one primary care centre.ParticipantsAdults with a history of asthma presenting within 48 hours (of initial presentation requesting medical care) with an acute deterioration in asthma control [increased wheeze, dyspnoea and/or cough with reduced peak expiratory flow (PEF)] requiring treatment with corticosteroids.InterventionsAzithromycin (500 mg once daily) or two placebo capsules once a day for 3 days.Main outcome measureDiary card summary symptom score assessed at 10 days after randomisation.ResultsIn total, 4582 patients were screened at 31 centres, of whom 199 were randomised to the study (azithromycin,n = 97; placebo,n = 102) (of the intended 380). The major reasons for non-recruitment were already receiving antibiotics (n = 2044; 44.6% of screened subjects), unable to contact (n = 315; 6.9%), declined participation (n = 191; 4.2%) and other (e.g. underlying health condition, on steroids;n = 1833; 40.0%). The mean age of participants was 39.9 years and 69.8% were female; 61.1% had never smoked, 22.7% were former smokers and 16.2% were current smokers (mean pack-years 3.45). The median time from presentation to drug administration was 22 hours. Lung function at baseline (exacerbation) was PEF 69.4% predicted, forced expiratory volume in 1 second (FEV1) 64.8% predicted and FEV1/forced vital capacity ratio 69.2%. Baseline characteristics were well balanced across treatment arms and centres. The mean (standard deviation) scores on the primary outcome asthma symptom score were 4.14 (1.38) at baseline and 2.09 (1.71) at the end of treatment for the azithromycin group, and 4.18 (1.48) at baseline and 2.20 (1.51) at the end of treatment for the placebo group. Using multilevel modelling there was no statistically significant difference in symptom scores between groups at day 10 (unbiased estimated mean difference –0.166, 95% confidence interval –0.670 to 0.337); similarly, no significant between-group differences were seen in symptom scores on any other day between baseline and day 10. No significant between-group differences were seen in the Acute Asthma Quality of Life Questionnaire (AQLQ) score, Mini AQLQ score or any measure of lung function on any day, and there were no differences in time to a 50% reduction in symptom score. Sputum bacterial culture was positive in 6% of subjects, atypical pathogen polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and/or serology was positive in 4.5% of subjects and virus PCR analysis was positive in 18.1% of subjects. There was no difference in the primary outcome between the active group and the placebo group among those with a positive sputum bacterial test, although numbers for these analyses were small.ConclusionsIn the population of patients randomised to treatment, the addition of azithromycin to standard medical care demonstrated no statistically significant or clinically important benefit, although this could not be ruled out based on the confidence intervals. A limitation of this study was that, for each subject randomised, > 10 failed screening because they had already been prescribed antibiotic therapy. Further clinical trials are needed in settings of less antibiotic usage.Trial registrationClinicalTrials.gov NCT01444469; EudraCT 2011–001093–26.FundingThis project was funded by the Efficacy and Mechanism Evaluation programme, a Medical Research Council and National Institute for Health Research partnership.

Статтю присвячено дослідженню стратегії дискредитації, що є специфічною лінгвопрагматичною характеристикою сучасного англомовного дипломатичного дискурсу, а саме мовленнєвим тактикам, що сприяють її реалізації в дискурсі дипломатів США, зокрема в промовах чотирьох американських дипломатів – Саманти Пауер, Вікторії Нуланд, Джеффрі Пайєтта та Деніела Байєра – стосовно військового конфлікту на сході України, виголошених упродовж 2013–2015 рр. У чотирьох досліджуваних мовців, основними виявились дві тактики: тактика згадування в негативному світлі та звинувачення, які найповніше та найчастотніше реалізують стратегію дискредитації в мовленні дипломатів переважно через прямі асертивні мовленнєві акти, що безумовно свідчить про стверджувальний характер мовлення в текстах промов усіх чотирьох дипломатів. Відтак встановлено, що провідними мовленнєвими тактиками реалізації стратегії дискредитації в англомовному дипломатичному дискурсі є тактики згадування в негативному світлі та звинувачення. 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Прагматичні засоби реалізації стратегії дискредитації в американському дипломатичному мовленні (на матеріалі промов Д. Б. Байєра). Науковий часопис НПУ імені М. П. Драгоманова. Київ, 2015, №13. С. 108-115. Судус Ю. “Weasel words” як один з прийомів реалізації стратегії дискредитації в англомовному дипломатичному дискурсі (на матеріалі промов С. Пауер, В. Нуланд,Д. Байєра, Дж. Пайєтта). Вісник Запорізького національного університету. Серія: філологія. – Запоріжжя, 2016, №1. С. 237-244. Терентий Л. Дипломатический дискурс как особая форма политической коммуникации. Вопросы когнитивной лингвистики. 2010, №1. С. 47-56. References (translated and transliterated) D’Acquisto, G. (2017). Linguistic Analysis of Diplomatic Discourse: UN Resolutions on the Question of Palestine. UK : Cambridge Scolars Publishing. Donahue, R. (1997) Diplomatic Discourse : International Conflict at the United Nations. London : Greenwood Publishing Group. Gumperz, J. (1982). Discourse Strategies. Cambridge : CUP. McClellan, M. Public Diplomacy in the Context of Traditional Diplomacy. Retrieved from http://www.publicdiplomacy.org/45.htm Newmann, I. (2002). Returning Practice to the Linguistic Turn : The Case of Diplomacy. Millenium : Journal of International Studies, 31(3), 627-651. Pratkanis, A. (2009). Public Diplomacy in International Conflicts. A Social Influence Analysis. Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy. California, 2009. Schuster, J. (2015). Diplomatic Discourse. Lulu.com. Scotto di Carlo G. (2015). “Weasel words” in legal and diplomatic discourse : vague nouns and phrases in UN resolutions relating to the second Gulf war. International Journal for the Semiotics of Law, 28(3), 559-576. Snow, N. (2009). Rethinking Public Diplomacy. Routledge Handbook of Public Diplomacy. London. Beliakov, M. (2015). Harakter emotivnosti diplomaticheskogo diskursa [The character of the diplomatic discourse's emotiveness]. Vestnik Rossiyskogo Universiteta Druzhby Narodov. Seriia: Lingvistika, 124-131. Veber, Ie. (2004). Opyt lingvisticheskogo issledovaniya kognitivnogo dissonansa v anglijskom diplomaticheskom diskurse. [Experience of linguistic research of cognitive dissonance in English diplomatic discourse]. Extended Summary of Ph.D. dissertation. Irkutsk: Irkutsk State Linguistic University. Golovanova, D. (2014). Interdiskursivnost diplomaticheskogo diskursa [Interdiskursivity of diplomatic discourse]. Izvestiya Volgogradskogo Gosudarstvennogo Pedagogicheskogo Universiteta. Ser.: Filologicheskie Nauki, 7, 25-30. Zonova, T. (2003). Sovremennaya model diplomatii. Istoki stanovleniya i perspektivy razvitiya [Modern model of diplomacy. The origins and prospects of development]. Moscow: ROSSPEN. Kashchyshyn, N. (2014). Dyferentsiatsiia taksonomichnykh odynyts anhlomovnoho dyplomatychnoho dyskursu [Differentiation of taxonomic units of English-speaking diplomatic discourse], East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 1(2), 54-62. Kozheteva, A. Lingvopragmaticheskie harakteristiki diplomaticheskogo diskursa [Linguistic and pragmatic peculiarities of diplomatic discourse]. Retrieved from: http://www.dissercat.com/ content/lingvopragmaticheskie-kharakteristiki-diplomaticheskogo-diskursa Melnyk, I. (2011). Typy komunikatyvnykh stratehii [Types of communicative strategies]. Studia Linguistica, 5, 377-380. Sudus, Yu. (2016). Linhvoprahmatychni zasoby realizatsii stratehii dyskredytatsii v amerykanskomu dyplomatychnomu movlenni (na materiali promov Dzh. R. Paiietta) [Linguopragmatic means of implementing of discrediting strategy in American diplomatic speech (based on the statements by G. Pyatt)]. Visnyk Lvivskoho Universytetu. Seriia: Inozemni Movy, 23, 47-56. Sudus, Yu (2016). Movlennievi zasoby realizatsii stratehii dyskredytatsii v anhlomovnomu dyplomatychnomu dyskursi [Language means of discrediting strategy implementation in English diplomatic discourse]. Aktualni Pytannia Inozemnoi Filolohii, 5, 152-160. Sudus, Yu (2015). Prahmatychni zasoby realizatsii stratehii dyskredytatsii v amerykanskomu dyplomatychnomu movlenni (na materiali promov D. B. Baiiera) [Pragmatic means of discrediting strategy implementation in the American diplomatic speech (based on the statements by D. Baer)]. Naukovyi chasopys NPU imeni M. P. Drahomanova, 13, 108-115. Sudus, Yu (2016). “Weasel words” yak odyn z pryiomiv realizatsii stratehii dyskredytatsii v anhlomovnomu dyplomatychnomu dyskursi (na materiali promov S. Pauer, V. Nuland, D. Baiiera, Dzh. Paiietta) ["Weasel words" as one of the methods of discrediting strategy implementation in the English-speaking diplomatic discourse (based on statements by S. Power, V. Nuland, D. Baer,G. Pyatt]. Visnyk Zaporizkoho Natsionalnoho Universytetu. Seriia: Filolohiia, 1, 237-244. Terentii, L. (2010). Diplomaticheskij diskurs kak osobaya forma politicheskoj kommunikacii [Diplomatic discourse as a special form of political communication]. Voprosy Kognitivnoy Lingvistiki, 1, 47-56. Sources Baer D. April 16, 2015. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/statements/osce-violations-04162015.html Nuland V. April 9, 2014. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/statements/nuland-ukraine-04092014.html Nuland V. January 27, 2015. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/statements/nuland-transatlantic-resolve-01272015.html Power, S. August 28, 2014. Retrieved from: http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/full-transcript-remarks-by-ambassador-samantha-power-us-permanent-representative-to-the-united-nations-at-a-security-council-session-on-ukraine/2014/08/28/b3f579b2-2ee8-11e4-bb9b-997ae96fad33_story.html Power S. March 19, 2014. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/statements/power-ukraine-03192014.html Pyatt G. April 24, 2015. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/speeches/pyatt-vox-ukraine-conf-04242015.html Pyatt G. January 31, 2014. Retrieved from: http://ukraine.usembassy.gov/statements/amb-ukraine.html

