Relevant bibliographies by topics / Coup d'état

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Academic literature on the topic 'Coup d'état'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Coup d'état"

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Ikoku, Sam. "Coup D'état." Index on Censorship 15, no. 1 (January 1986): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228608534013.

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McGowan, Patrick J. "African military coups d'état, 1956–2001: frequency, trends and distribution." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 3 (August 26, 2003): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0300435x.

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Described here is a new data set including all successful coups d'état (80), failed coup attempts (108) and reported coup plots (139) for all 48 independent sub-Saharan African (SSA) states for the 46-year period from January 1956 until December 2001. Elite political instability (PI) in this form remains widespread in SSA, in contrast to other regions of the global South. Military-led PI has been shown to adversely affect economic growth and human development in SSA, and is a major cause of the current African ‘crisis’. The frequency of these instability events is given for each state for all 46 years and for the two periods 1956–79 and 1980–2001. A Total Military Intervention Score (TMIS) for each state is calculated and examined over time to explore trends in coup behaviour. The distribution of these events among major African regions is presented. Appendix A lists all coups and failed coups by state and date. Major findings are that military interventions have continued to be pervasive in Africa, despite democratisation trends since 1990; that coups, failed coups and coup plots form a syndrome of military-led PI; that colonial heritage is unrelated to coup activity; that the chance of success when launching a coup attempt has averaged more than 40% since 1958; that once a successful coup has occurred, military factionalism often leads to more coup behaviour; that except for a declining rate of success once a coup is undertaken, there is no major difference between 1956–79 and 1980–2001; that no trends of increasing or decreasing coup behaviour are evident, except that up to around 1975 as decolonisation progressed, TMIS also increased; and that West Africa is the predominant centre of coup activity in SSA, although all African regions have experienced coups. States that have been free of significant PI since 1990 are examined and those with institutionalised democratic traditions appear less prone to coups.
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Turner, Lou. "Corporate Coup D'État." Black Scholar 44, no. 1 (March 2014): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2014.11641210.

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Bakirtas, Ibrahim, Ramazan Sari, and Suleyman Koc. "Coup d'état and economic growth in Turkey: Evidence from ARDL bounds testing procedure." Panoeconomicus, no. 00 (2022): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan200818012b.

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In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, which is a remarkable case in many aspects. For this purpose, we extend an open-economy Cobb-Douglas production function with coups and use the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) method for the period 1950 to 2014. According to the study's empirical findings, coup d'?tats negatively affect real GDP in Turkey. Through structural reforms, Turkey should strengthen its democratic institutions to prevent such antidemocratic attempts.
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Johnson, Simon. "Coup d'État en douce." Le Débat 157, no. 5 (2009): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.157.0052.

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Bell, David A. "Malesherbes et Tocqueville : les origines parlementaires du libéralisme français." Tocqueville Review 27, no. 2 (January 2006): 273–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.27.2.273.

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Je me propose d'examiner ici un coup d'État français. C'est un coup d'état qui est attendu depuis plusieurs années, à la suite de longs conflits entre le pouvoir exécutif et les soi-disant représèntants du peuple. Il est médité, préparé et exécuté par le chef de l'État lui-même contre les représentants du peuple. Il est suivi par l'exécration quasiuniverselle du chef de l'État par l'opinion publique. Néanmoins, après un certain temps, le coup d'Etat semble avoir réussi. Les protestations diminuent, l'opinion publique accepte les changements. Les opposants se désespèrent et dénoncent la lassitude de leurs compatriotes. Quel est ce coup d'État ? Pour les historiens du XIXe siècle, la réponse est évidente : ce ne peut être que celui de Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte contre la Seconde République. Mais pour les his,toriens du XVIIIe siècle, il y a une autre réponse possible: le coup d'Etat du Chancelier Maupeou contre les parlements, c'est-à-dire les cours souveraines, au mois de décembre 1770.
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Hasumi, Shiguéhiko. "Coup d'État et opérette-bouffe." Littérature 125, no. 1 (2002): 32–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/litt.2002.1743.

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Cayla, Olivier. "Le coup d'État de droit ?" Le Débat 100, no. 3 (1998): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.100.0108.

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Siani-Davies, Peter. "Romanian revolution or coup d'état?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29, no. 4 (December 1996): 453–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)80026-2.

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Mandagie, Mike Natanael Norend. "MYANMAR MILITARY COUP ON 2021 : RESTORE THE GLORY ERA OF OPIUM." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v7i1.4718.