Maha Appraisal Hits Gas for Eni in Indonesia Eni encountered natural-gas-bearing sands with its Maha 2 well in the West Ganal Block offshore Indonesia. Drilled to a depth of 2970 m in 1115 m water depth, the well encountered 43 m of gas-bearing net sands in levels of Pliocene Age, according to the operator. A production test, which was limited by surface facilities, recorded a gas deliverability of the reservoir flowing at 34 MMscf/D. The opera-tor collected data and samples during the test, to study in preparation of a field development plan for the Maha field. Two additional appraisal wells are planned for the discovery. Eni, along with partners Neptune West Ganal BV and P.T. Pertamina Hulu West Ganal, expect the field to be developed subsea and tied back to the nearby Jangkrik floating production unit (FPU), about 16 km to the northwest. Eni has been operating off Indonesia since 2001. Its current equity production in the region is around 80,000 BOE/D. Shell Sells Out of Philippines Gas Field Royal Dutch Shell has agreed to sell its stake in the Malampaya offshore gas field in the Philippines for $460 million. The major sold its 45% stake in Service Contract 38 (SC38), a deepwater license which includes the producing gas field, to a subsidiary of the Udenna Group, which already holds a 45% stake in the project. The divestment is part of the company’s strategy to narrow its oil and gas operations. The base consideration for the sale is $380 million, with additional payments of up to $80 million in 2022 and 2024 contingent on asset performance and commodity prices, according to Shell. The deal is due to complete by the end of 2021. The Malampaya gas field, discovered in 1991, currently supplies fuel to power plants that deliver about a fifth of the country’s electricity requirements, based on energy ministry data. Equinor Green Lights First Phase of Bacalhau Development Off Brazil Equinor, along with partners ExxonMobil, Petrogal Brasil, and Pré-Sal Petróleo SA, will move forward with a planned $8-billion Phase 1 development of the Bacalhau field in the Brazilian pre-salt Santos area. The Bacalhau field is situated across two licenses, BM-S-8 and Norte de Carcará. The target resource is a high-quality carbonate reservoir containing light oil. The development will consist of 19 subsea wells tied back to a floating production, storage, and offloading unit (FPSO) located at the field. The vessel will be one of the largest FPSOs in Brazil with a production capacity of 220,000 B/D of oil and 2 million bbl of storage capacity. The stabilized oil will be offloaded to shuttle tankers and the gas from Phase 1 will be re-injected in the reservoir. The FPSO contractor will operate the FPSO for the first year. Thereafter, Equinor plans to operate the facilities until the end of the license period. The development plan was approved by the Brazilian National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas, and Biofuels (ANP) in March 2021. First oil from the field is slated for 2024. Wintershall Strikes Gas at Dvalin North An exploration well drilled by Wintershall on its Dvalin North prospect in the Norwegian Sea has encountered a significant gas reservoir. The discovery at Dvalin North is estimated to hold to hold 33–70 million BOE and is just 12 km north of the company’s operated Dvalin field and 65 km north of the operated Maria field. The well also encountered hydrocarbons in two shallower secondary targets, with a combined resource estimate of 38–87 million BOE, making the potential for the field in excess of 150 million BOE. The well, drilled by the Deepsea Aberdeen rig, encountered gas, condensate, and oil columns of 33 m and 114 m in the Cretaceous Lysing and Lange formations, respectively. In the primary target in the Garn Formation, the well found a gas column of 85 m. The license partners, including Petoro and Sval Energi, are evaluating development options for the discovery, which could include a tieback to the Dvalin field. Third Odfjell Rig Tapped by Equinor Odfjell has been awarded a three-well, $40-million drilling contract for its semisubmersible drilling unit Deepsea Stavanger by Equinor. The rig will join sister units Deepsea Atlantic and Deepsea Aberdeen under contract with the Norwegian operator. The rig is scheduled to start drilling the first of three planned exploration wells in the North Sea in February 2022. The wells are expected to take about 4 months to complete. The contract includes continuing options after the initial phase. South Africa Shale Tests Encounter Gas at Karoo Pockets of shale gas were encountered during test drilling in the semi-desert Karoo region of South Africa, according to the nation’s energy ministry. A total of 34 gas samples had been bottled and taken to laboratories after the government’s Council for Geosciences set out to drill a 3500-m stratigraphic hole in the Karoo to establish and test the occurrence of shale gas. “The first pocket of gas was intercepted at 1734 m with a further substantial amount intercepted at 2467 m spanning a depth of 55 m,” said Gwede Mantashe, South African energy minister, during his budget vote in parliament on 18 May. In 2017, geologists at the University of Johannesburg and three other institutions estimated the gas resource in the Karoo was probably 13 Tcf. Earlier, the US Energy and Information Administration estimated the Karoo Basin’s technically recoverable shale-gas resource at 390 Tcf, then making it the eighth largest in the world and second largest in Africa behind Algeria. Seadrill Venture Nets New Drilling Contract Seadrill’s Sonadrill Holding Ltd., the 50/50 joint venture with an affiliate of Sonangol, has secured a 12-well contract with one option for nine wells and 11 one-well options in Angola for drillship Sonangol Quenguela. The $131-million contract before options is inclusive of mobilization revenue and additional services with commencement expected in early 2022 and running through mid-2023. The contract is contingent on National Concessionaire approval. Sonangol Quenguela is the second of two Sonangol-owned drillships to be bareboat-chartered into Sonadrill. The drillship is a seventh-generation, DP3, dual activity, e-smart ultradeepwater drillship delivered in 2019, capable of drilling up to 40,000-ft wells. A further two Seadrill-owned units are expected to be bareboat-chartered into Sonadrill. Seadrill will manage and operate the four units on behalf of Sonadrill. Shell Makes US Gulf Discovery at Leopard An exploration well at the Shell-led Leopard prospect in the deepwater US Gulf of Mexico encountered more than 600 ft net oil pay at multiple levels. Leopard is in Alaminos Canyon Block 691, approximately 20 miles east of the Whale discovery, 20 miles south of the recently appraised Blacktip discovery, and 33 miles from the Perdido spar host facility. Evaluation is ongoing to further define development options. According to Shell, Leopard is an opportunity to increase production in the Perdido Corridor, where its Great White, Silvertip, and Tobago fields are already producing. Meanwhile, the Whale discovery, also in the Perdido Corridor, is progressing toward a final investment decision in 2021. Shell operates Leopard with a 50% working interest. Partner Chevron holds the remaining 50% stake. Shell Could Leave Tunisia in 2022 Shell informed Tunisian authorities in May it will hand back upstream concessions and leave the country next year as it turns its focus to renewable energy, according to a Reuters report sourcing a senior official in the country’s energy ministry. The license in question is the Miskar concession in the southern city of Gabes. The operator has also requested the early hand-back of the Asdrubal permit, which expires in 2035. Recent reports suggest the operator may be looking for the Tunisian government to extend its permit on the field under more favorable terms ahead of its planned departure.

Abstract Background Emerging and reemerging pathogens are global challenges for public health and the pandemic of Coronavirus disease 2019is a reemerging case of an infectious disease caused by Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome-Corornavirus-2. Health care worker worldwide are at higher risk worldwide and the situation is the same in Nepal. The knowledge and attitude of health workers will certainly mark the outcome towards this pandemic. So, this study aims to assess the knowledge and attitude of community health workers towards the prevention of COVID-19 virus. Methods A descriptive cross-sectional study was carried out among the community health workers of various provinces of Nepal. A semi-structured, self-administered questionnaire was prepared in Google form and circulated to the sampled health workers through various social media platforms like face book, messenger, Instagram and g-mails. A total of 650 invitations were send and among them 420 responded and among them only 399 provided complete response. Responses containing anonymized data was collected analyzed in using SPSS-version-20. The results were interpreted and was checked with various demographic and enabling factors using chi-square test and logistic regression model. Also, ethical approval was taken from NHRC (Nepal Health Research Council (protocol registration number: 360/2020P) prior to the conduction of study. Results Out the total sample size of 450, we took 399 responses taking into consideration all the inclusion criteria. So, from 399 valid response, 230 (47.6%) were males and 169 (42.4%) were females. 380 (95.2%) employed participants thought that wearing PPE will reduce the chances of getting COVID-19, majority of the participants 80.5% (321) responded that COVID-19 will successfully be controlled and staffs receiving excellent support from palika had high knowledge level. Knowledge level was significantly associated with the enabling factor “support from palika” (P = 0.045).45.9% of the respondents had no availability of COVID-19 response medical items for prevention of COVID-19 at their respective health facilities. Also the logistic regression analysis revealed that the odds of knowledge level was 2 times higher (AOR=1.913 at 95% CI: 1.266-2.891) compared to the female participants (Ref- female). Conclusions Proper and adequate knowledge and attitude towards COVID-19 is a paramount in the prevention and control of SARS-COV-2. Health care workers are knowledgeable about COVID-19 and are proactively practicing the preventive measures to minimize the spread of infection but some lack optimistic attitude. Hence, the constantly updated educational programs related to COVID-19 will surely contribute to improving the healthcare workers knowledge and attitude towards COVID-19.

Background/Purpose: Developing and Maintaining quality in higher education is an essential aspect of the sustainability of universities. National Assessment and Accreditation Council (NAAC), India has developed a new model of HEIs assessment and accreditation from July 2017. Based on its assessment, NAAC announces the final result in the form of Cumulative Grade Point Average (CGPA) between 0 to 4.0, which is a combination of evaluation of qualitative and quantitative metrics with three parts including peer team report, graphical representation based on quantitative metric, and institutional grade sheet. Out of more than 380 universities assessment out of about 950 universities as on 30/042021, only 9 universities have been graded as A++ letter grade by NAAC. Objectives: Study on Criteria wise performance of top nine A++ scored Indian Universities according to NAAC Accreditation, full scores obtained in various criteria with reasons, compare research performance and analyse it using ABC model of research productivity, the effect of organizational leaders as role models on the research output, and to critically analyse the organizational SWOC based on NAAC data and outcome. Design/Methodology/Approach: Analysis of information collected from self-study reports of NAAC A++ graded universities, comparing and analyzing criteria wise, and analyzing research productivity of these universities and their leaders using ABC model of annual Research performance framework. Findings/Result: Out of nine NAAC A++ graded universities, five universities got full scores in the Curricular Aspects criterion. The universities are ranked based on their overall scores in the accreditation process. Based on the scores obtained in different criteria, the strengths and weaknesses of these universities are studied. These nine universities are further ranked based on their annual research performance and the leaders/Vice-chancellors research annual research productivity by considering the last five years research productivity. It is observed that many vice-chancellors failed to contribute to universities research outcomes as role models and motivators to other researchers of these universities. A comparative study on research performance-based grading is found to be ambiguous and little disparity is observed on key indicator-based university grading. Based on observations, some general recommendations are suggested. Research limitations/implications: This study used the data from the Self-study Report, Peer Team Report, and Grade Report of respective universities kept for public reference in the NAAC website in accordance with the new accreditation framework, downloaded on 30/04/2021. Originality/Value: This paper compares the research performance of nine NAAC A++ accredited universities of India using their last 5 years’ research data and identifies the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and challenges of these universities for further improvement. Paper Type: Explorative Research based on research analysis.