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Military coups are nothing new in the 21st century. Myanmar's military overthrew the existing democratic government in a coup d'état to gain power. Opium is the key behind the Myanmar military coup taking place in 2021. This article was written using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. News in the mass media, both print and online, is also a source. The thirst for power has influenced the existing military so that actions without morals are committed. Many people consider that the coup carried out by the Myanmar military was an ordinary coup that was normalized because of the thirst for power. But behind that thirst for power lies a bigger plan for profit. The public needs to see the real reason behind the coup carried out by the Myanmar military in 2021 so that it can clearly and structuredly understand the coup that was carried out in 2021 which further put Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest Keywords: Opium, Government, Military, Power, Coup
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Coup d'état"

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N'Gbesso, N'dory Claude Vincent. "Recherche sur la notion de coup d’État en droit public. : Le cas de l'Afrique francophone." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0308.

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Depuis les indépendances, les régimes politiques africains sont demeurés très instables, du fait de la militarisation de ces régimes et des accessions illégales et illégitimes au pouvoir politique. Mais les transitions démocratiques de 1990 ont amorcé un constitutionnalisme nouveau marqué par l’adhésion à la démocratie pluraliste et à l’État de droit. Cependant le coup d'État persiste à être un procédé privilégié d'accession au pouvoir. Cette situation ne saurait laisser indifférent le chercheur. On peut s’interroger sur l’approche que le droit public réserve à la notion de coup d’État
Since independence, African political regimes have remained very volatile, because of militarization of these political regimes, and also illegal and illegitimate accession to political power. But the democratic transitions of 1990 introduced a new constitutionalism with democracy and rule of law. However, the coup d'etat persists in being a privileged way of accession to political power. This situation should interest searchers. We might ask how public law pprehends the concept of a coup d'état
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Toro, Stephanie. "Post-Cold War Coup d'état : Identifying Conditions using Systematic Operationalized Comparison." Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-12613.

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This study combines qualitative and quantitative procedures  in order to make possible a Most Different Systems Design (MDSD) analysis which systematically compares two countries in order to identify factors which play a role in coup d’état occurrences after the Cold War. By developing a systems framework that lays the ground for subsequent analysis, an encompassing view of the potential underlying conditions of the coup occurrence are taken into account. This systems framework is subsequently operationalized for a sample of 35 countries which all experienced coup d’état between 1990 and 2010. In order to use MDSD, the most different countries are identified using Boolean distances. Ethiopia and Honduras were found to be the most different and were compared and contrasted according to the systems framework. The study concludes that for coup occurrences in Honduras and Ethiopia, the lack of an external national threat, secularizing tendencies, and past coup occurrences played a major role.  Democratizing tendencies after the coups in both countries were a vital signal that the influence of global democratic norms does create incentives for countries to hold elections after a coup. Interestingly, the political system of the country and demographic factors such as ethnicity, religion and language did not appear as important for the coup outcome in these countries.

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Mkwentla, Nelson Koala. "The legal effect of a coup d'etat on traditional constitutional concepts." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003199.

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This thesis deals with constitutional law and other legal subjects such as Jurisprudence and Judicial Review. One constitution is distinguishable from another by its own provisions. These provisions are usually referred to as either the basic characteristics or features of the particular constitution and these are invariably derived from the basic political philosophy and constitutional arrangements of the particular country. A coup affects these characteristics in different ways. Some automatically disappear as being incompatible with the revolution; some are modified, others are strengthened. The usurpers may choose to set aside the constitution completely and replace it with another, or amend it to suit the new situation, or rule without any constitution. This often happens amidst the rattle of weapons and the whirr of military engines in and around the capital of a given country on that awesome occasion. This thesis sets out to examine the legal aspects of a coup d’ etat. The thesis is divided into six broad sections. Part one will deal with the theoretical background. I shall discuss an overview of Kelsen’s pure theory of law. The second part deals with the scope of its application in revolutionary situations and will also touch upon the reason behind the Kelsen’s theory as shown by decided cases from country to country. The third part deals with the essence as well as the significance of the doctrine of necessity to validate unconstitutional acts in the case of a coup d’ etat. This discussion is to pave the way for the fourth part which is to explore the position of judges who took oath of office under the old constitution. I am to explain their position after a coup d’ etat. The fifth part forms the gist of my research. I shall examine the effect of a coup d’ etat on traditional constitutional concepts such as fundamental rights, separation of powers, rule of law and judicial review in the military regime. The sixth part will deal with African experience. I shall include recommendations and conclusions drawn from the Lesotho and Uganda experiences.
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Poulain, Odile. "Bibliographie méthodique des articles et ouvrages parus en Tchécoslovaquie de 1948 à 1982 sur la révolution de février 1948." Paris, INALCO, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988INAL0006.