“There is nothing more public than privacy.” (Berlant and Warner, Sex) How did it come to this? How did it happen that a one-off, two-hour event at a public swimming pool in a suburb of outer Melbourne ignited international hate mail and generated media-fanned political anguish and debate about the proper use of public spaces? In 2010, women who attend a women’s only swim session on Sunday evenings at the Dandenong Oasis public swimming pool asked the pool management and the local council for permission to celebrate the end of Ramadan at the pool during the time of their regular swim session. The request was supported by the pool managers and the council and promoted by both as an opportunity for family and friends to get together in a spirit of multicultural learning and understanding. Responding to criticisms of the event as an unreasonable claim on public facilities by one group, the Mayor of the City of Greater Dandenong, Jim Memeti, rejected claims that this event discriminates against non-Muslim residents of the suburb. But here’s the rub. The event, to be held after hours at the pool, requires all participants older than ten years of age to follow a dress code of knee-length shorts and T-shirts. This is a suburban moment that is borne of but exceeds the local. It reflects and responds to a contemporary global conundrum of great political and theoretical significance—how to negotiate and govern the relations between multiculturalism, religion, gender, sexual freedom, and democracy. Specifically this event speaks to how multicultural democracy in the public sphere negotiates the public presence and expression of different cultural and religious frameworks related to gender and sexuality. This is demanding political stuff. Situated in the messy political and theoretical terrains of the relation between public space and the public sphere, this local moment called for political judgement about how cultural differences should be allowed to manifest in and through public space, giving consideration to the potential effects of these decisions on an inclusive multicultural democracy. The local authorities in Dandenong engaged in an admirable process of democratic labour as they puzzled over how to make decisions that were responsible and equitable, in the absence of a rulebook or precedents for success. Ultimately however this mode of experimental decision-making, which will become increasingly necessary to manage such predicaments in the future, was foreclosed by unwarranted and unhelpful media outrage. "Foreclosed" here stresses the preemptive nature of the loss; a lost opportunity for trialing approaches to governing cultural diversity that may fail, but might then be modified. It was condemned in advance of either success or failure. The role of the media rather than the discomfort of the local publics has been decisive in this event.This Multicultural SuburbDandenong is approximately 30 kilometres southeast of central Melbourne. Originally home to the Bunorong People of the Kulin nation, it was settled by pastoralists by the 1800s, heavily industrialised during the twentieth century, and now combines cultural diversity with significant social disadvantage. The City of Greater Dandenong is proud of its reputation as the most culturally and linguistically diverse municipality in Australia. Its population of approximately 138,000 comprises residents from 156 different language groups. More than half (56%) of its population was born overseas, with 51% from nations where English is not the main spoken language. These include Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, India, China, Italy, Greece, Bosnia and Afghanistan. It is also a place of significant religious diversity with residents identifying as Buddhist (15 per cent) Muslim (8 per cent), Hindu (2 per cent) and Christian (52 per cent) [CGD]. Its city logo, “Great Place, Great People” evokes its twin pride in the placemaking power of its diverse population. It is also a brazen act of civic branding to counter its reputation as a derelict and dangerous suburb. In his recent book The Bogan Delusion, David Nichols cites a "bogan" website that names Dandenong as one of Victoria’s two most bogan areas. The other was Moe. (p72). The Sunday Age newspaper had already depicted Dandenong as one of two excessively dangerous suburbs “where locals fear to tread” (Elder and Pierik). The other suburb of peril was identified as Footscray.Central Dandenong is currently the site of Australia’s largest ever state sponsored Urban Revitalisation program with a budget of more than $290 million to upgrade infrastructure, that aims to attract $1billion in private investment to provide housing and future employment.The Cover UpIn September 2010, the Victorian and Civil and Administrative Appeals Tribunal (VCAT) granted the YMCA an exemption from the Equal Opportunity Act to allow a dress code for the Ramadan event at the Oasis swimming pool that it manages. The "Y" sees the event as “an opportunity for the broader community to learn more about Ramadan and the Muslim faith, and encourages all members of Dandenong’s diverse community to participate” (YMCA Ramadan). While pool management and the municipal council refer to the event as an "opening up" of the closed swimming session, the media offer a different reading of the VCAT decision. The trope of the "the cover up" has framed most reports and commentaries (Murphy; Szego). The major focus of the commentaries has not been the event per se, but the call to dress "appropriately." Dress codes however are a cultural familiar. They exist for workplaces, schools, nightclubs, weddings, racing and sporting clubs and restaurants, to name but a few. While some of these codes or restrictions are normatively imposed rather than legally required, they are not alien to cultural life in Australia. Moreover, there are laws that prohibit people from being meagerly dressed or naked in public, including at beaches, swimming pools and so on. The dress code for this particular swimming pool event was, however, perceived to be unusual and, in a short space of time, "unusual" converted to "social threat."Responses to media polls about the dress code reveal concerns related to the symbolic dimensions of the code. The vast majority of those who opposed the Equal Opportunity exemption saw it as the thin edge of the multicultural wedge, a privatisation of public facilities, or a denial of the public’s right to choose how to dress. Tabloid newspapers reported on growing fears of Islamisation, while the more temperate opposition situated the decision as a crisis of human rights associated with tolerating illiberal cultural practices. Julie Szego reflects this view in an opinion piece in The Age newspaper:the Dandenong pool episode is neither trivial nor insignificant. It is but one example of human rights laws producing outcomes that restrict rights. It raises tough questions about how far public authorities ought to go in accommodating cultural practices that sit uneasily with mainstream Western values. (Szego)Without enquiring into the women’s request and in the absence of the women’s views about what meaning the event held for them, most media commentators and their electronically wired audiences treated the announcement as yet another alarming piece of evidence of multicultural failure and the potential Islamisation of Australia. The event raised specific concerns about the double intrusion of cultural difference and religion. While the Murdoch tabloid Herald Sun focused on the event as “a plan to force families to cover up to avoid offending Muslims at a public event” (Murphy) the liberal Age newspaper took a more circumspect approach, reporting on its small vox pop at the Dandenong pool. Some people here referred to the need to respect religions and seemed unfazed by the exemption and the event. Those who disagreed thought it was important not to enforce these (dress) practices on other people (Carey).It is, I believe, significant that several employees of the local council informed me that most of the opposition has come from the media, people outside of Dandenong and international groups who oppose the incursion of Islam into non-Islamic settings. Opposition to the event did not appear to derive from local concern or opposition.The overwhelming majority of Herald Sun comments expressed emphatic opposition to the dress code, citing it variously as unAustralian, segregationist, arrogant, intolerant and sexist. The Herald Sun polled readers (in a self-selecting and of course highly unrepresentative on-line poll) asking them to vote on whether or not they agreed with the VCAT exemption. While 5.52 per cent (512 voters) agreed with the ruling, 94.48 per cent (8,760) recorded disagreement. In addition, the local council has, for the first time in memory, received a stream of hate-mail from international anti-Islam groups. Muslim women’s groups, feminists, the Equal Opportunity Commissioner and academics have also weighed in. According to local reports, Professor of Islamic Studies at the University of Melbourne, Shahram Akbarzadeh, considered the exemption was “nonsense” and would “backfire and the people who will pay for it will be the Muslim community themselves” (Haberfield). He repudiated it as an example of inclusion and tolerance, labeling it “an effort of imposing a value system (sic)” (Haberfield). He went so far as to suggest that, “If Tony Abbott wanted to participate in his swimwear he wouldn’t be allowed in. That’s wrong.” Tasneem Chopra, chairwoman of the Islamic Women’s Welfare Council and Sherene Hassan from the Islamic Council of Victoria, both expressed sensitivity to the group’s attempt to establish an inclusive event but would have preferred the dress code to be a matter of choice rather coercion (Haberfield, "Mayor Defends Dandenong Pool Cover Up Order"). Helen Szoke, the Commissioner of the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission, defended the pool’s exemption from the Law that she oversees. “Matters such as this are not easy to resolve and require a balance to be achieved between competing rights and obligations. Dress codes are not uncommon: e.g., singlets, jeans, thongs etc in pubs/hotels” (in Murphy). The civil liberties organisation, Liberty Victoria, supported the ban because the event was to be held after hours (Murphy). With astonishing speed this single event not only transformed the suburban swimming pool to a theatre of extra-local disputes about who and what is entitled to make claims on public space and publically funded facilities, but also fed into charged debates about the future of multiculturalism and the vulnerability of the nation to the corrosive effects of cultural and religious difference. In this sense suburbs like Dandenong are presented as sites that not only generate fear about physical safety but whose suburban sensitivities to its culturally diverse population represent a threat to the safety of the nation. Thus the event both reflects and produces an antipathy to cultural difference and to the place where difference resides. This aversion is triggered by and mediated in this case through the figure, rather than the (corpo)reality, of the Muslim woman. In this imagining, the figure of the Muslim woman is assigned the curious symbolic role of "cultural creep." The debates around the pool event is not about the wellbeing or interests of the Muslim women themselves, nor are broader debates about the perceived, culturally-derived restrictions imposed on Muslim women living in Australia or other western countries. The figure of the Muslim woman is, I would argue, simply the ground on which the debates are held. The first debate relates to social and public space, access to which is considered fundamental to freedom and participatory democracy, and in current times is addressed in terms of promoting inclusion, preventing exclusion and finding opportunities for cross cultural encounters. The second relates not to public space per se, but to the public sphere or the “sphere of private people coming together as a public” for political deliberation (Habermas 21). The literature and discussions dealing with these two terrains have remained relatively disconnected (Low and Smith) with public space referring largely to activities and opportunities in the socio-cultural domain and the public sphere addressing issues of politics, rights and democracy. This moment in Dandenong offers some modest leeway for situating "the suburb" as an ideal site for coalescing these disparate discussions. In this regard I consider Iveson’s provocative and productive question about whether some forms of exclusions from suburban public space may actually deepen the democratic ideals of the public sphere. Exclusions may in such cases be “consistent with visions of a democratically inclusive city” (216). He makes his case in relation to a dispute about the exclusion of men exclusion from a women’s only swimming pool in the Sydney suburb of Coogee. The Dandenong case is similarly exclusive with an added sense of exclusion generated by an "inclusion with restrictions."Diversity, Difference, Public Space and the Public SphereAs a prelude to this discussion of exclusion as democracy, I return to the question that opened this article: how did it come to this? How is it that Australia has moved from its renowned celebration and pride in its multiculturalism so much in evidence at the suburban level through what Ghassan Hage calls an “unproblematic” multiculturalism (233) and what others have termed “everyday multiculturalism” (Wise and Velayutham). Local cosmopolitanisms are often evinced through the daily rituals of people enjoying the ethnic cuisines of their co-residents’ pasts, and via moments of intercultural encounter. People uneventfully rub up against and greet each other or engage in everyday acts of kindness that typify life in multicultural suburbs, generating "reservoirs of hope" for democratic and cosmopolitan cities (Thrift 147). In today’s suburbs, however, the “Imperilled Muslim women” who need protection from “dangerous Muslim men” (Razack 129) have a higher discursive profile than ethnic cuisine as the exemplar of multiculturalism. Have we moved from pleasure to hostility or was the suburban pleasure in racial difference always about a kind of “eating the other” (bell hooks 378). That is to ask whether our capacity to experience diversity positively has been based on consumption, consuming the other for our own enrichment, whereas living with difference entails a commitment not to consumption but to democracy. This democratic multicultural commitment is a form of labour rather than pleasure, and its outcome is not enrichment but transformation (although this labour can be pleasurable and transformation might be enriching). Dandenong’s prized cultural precincts, "Little India" and the "Afghan bazaar" are showcases of food, artefacts and the diversity of the suburb. They are centres of pleasurable and exotic consumption. The pool session, however, requires one to confront difference. In simple terms we can think about ethnic food, festivals and handicrafts as cultural diversity, and the Muslim woman as cultural difference.This distinction between diversity and difference is useful for thinking through the relation between multiculturalism in public space and multicultural democracy of the public sphere. According to the anthropologist Thomas Hylland Eriksen, while a neoliberal sensibility supports cultural diversity in the public space, cultural difference is seen as a major cause of social problems associated with immigrants, and has a diminishing effect on the public sphere (14). According to Eriksen, diversity is understood as aesthetic, or politically and morally neutral expressions of culture that are enriching (Hage 118) or digestible. Difference, however, refers to morally objectionable cultural practices. In short, diversity is enriching. Difference is corrosive. Eriksen argues that differences that emerge from distinct cultural ideas and practices are deemed to create conflicts with majority cultures, weaken social solidarity and lead to unacceptable violations of human rights in minority groups. The suburban swimming pool exists here at the boundary of diversity and difference, where the "presence" of diverse bodies may enrich, but their different practices deplete and damage existing culture. The imperilled Muslim woman of the suburbs carries a heavy symbolic load. She stands for major global contests at the border of difference and diversity in three significant domains, multiculturalism, religion and feminism. These three areas are positioned simultaneously in public space and of the public sphere and she embodies a specific version of each in this suburban setting. First, there a global retreat from multiculturalism evidenced in contemporary narratives that describe multiculturalism (both as official policy and unofficial sensibility) as failed and increasingly ineffective at accommodating or otherwise dealing with religious, cultural and ethnic differences (Cantle; Goodhart; Joppke; Poynting and Mason). In the UK, Europe, the US and Australia, popular media sources and political discourses speak of "parallel lives,"immigrant enclaves, ghettoes, a lack of integration, the clash of values, and illiberal cultural practices. The covered body of the Muslim woman, and more particularly the Muslim veil, are now read as visual signs of this clash of values and of the refusal to integrate. Second, religion has re-emerged in the public domain, with religious groups and individuals making particular claims on public space both on the basis of their religious identity and in accord with secular society’s respect for religious freedom. This is most evident in controversies in France, Belgium and Netherlands associated with banning niqab in public and other religious symbols in schools, and in Australia in court. In this sense the covered Muslim woman raises concerns and indignation about the rightful place of religion in the public sphere and in social space. Third, feminism is increasingly invoked as the ground from which claims about the imperilled Muslim woman are made, particularly those about protecting women from their dangerous men. The infiltration of the Muslim presence into public space is seen as a threat to the hard won gains of women’s freedom enjoyed by the majority population. This newfound feminism of the public sphere, posited by those who might otherwise disavow feminism, requires some serious consideration. This public discourse rarely addresses the discrimination, violation and lack of freedom experienced systematically on an everyday basis by women of majority cultural backgrounds in western societies (such as Australia). However, the sexism of racially and religiously different men is readily identified and decried. This represents a significant shift to a dubious feminist register of the public sphere such that: “[w]omen of foreign origin, ...more specifically Muslim women…have replaced the traditional housewife as the symbol of female subservience” (Tissot 41–42).The three issues—multiculturalism, religion and feminism—are, in the Dandenong pool context, contests about human rights, democracy and the proper use of public space. Szego’s opinion piece sees the Dandenong pool "cover up" as an example of the conundrum of how human rights for some may curtail the human rights of others and lead us into a problematic entanglement of universal "rights," with claims of difference. In her view the combination of human rights and multiculturalism in the case of the Dandenong Pool accommodates illiberal practices that put the rights of "the general public" at risk, or as she puts it, on a “slippery slope” that results in a “watering down of our human rights.” Ideas that entail women making a claim for private time in public space are ultimately not good for "us."Such ideas run counter to the West's more than 500-year struggle for individual freedom—including both freedom of religion and freedom from religion—and for gender equality. Our public authorities ought to be pushing back hardest when these values are under threat. Yet this is precisely where they've been buckling under pressure (Szego)But a different reading of the relation between public and private space, human rights, democracy and gender freedom is readily identifiable in the