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La thèse proposée est une présentation méthodique des articles et ouvrages parus en Tchécoslovaquie de 1948 à 1982 sur les évènements de février 1948. Deux parties composent cette bibliographie : une bibliographie chronologique qui commence le 18 février 1948 et se termine en 1982, et une bibliographie thématique. L'introduction est un résumé précis de la chronologie des évènements, jour par jour et heure par heure. Elle est complétée par un glossaire et des documents explicatifs joints pour faciliter la compréhension du système politique tchécoslovaque. La conclusion porte le titre suivant : évolution de l'historiographie tchécoslovaque de 1948 à nos jours. C'est une analyse de l'influence du contexte politique national et international sur l'écriture et la compréhension des évènements historiques. L'analyse a été faite à partir de la monographie d'un historien tchéecoslovaque Vaclav Kral et qui a pour titre : Le monde de la pensée historique. Bien qu'écrit en 1974, cet ouvrage était encore d'actualité en 1982. Cependant, actuellement, il est dépassé par les conceptions d'une nouvelle génération d'historiens et la théorie développée n'a plus beaucoup d'échos dans la nouvelle société. Mais le travail le plus important est cette bibliographie qui permet d'étudier la période ou le thème qui est le point de départ d'une analyse. Il faut ajouter que cette bibliographie est bilingue. Les titres sont écrits en tchèque ou en slovaque avec la traduction en français.
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Chueca, Cuartero Miguel. ""propagande et légitimation du coup d'état du 18 juillet 1936" (le mythe du complot communiste)." Paris 10, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA100076.

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L'objet de ce travail est d'etudier un des arguments qui servirent aux acteurs et porte-parole du mouvement lance le 18 juillet 1936 par une partie de l'armee espagnole contre le gouvernement en place. Les propagandistes du coup d'etat pretendirent alors que le soulevement devait etre concu comme une reponse par anticipation a un mouvement subversif prevu par les "rouges" qui devaient etre declenche aux alentours de la fin juillet ou au debut aout 36. Notre travail se situe dans la continuite de celui que mena l'historien americain h. R. Southworth dans son "mythe de la croisade de franco", que nous avons essaye de prolonger, voire de rectifier, quand cela etait necessaire. Nous nous sommes attache a donner la vision la plus complete du trajet de ce theme propagandistique, fonde pour l'essentiel sur quatre documents forges, repris ensuite par l'historiographie franquiste. Nous avond donne le schema d'apparition du theme des les premiers jours de la guerre civile, puis son incorporation dans les tentatives de legitimation menees par les ideologues du mouvement dit national, les ecclesiastiques au premier chef. En ce sens, nous avons voulu monter l'importance du theme dans le "chef d'oeuvre" de la propagande nationaliste, la "lettre collective de l'episcopat espagnol aux eveques du monde entier" (1er juillet 1937), et les sources dont l'auteur du document s'est inspire. Parmi les publicistes qui ont le plus fait, hors d'espagne, pour la divulgation des faux du "complot communiste", nous avons mis en relief le role joue par le senateur francais et membre de l'institut, jacques bardoux, qui a ete l'ideologue par excellence de cette imaginaire "conspiration rouge". Nous avons releve ensuite la longue persistance du theme dans l'histoire officielle du regime franquiste, qui n'y renonca qu'en 1967, contrainte et forcee, apres la demonstration presentee par h. R. Southworth. Dans notre dernier chapitre, nous avons remis les faux documents de 1936 dans le contexte de l'epoque de l'espagne de la seconde republique, en exhibant d'autres exemples de faux utilises dans le combat politique a des fins d'intoxication psychologique. Finalement, l'etude detaillee des quatre faux de 1936 nous a permis de faire le depart entre ceux qui servirent avant et apres le 18 juillet et l'un d'entre eux, dont nous avons montre que, contrairement a ce qu'on en a dit, il fut forge apres en vu
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Hillbertz, Rebecka. "Turkiets misslyckade coup d'état - En förklarande enfallsstudie av den strukturella bakgrunden till kuppförsöket i Turkiet 2016." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23810.