Dandenong event—if one looks for it. Living with difference, I have already suggested, is a problem of democracy and the public sphere and does not so easily correspond to consuming diversity, as it demands engagement with cultural difference. In what remains, I explore how multicultural democracy in the public sphere and women’s rights in public and private realms relate, firstly, to the burgeoning promise of democracy and civility that might emerge in public space through encounter and exchange. I also point out how this moment in Dandenong might be read as a singular contribution to dealing with this global problematic of living with difference; of democracy in the public sphere. Public urban space has become a focus for speculation among geographers and sociologists in particular, about the prospects for an enhanced civic appreciation of living with difference through encountering strangers. Random and repetitious encounters with people from all cultures typify contemporary urban life. It remains an open question however as to whether these encounters open up or close down possibilities for conviviality and understanding, and whether they undo or harden peoples’ fears and prejudices. There is, however, at least in some academic and urban planning circles, some hope that the "throwntogetherness" (Massey) and the "doing" of togetherness (Laurier and Philo) found in the multicultural city may generate some lessons and opportunities for developing a civic culture and political commitment to living with difference. Alongside the optimism of those who celebrate the city, the suburb, and public spaces as forging new ways of living with difference, there are those such as Gill Valentine who wonder how this might be achieved in practice (324). Ash Amin similarly notes that city or suburban public spaces are not necessarily “the natural servants of multicultural engagement” (Ethnicity 967). Amin and Valentine point to the limited or fleeting opportunities for real engagement in these spaces. Moreover Valentine‘s research in the UK revealed that the spatial proximity found in multicultural spaces did not so much give rise to greater mutual respect and engagement, but to a frustrated “white self-segregation in the suburbs.” She suggests therefore that civility and polite exchange should not be mistaken for respect (324). Amin contends that it is the “micro-publics” of social encounters found in workplaces, schools, gardens, sports clubs [and perhaps swimming pools] rather than the fleeting encounters of the street or park, that offer better opportunities for meaningful intercultural exchange. The Ramadan celebration at the pool, with its dress code and all, might be seen more fruitfully as a purposeful event engaging a micro-public in which people are able to “break out of fixed relations and fixed notions” and “learn to become different” (Amin, Ethnicity 970) without that generating discord and resentment.Micropublics, Subaltern Publics and a Democracy of (Temporary) ExclusionsIs this as an opportunity to bring the global and local together in an experiment of forging new democratic spaces for gender, sexuality, culture and for living with difference? More provocatively, can we see exclusion and an invitation to share in this exclusion as a precursor to and measure of, actually existing democracy? Painter and Philo have argued that democratic citizenship is questionable if “people cannot be present in public spaces (streets, squares, parks, cinemas, churches, town halls) without feeling uncomfortable, victimized and basically ‘out of place’…" (Iveson 216). Feminists have long argued that distinctions between public and private space are neither straightforward nor gender neutral. For Nancy Fraser the terms are “cultural classifications and rhetorical labels” that are powerful because they are “frequently deployed to delegitimate some interests, views and topics and to valorize others” (73). In relation to women and other subordinated minorities, the "rhetoric of privacy" has been historically used to restrict the domain of legitimate public contestation. In fact the notion of what is public and particularly notions of the "public interest" and the "public good" solidify forms of subordination. Fraser suggests the concept of "subaltern counterpublics" as an alternative to notions of "the public." These are discursive spaces where groups articulate their needs, and demands are circulated formulating their own public sphere. This challenges the very meaning and foundational premises of ‘the public’ rather than simply positing strategies of inclusion or exclusion. The twinning of Amin’s notion of "micro-publics" and Fraser’s "counterpublics" is, I suggest, a fruitful approach to interpreting the Dandenong pool issue. It invites a reading of this singular suburban moment as an experiment, a trial of sorts, in newly imaginable ways of living democratically with difference. It enables us to imagine moments when a limited democratic right to exclude might create the sorts of cultural exchanges that give rise to a more authentic and workable recognition of cultural difference. I am drawn to think that this is precisely the kind of democratic experimentation that the YMCA and Dandenong Council embarked upon when they applied for the Equal Opportunity exemption. I suggest that by trialing, rather than fixing forever a "critically exclusive" access to the suburban swimming pool for two hours per year, they were in fact working on the practical problem of how to contribute in small but meaningful ways to a more profoundly free democracy and a reworked public sphere. In relation to the similar but distinct example of the McIver pool for women and children in Coogee, New South Wales, Kurt Iveson makes the point that such spaces of exclusion or withdrawal, “do not necessarily serve simply as spaces where people ‘can be themselves’, or as sites through which reified identities are recognised—in existing conditions of inequality, they can also serve as protected spaces where people can take the risk of exploring who they might become with relative safety from attack and abuse” (226). These are necessary risks to take if we are to avoid entrenching fear of difference in a world where difference is itself deeply, and permanently, entrenched.ReferencesAmin, Ash. “Ethnicity and the Multicultural City: Living with Diversity.” Environment and Planning A 34 (2002): 959–80.———. “The Good City.” Urban Studies 43 (2006): 1009–23.Berlant, Lauren, and Michael Warner. “Sex in Public.” Critical Inquiry 24 (1998): 547–66.Cantle, Ted. Community Cohesion: A Report of the Independent Review Team. London, UK Home Office, 2001.Carey, Adam. “Backing for Pool Cover Up Directive.” The Age 17 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/backing-for-pool-coverup-directive-20100916-15enz.html›.Elder, John, and Jon Pierick. “The Mean Streets: Where the Locals Fear to Tread.” The Sunday Age 10 Jan. 2010. ‹http://www.theage.com.au/national/the-mean-streets-where-the-locals-fear-to-tread-20100109-m00l.html?skin=text-only›.Eriksen, Thomas Hyland. “Diversity versus Difference: Neoliberalism in the Minority Debate." The Making and Unmaking of Difference. Ed. Richard Rottenburg, Burkhard Schnepel, and Shingo Shimada. Bielefeld: Transaction, 2006. 13–36.Fraser, Nancy. “Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy.” Social Text 25/26 (1990): 56–80.Goodhart, David. “Too Diverse.” Prospect 95 (2004): 30-37.Haberfield, Georgie, and Gilbert Gardner. “Mayor Defends Pool Cover-up Order.” Dandenong Leader 16 Sep. 2010 ‹http://dandenong-leader.whereilive.com.au/news/story/dandenong-oasis-tells-swimmers-to-cover-up/›.Habermas, Jürgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 2001.Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Sydney: Pluto, 1998.hooks, bell. "Eating the Other: Desire and Resistance." Media and Cultural Studies Keyworks. Eds. Meenakshi Gigi and Douglas Kellner. Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2001. 366-380.Iveson, Kurt. "Justifying Exclusion: The Politics of Public Space and the Dispute over Access to McIvers Ladies' Baths, Sydney.” Gender, Place and Culture 10.3 (2003): 215–28.Joppke, Christian. “The Retreat of Multiculturalism in the Liberal State: Theory and Policy.” The British Journal of Sociology 55.2 (2004): 237–57.Laurier, Chris, and Eric Philo. “Cold Shoulders and Napkins Handed: Gestures of Responsibility.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 31 (2006): 193–207.Low, Setha, and Neil Smith, eds. The Politics of Public Space. London: Routledge, 2006.Massey, Doreen. For Space. London: Sage, 2005.Murphy, Padraic. "Cover Up for Pool Even at Next Year's Ramadan.” Herald Sun 23 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.heraldsun.com.au/news/victoria/cover-up-for-pool-event-during-next-years-ramadan/story-e6frf7kx-1225924291675›.Nichols, David. The Bogan Delusion. Melbourne: Affirm Press, 2011.Poynting, Scott, and Victoria Mason. "The New Integrationism, the State and Islamophobia: Retreat from Multiculturalism in Australia." International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice 36 (2008): 230–46.Razack, Sherene H. “Imperilled Muslim Women, Dangerous Muslim Men and Civilised Europeans: Legal and Social Responses to Forced Marriages.” Feminist Legal Studies 12.2 (2004): 129–74.Szego, Julie. “Under the Cover Up." The Age 9 Oct. 2010. < http://www.theage.com.au/victoria/under-the-coverup-20101008-16c1v.html >.Thrift, Nigel. “But Malice Afterthought: Cities and the Natural History of Hatred.” Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 30 (2005): 133–50.Tissot, Sylvie. “Excluding Muslim Women: From Hijab to Niqab, from School to Public Space." Public Culture 23.1 (2011): 39–46.Valentine, Gill. “Living with Difference: Reflections on Geographies of Encounter.” Progress in Human Geography 32.3 (2008): 323–37.Wise, Amanda, and Selveraj Velayutham, eds. Everyday Multiculturalism. Houndsmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.YMCA. “VCAT Ruling on Swim Sessions at Dandenong Oasis to Open Up to Community During Ramadan Next Year.” 16 Sep. 2010. ‹http://www.victoria.ymca.org.au/cpa/htm/htm_news_detail.asp?page_id=13&news_id=360›.

Introduction Artist: June 2 at 11.26pm:‘To be truly radical is to make hope possible rather than despair convincing.’ - Raymond Williams. (Singaporean Artists’ public Facebook Post) Can the critical arts exist without ‘place’?There is an ongoing debate on ‘place’ and where it begins and ends; on the ways that cities exist in both material and immaterial forms, and thereby, how to locate and understand place as an anchoring point amidst global flows (Massey; Merrifield). This debate extends to the global art- scape, as traditional conceptions of art and art-making attached to place require re-thinking in a paradigm where digital and immaterial networks, symbols and forums both complement and complicate the role that place has traditionally played (Luger, “Singaporean ‘Spaces of Hope?”). The digital art-scape has allowed for art-led provocations, transformations and disturbances to traditional institutions and gatekeepers (see Hartley’s “ Communication, Media, and Cultural Studies” concept of ‘gatekeeper’) of the art world, which often served as elite checkpoints and way-stations to artistic prominence. Still, contradictory and paradoxical questions emerge, since art cannot be divorced of place entirely, and ‘place’ often features as a topic, subject, or site of critical expression for art regardless of material or immaterial form. Critical art is at once place-bound and place-less; anchored to sites even as it transcends them completely.This paper will explore the dualistic tension – and somewhat contradictory relationship – between physical and digital artistic space through the case study of authoritarian Singapore, by focusing on a few examples of art-activists and the way that they have used and manipulated both physical and digital spaces for art-making. These examples draw upon research which took place in Singapore from 2012-2014 and which involved interviews with, and observation of, a selected sample (30) of art-activists (or “artivists”, to use Krischer’s definition). Findings point to a highly co-dependent relationship between physical and digital art places where both offer unique spaces of possibility and limitations. Therefore, place remains essential in art-making, even as digital avenues expand and amplify what critical art-practice can accomplish.Singapore’s Place-Bound and Place-Less Critical Art-Scape The arts in Singapore have a complicated, and often tense relationship with places such as the theatre, the gallery, and the public square. Though there has been a recent push (in the form of funding to arts groups and physical arts infrastructure) to make Singapore more of an arts and cultural destination (see Luger “The Cultural Grassroots and the Authoritarian City”), the Singaporean arts-scape remains bound by restrictions and limitations, and varying degrees of de facto (and de jure) censorship and self-policing. This has opened up spaces for critical art, albeit in sometimes creative and surprising forms. As explained to me by a Singaporean playwright,So they’re [the state] making venues, as well as festival organizers, as well as theatre companies, to …self-police, or self-censor. But for us on the ground, we use that as a way to focus on what we still want to say, and be creative about it, so that we circumvent the [state], with the intention of doing what we want to do. (Research interview, Singaporean playwright)Use of cyber-spaces is one way that artists circumvent repressive state structures. Restrictions on the use of place enliven cyberspace with an emancipatory and potentially transformative potential for the critical arts. Cyber-Singapore has a vocal art-activist network and has allowed some artists (such as the “Sticker Lady”) to gain wide national and even international followings. However, digital space cannot exist without physical place; indeed, the two exist, simultaneously, forming and re-forming each other. The arts cannot ‘happen’ online without a corresponding physical space for incubation, for practice, for human networking.It is important to note that in Singapore, art-led activism (or ‘artivism’) and traditional activism are closely related, and research indicated that activist networks often overlap with the art world. While this may be the case in many places, Singapore’s small geography and the relatively wide-berth given to the arts (as opposed to political activism) make these relationships especially strong. Therefore, many arts-spaces (theatres, galleries, studios) function as activist spaces; and non-art spaces such as public squares and university campuses often host art events and displays. Likewise, many of the artists that I interviewed are either directly, or indirectly, involved in more traditional activism as well.Singapore is an island-nation-city-state with a carefully planned urban fabric, the vast majority of which is state-owned (at least 80 % - resulting from large-scale land transfers from the British in the years surrounding Singapore’s independence in 1965). Though it has a Westminster-style parliamentary system (another colonial vestige), a single ruling party has commanded power for 50 years (the People’s Action Party, or PAP). Despite free elections and a liberal approach toward business, foreign investment and multiculturalism, Singapore retains a labyrinthine geography of government control over free expression, dictated through agencies such as the Censorship Review Committee (CRC); the Media Development Authority (MDA), and the National Arts Council (NAC) which work together in a confusing grid of checks and balances. This has presented a paradoxical and often contradictory approach to the arts and culture in which gradual liberalisations of everything from gay nightlife to university discourse have come hand-in-hand with continued restrictions on political activism and ‘taboo’ artistic / cultural themes. These ‘out of bounds’ themes (see Yue) include perceived threats to Singapore’s racial, religious, or political harmony – a grey area that is often at the discretion of particular government bureaucrats and administrators.Still, the Singaporean arts place (take the theatre, for example) has assumed a special role as a focal point for not only various types of visual and performance art, but also unrelated (or tangentially-related) activist causes as well. I asked a theatre director of a prominent alternative theatre where, in Singapore’s authoritarian urban fabric, there were opportunities for provocation? He stressed the theatres’ essential role in providing a physical platform for visual tensions and disturbance:You know, and on any given evening, you’ll see some punks or skinheads hanging outside there, and they kind of – create this disturbance in this neighbourhood, where, you know a passer-by is walking to his posh building, and then suddenly you know, there’s this bunch of boys with mohawks, you know, just standing there – and they are friendly! There’s nothing antagonistic or threatening, whatever. So, you know, that’s the kind of tension that we actually love to kind of generate!… That kind of surprise, that kind of, ‘oh, oh yes!’ we see this nice, expensive restaurant, this nice white building, and then these rough edges. And – that is where uh, those points where – where factions, where the rough edges meet –are where dialogue occurs. (Theatre Director, Singapore)That is not to say that the theatre comes without limits and caveats. It is financially precarious, as the Anglo-American model of corporate funding for the arts is not yet well-established in Singapore; interviews revealed that even much of the philanthropic donating to arts organizations comes from Singapore’s prominent political families and therefore the task of disentangling state interests from non-ideological arts patronage becomes difficult. With state - funding come problems with “taboo” subjects, as exemplified by the occasional banned-play or the constant threat of budget cuts or closure altogether: a carrot and stick approach by the state that allows arts organizations room to operate as long as the art produced does not disturb or provoke (too) much.Liew and Pang suggest that in Singapore, cyberspace has allowed a scale, a type of debate and a particularly cross-cutting conversation to take place: in a context where there are peculiar restrictions on the use and occupation of the built environment. They [ibid] found an emerging vocal, digital artistic grassroots that increasingly challenges the City-State’s dominant narratives: my empirical research therefore expands upon, and explores further, the possibility that Singapore’s cyber-spaces are both complementary to, and in some ways, more important than its material places in terms of providing spaces for political encounters.I conducted ‘netnography’ (see Kozinets) across Singapore’s web-scape and found that the online realm may be the ‘… primary site for discursive public activity in general and politics in particular’ (Mitchell, 122); a place where ‘everybody is coming together’ (Merrifield, 18). Without fear of state censorship, artists, activists and art-activists are not bound by the (same) set of restrictions that they might be if operating in a theatre, or certainly in a public place such as a park or square. Planetary cyber-Singapore exists inside and outside the City-State; it can be accessed remotely, and can connect with a far wider audience than a play performed in a small black box theatre.A number of blogs and satirical sites – including TheOnlineCitizen.sg, TheYawningBread.sg, and Demon-Cratic Singapore, openly criticize government policy in ways rarely heard in-situ or in even casual conversation on the street. Additionally, most activist causes and coalitions have digital versions where information is spread and support is gathered, spanning a range of issues. As is the case in material sites of activism in Singapore, artists frequently emerge as the loudest, most vocal, and most inter-disciplinary digital activists, helping to spearhead and cobble together cultural-activist coalitions and alliances. One example of this is the contrast between the place bound “Pink Dot” LGBTQ event (limited to the amount of people