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Denna studie syftar till att förklara de strukturella faktorerna till kuppförsöket den 15 juli 2016 i Turkiet. Syftet med studien är att få en förståelse samt förklaring till hur kuppförsöket kunde äga rum och som teoretiskt ramverk används Aron Belkin och Evan Schofers metaanalys av militärkupper samt Tore Wig och Espen Geelmuyden Röds teori om politiska val som faktor till militärkupper. Forskningsdesignen för arbetet har varit en förklarande enfallsstudie där delar av Belkins och Schofers teori applicerats på fallet med syfte att påvisa vilka faktorer som bidrag till kuppförsöket i Turkiet. De strukturella faktorer som använts i studiens analys är externa hot och delaktighet i väpnade konflikter, militärens nationella säkerhetsdoktrin, ekonomisk utveckling och välfärd, civilsamhällets styrka, regimens legitimitet, tidigare militärkupper samt politiska val. Slutsatsen som kan dras efter genomförd analys är att de strukturella faktorer som teorin erbjuder kan förklara kuppförsöket genom att det skett en ökning av våldsanvändning i landet, att militären har en stark ideologisk tro som påverkar deras åsikter och handlande, att inkomstklyftorna och korruptionen i landet ökat, att civilsamhället är försvagat, att tidigare elitgrupperingar anser den sittande regeringen som illegitim, förekomsten av tidigare militärkupper i landet samt förändringen av valresultaten i valen 2015 Även om alla presenterade faktorer i någon utsträckning varit närvarande i Turkiet kan det fastställas att militärens nationella säkerhetstradition och dess lojalitet till den kemalistiska traditionen ger den bästa förklaringen till kuppförsöket i Turkiet 2016.
This study explains the structural factors to the military coup July 15th, 2016 in Turkey. The aim is to get an understanding and explanation to how the coup could take place and as theoretical framework is Aron Belkin and Evan Schofer’s meta-analysis of military coups, together with Tore Wig and Espen Geelmuyden Röd’s theory about political elections as a factor for military coups used. The study is an interpretative case study where parts of Belkin’s and Schofer’s theory have been applied on the case in order to present relevant factors in the military coup. The structural factors that has been used in this study’s analysis are external threats and participation in armed conflicts, the military’s national security doctrine, economic development and welfare, the civil society’s strength, the regimes legitimacy, previous military coups and political elections. The result shows that the factors that the theory presents as general factors to military coups also can explain the coup attempt in Turkey because there has been an increase in the use of violence, that the military have a strong ideological belief that affects their opinions and actions, that the inequality and corruption in the country have increased, that the civil society is debilitated, that previous elite groups sees the current government as illegitimate, that Turkey have had military coups in the past and also the change of election results in the 2015 elections. Even if all the factors, that the theory present, to some extent have been present in Turkey it can be concluded that the military’s national security doctrine and its loyalty to the Kemalist tradition give the best explanation to the coup attempt in July 2016.
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Darrieux, Eric. "Résister en décembre 1851 en Ardèche : essai d’histoire sociale d’une insurrection." Lyon 2, 2007. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2007/darrieux_e.

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En décembre 1851, le président de la République, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte, prolonge son mandat par un coup d’État. Cet événement parisien eût des répercussions dans les campagnes de plusieurs départements de province. Les réactions engendrées par ce coup d’État sont décrites comme « des insurrections pour la République » pour la défense du principe républicain et de la constitution violée à Paris par le président en exercice. La thèse s’intéresse ainsi aux résistants du département de l’Ardèche et s’attache à rechercher les motivations de leur action en adoptant les méthodes de l’histoire sociale fine, résolument centrées sur les acteurs de l’insurrection observés au sein de leur communauté villageoise
In December 1851, following a Coup d’État, French President Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte extended his mandate. This event, which took place in Paris, had repercussion on different rural parts of the province. The way people reacted to this Coup were described as being “Republican Risings” supporting the Republic and its constitution which had been flouted by the President in office. Resorting to the minute methodology used in Social History that concentrates on the actors of these insurrections within their community, in their daily life, this thesis therefore focuses on the resistants in the Ardèche region and on what motivated their actions
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Kanchanasuwon, Wichai 1955. "An Empirical Study of the Causes of Military Coups and the Consequences of Military Rule in the Third World: 1960-1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332197/.