that can fit in Hong Lim Park, a central square) and its Facebook equivalent, We are Pink Dot public ‘group’. Pink Dot occurs each June in Singapore and involves around 10,000 people. The Internet’s representations of Pink Dot, however, have reached millions: Pink Dot has been featured in digital (and print) editions of major global newspapers including The Guardian and The New York Times. While not explicitly an art event, Pink Dot is artistic in nature as it uses pink ‘dots’ to side-step the official designation of being an LGBTQ pride event – which would not be sanctioned by the authorities (Gay Pride has not been allowed to take place in Singapore).The street artist Samantha Lo – also known as “Sticker Lady” – was jailed for her satirical stickers that she placed in various locations around Singapore. Unable to freely practice her art on city streets, she has become a sort of local artist - Internet celebrity, with her own Facebook Group called Free Sticker Lady (with over 1,000 members as of April, 2016). Through her Facebook group, Lo has been able to voice opinions that would be difficult – or even prohibited – with a loudspeaker on the street, or expressed through street art. As an open lesbian, she has also been active (and vocal) in the “Pink Dot” events. Her speech at “Pink Dot” was heard by the few-thousand in attendance at the time; her Facebook post (public without privacy settings) is available to the entire world:I'll be speaking during a small segment at Pink Dot tomorrow. Though only two minutes long, I've been spending a lot of time thinking about my speech and finding myself at a position where there's just so much to say. All my life, I've had to work twice as hard to prove myself, to be taken seriously. At 18, I made a conscious decision to cave in to societal pressures to conform after countless warnings of how I wouldn't be able to get a job, get married, etc. I grew my hair out, dressed differently, but was never truly comfortable with the person I became. That change was a choice, but I wasn't happy.Since then, I learnt that happiness wasn't a given, I had to work for it, for the ability to be comfortable in my own skin, to do what I love and to make something out of myself. (Artists’ Facebook Post)Yet, without the city street, Lo would not have gained her notoriety; without use of the park, Pink Dot would not have a Facebook presence or the ability to gather international press. The fact that Singaporean theatre exists at all as an important instigator of visual and performative tension demonstrates the significance of its physical address. Physical art places provide a crucial period of incubation – practice and becoming – that cannot really be replicated online. This includes schools and performance space but also in Singapore’s context, the ‘arts-housing’ that is provided by the government to small-scale, up-and-coming artists through a competitive grant process. Artists can receive gallery, performance or rehearsal space for a set amount of time on a rotating basis. Even with authoritarian restrictions, these spaces have been crucial for arts development:There’s a short-term [subsidised] residency studio …for up to 12 months. And so that –allows for a rotating group of artists to come with an idea in mind, use it for whatever- we’ve had artists who were preparing for a major show, and say ‘my studio space, my existing studio space is a bit too tiny, because I’m prepping for this show, I need a larger studio for 3 months. (Arts Administrator, Singapore)Critical and provocative art, limited and restricted by place, is thus still intrinsically bound to it. Indeed, the restrictions on artistic place allow cyber-art to flourish; cyber-art can only flourish with a strong place- based anchor. Far from supplanting place-based art, the digital art-scape forms a complement; digital and place-based art forms combine to form new hybridities in which local context and global forces write and re-write each other in a series of place and ‘placeless’ negotiations. Conclusion The examples that have been presented in this paper paint a picture of a complex landscape where specific urban sites are crucial anchoring nodes in a critical art ecosystem, but much artistic disturbance actually occurs online and in immaterial forms. This may hint at the possibility that globally, urban sites themselves are no longer sufficient for critical art to flourish and reach its full potential, especially as such sites have increasingly fallen prey to austerity policies, increasingly corporate and / or philanthropic programming and curation, and the comparatively wider reach and ease of access that digital spaces offer.Electronic or digital space – ranging from e-mail to social media (Twitter, blogs, Facebook and many others) has opened a new frontier in which, “… material public spaces in the city are superseded by the fora of television, radio talk shows and computer bulletin boards” (Mitchell. 122). The possibility now emerges whether digital space may be even more crucial than material public spaces in terms of emancipatory or critical potential– especially in authoritarian contexts where public space / place comes with particular limits and restrictions on assembling, performance, and critical expression. These contexts range from Taksim Square, Istanbul to Tiananmen Square, Beijing – but indeed, traditional public place has been increasingly privatized and securitized across the Western-liberal world as well. Where art occurs in place it is often stripped of its critical potential or political messages, sanctioned or sponsored by corporate groups or sanitized by public sector authorities (Schuilenburg, 277).The Singapore case may be especially stark due to Singapore’s small size (and corresponding lack of visible public ‘places’); authoritarian restrictions and correspondingly (relatively) un-policed and un-censored cyberspace. But it is fair to say that at a time when Youtube creates instant celebrities and Facebook likes or Instagram followers indicate fame and (potential) fortune – it is time to re-think and re-conceptualise the relationship between place, art, and the place-based institutions (such as grant-funding bodies or philanthropic organizations, galleries, critics or dealers) that have often served as “gatekeepers” to the art-scape. This invites challenges to the way these agents operate and the decision making process of policy-makers in the arts and cultural realm.Mitchell (124) reminded that there has “never been a revolution conducted exclusively in electronic space; at least not yet.” But that was 20 years ago. Singapore may offer a glimpse, however, of what such a revolution might look like. This revolution is neither completely place bound nor completely digital; it is one in which the material and immaterial interplay and overlap in post-modern complexity. Each platform plays a role, and understanding the way that art operates both in place and in “placeless” forms is crucial in understanding where key transformations take place in both the production of critical art and the production of urban space.What Hartley (“The Politics of Pictures”) called the “space of citizenry” is not necessarily confined to a building, the city street or a public square (or even private spaces such as the home, the car, the office). Sharon Zukin likewise suggested that ultimately, a negotiation of a city’s digital sphere is crucial for current-day urban research, arguing that:Though I do not think that online communities have replaced face to face interaction, I do think it is important to understand the way web-based media contribute to our urban imaginary. The interactive nature of the dialogue, how each post feeds on the preceding ones and elicits more, these are expressions of both difference and consensus, and they represent partial steps toward an open public sphere. (27)Traditional gatekeepers such as the theatre director, the museum curator and the state or philanthropic arts funding body have not disappeared, though they must adapt to the new cyber-reality as artists have new avenues around these traditional checkpoints. Accordingly – “old” problems such as de-jure and de-facto censorship reappear in the cyber art-scape as well: take the example of the Singaporean satirical bloggers that have been sued by the government in 2013-2016 (such as the socio-political bloggers and satirists Roy Ngerng and Alex Au). No web-space is truly open.A further complication may be the corporate nature of sites such as Facebook, Instagram, Youtube, or Twitter: far from truly democratic platforms or “agoras” in the traditional sense, these are for-profit (massive) corporations – which a small theatre is not. Singapore’s place based authoritarianism may be multiplied in the corporate authoritarianism or “CEO activism” of tech titans like Mark Zuckerberg, who allow for diverse use of digital platforms and encourage open expression and unfettered communication – as long as it is on their terms, within company policies that are not always transparent.Perhaps the questions then really are not where ‘art’ begins and ends, or where a place starts or stops – but rather where authoritarianism, state and corporate power begin and end in the hyper-connected global cyber-scape? And, if these power structures are now stretched across space and time as Marxist theorists such as Massey or Merrifield claimed, then what is the future for critical art and its relationship to ‘place’?Despite these unanswered questions and invitations for further exploration, the Singapore case may hint at what this emerging geography of place and ‘placeless’ art resembles and how such a new world may evolve moving forward. ReferencesHartley, John. The Politics of Pictures: the Creation of the Public in the Age of Popular Media. Perth: Psychology Press, 1992.———. Communication, Media, and Cultural Studies: The Key Concepts. Oxford: Routledge, 2012. Kozinets, Robert. Netnography: Doing Ethnographic Research Online. New York: Sage, 2010. Krischer, Oliver. “Lateral Thinking: Artivist Networks in East Asia.” ArtAsia Pacific 77 (2012): 96-110. 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