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This study analyzed the causes of military coups and the consequences of military rule in the Third World during the 1960-1985 period. Using a coup d" etat score, including both successful and unsuccessful coups, as a dependent variable and collecting data for 109 developing nations from the World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators, The New York Times Index, and public documents, sixteen hypotheses derived from the literature on the causes of military coups were tested by both simple and multiple regression models for the Third World as a whole, as well as for four regions (Sub-Saharan Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East and North Africa) and in two time periods (1960-1970 and 1971-1985). Similarly, three models of military rule (progressive, Huntington's, and revisionist models) were analyzed to assess the consequences of military rule. The results of the study concerning the causes of military coups suggest four conclusions. First, three independent variables (social mobilization, cultural homogeneity, and dominant ethnic groups in the society) have stabilizing consequences. Second, six independent variables (previous coup experience, social mobilization divided by political institutionalization, length of national independence, economic deterioration, internal war, and military dominance) have destabilizing consequences. Third, multiple regression models for each region are very useful; most models explain more than 50% of the variance in military coups. Fourth, the time period covered is an important factor affecting explanations of the causes of military coups. In the analysis of the consequences of military rule, this study found that military governments did not differ significally from civilian governments in terms of economic, education, health, and social performances. However, the study found that military rule decreased political and civil rights. Its findings are thus very consistent with the best of the literature.
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Cretton, Viviane. "Conflit et médiation à Fidji : "cérémonies du pardon" et enjeux du coup d'Etat de 2000." Paris, EHESS, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005EHES0175.

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Ma thèse analyse l'histoire en train de se faire à Fidji, à partir du coup d'Etat de 2000 et de ses enjeux politiques. Les connextions qui s'établissent entre le politique et l'ethnicité s'articulent au travers de diverses relations de genre, de statut, de parenté, ou de classe sociale, à différentes échelles, locales nationales et interbationales. En reliant les observations particulières et les mises en perspectives historiques, je restitue les multiples déclinaisons politiques de "la tradition" fidjienne - de sa codification pendant la colonisation à sa reconnaissance constitutionnelle. Déconstruire l'idée d'une homogénéité inhérente à la notion de "chefferie", emblème politique de "la tradition" pacifique, autorise simultanément à reconstruire l'hétérogénéité qui caractérise les chefs coutumiers fidjiens dans leur ensemble. Mon analyse de l'ethno-nationalisme fidjien montre que les volontés de distinction politique, sur la plan national, se construisent en interdépendance avec les normes et les valeurs partagées au niveau international
My thesis analyses the making of history in Fiji while reflecting the stakes of the 2000 coup d'Etat. The connections between politics and ethnicity articulate various kind of relationships such as gender, status, kin or social classes, all selected in situ for providing heuristic relevancy at different levels : local, national and international. My analysis links particular observations and historical examinations to restitute the multiple political versions of fijian recognition. Deconstructing the idea of an homogeneous chiefly system to be emblematic of the pacific way enlightens the heterogeneity that defines the fijian chiefs in general. I suggest in the end that ethno-nationalism in Fiji has to be understood as a political distinction that is built up interdependancy between shared norms and values across the national and international levels
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Kiddee, Wissarut. "Le coup d’État en Thaïlande : causes, conséquences et effets juridiques d’une pathologie politique." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018TOU10020.

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Depuis l’abolition de la monarchie absolue en 1932, le royaume a connu des situations politiques variées : les activités « contre-révolutionnaires » des royalistes ; l’arrivée au pouvoir des militaires ; l’émergence de nouvelles classes politiques ; les massacres de civils ; les compromis entre les militaires, les royalistes et les progressistes ; l’incertitude sur l’avenir du royaume et de la couronne... L’échec de la transition démocratique thaïlandaise est expliqué généralement par un argument convenu : l’immaturité de la société thaïlandaise ; la démocratie libérale de type occidental ne serait pas appropriée pour le pays, notamment pour des « pauvres ruraux ignorants » ; l’armée est le seul acteur capable d’encadrer le développement d’une démocratie. Pourtant, cette étude présente une explication alternative ; elle démontre que la vie politique du royaume est déterminée par trois axes du pouvoir : les élites traditionnelles, dont la monarchie, l’armée et la haute fonction publique ; c’est cette situation qui explique l’échec du progrès démocratique. Et le coup d’État est la méthode préférée pour protéger le statu quo ; quant à la constitution thaïlandaise est semblable à une « lettre morte » ou à un « instrument de la politique au quotidien » ; elle ne représente plus la norme suprême qui exprime l’idéologie politique du pays ; au contraire, elle est utilisée non seulement pour légitimer a posteriori un coup d’État, mais également pour défendre la domination politique des groupes dominants. Nous pouvons donc conclure que le coup d’État thaïlandais est déclenché par l’armée royale avec l’appui de la monarchie et son réseau de conseillers ; puis, il est justifié par le roi et le judiciaire, en assurant l’impunité de ses auteurs par les lois et la constitution
Since the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932, the kingdom has experienced the various political situations: the ‘counter-revolution’ of the royalists, the dictatorial regime, the emergence of the new middle classes, the massacres of civilians, the political compromise, the uncertainty about the future of the kingdom and the crown… The failure of a transition to democracy is usually explained by the usual arguments: the political immaturity of Thai society, the ‘Western-style liberal democracy’ would not be appropriate for the country especially for ‘the ignorant masses’, the army is the only actor, who capable to promote democracy. However, this study presents an alternative explanation. It demonstrates that the political life of the kingdom is determined by three axes of power: traditional elites, including the monarchy, the army and the senior civil servant. It is this situation that explains the failure of the democratic process. And the coup is the traditional method to protect their status quo. As for the constitution, it is similar to a ‘dead letter’ or an ‘instrument of everyday politics’. It isn’t represented as supreme norm that expresses the country’s political ideology. On the contrary, it is used not only to legitimize a coup, but also to defend the political domination of the traditional elites. We can conclude that the Thai coups are triggered by the royal army with the support of the monarchy. Then, justified by the king and the judiciary, and assuring the impunity by the laws and the constitutions
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Books on the topic "Coup d'état"

1

Désinor, Carlo A. De coup d'état en coup d'état. [Port-au-Prince] Haïti: [s.n., 1988.

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Hughes, Gerard. Coup d'état a Philadelphie? Aix-en-Provence: Publications/Diffusion Université de Provence, 1989.

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Patricia, Aburdene, ed. Coup d'état dans l'entreprise. Paris: InterÉditions, 1986.

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Villiers, Gérard de. Coup d'État au Yémen. [Paris]: Plon, 1986.

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Samuel, Asare Konadu. The coup makers. Accra: S.A. Konadu, 1994.

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Luttwak, Edward. Coup d'état, mode d'emploi. Paris: O. Jacob, 1996.

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Temel, Ömer. Darbe bibliyografyası: Bibliography of coup d'état. İstanbul: Lale Yayıncılık, 2020.

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Richer. Le coup d'état capétien, 888-997. Clermont-Ferrand: Paléo, 2002.

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Agulhon, Maurice. Coup d'état et République. Paris: Presses de Sciences po, 1997.

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10

Désinor, Carlo A. De coup d'état en coup d'état. [Port-au-Prince] Haïti: [s.n., 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Coup d'état"

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Bin, Daniel. "A Dispossessing Legislative Coup d'État." In Capitalist Dispossessions, 109–37. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032645971-6.

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Hira, Sandew. "Class Formation and Class Struggle in Suriname: the Background and Development of the Coup d'État." In Crisis in the Caribbean, 166–90. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032703480-8.

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Varsori, Antonio. "Italy and the Greek military regime from the 1967 coup d'état to the fall of the dictatorship." In The Greek Junta and the International System, 48–57. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2020. | Series: Cold War history: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429438691-6.

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Cobbett, Elizabeth. "Beyond ‘capture’, the Gupta coup d'état of the South African state: a historic repeat of state, finance, and global capitalism dynamics?" In Capitalism and Economic Crime in Africa, 182–86. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034162-12.

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Kruiper, Thomas. "Coups d'état and Selective UN Sanctions." In United Nations Sanctions Regimes and Selective Security, 154–76. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003457695-8.

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"Coup d'état." In The Making of Portuguese Democracy, 45–65. Cambridge University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511582752.005.

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"List of Figures." In Coup d'État, ix—x. Harvard University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674969674-001.

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"List of Tables." In Coup d'État, xi—xii. Harvard University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674969674-002.

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"Acknowledgment." In Coup d'État, xiii—xiv. Harvard University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674969674-003.

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"Preface to the First Edition." In Coup d'État, xxxi—xxxii. Harvard University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674969674-004.

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