Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Coups d’État'

This study develops a leader-centric theory of civil-military relations that expands upon three broad areas of research. Specifically, the study suggests that leaders will evaluate multiple threats to their political survival and will ultimately implement strategy that is most likely to keep them in power. While Downs (1957) has noted such a tendency in democracies, this study expands this rationale to authoritarian regimes by focusing on the primary means of authoritarian removal: the military coup. In contrast to the state-centric nature of traditional international relations theory, this dissertation finds that leaders frequently undermine the power of the state in order to accomplish the self-interested goal of political survival. First, the study carefully describes a number of coup-proofing strategies that leaders can implement. These are broadly defined in terms of influencing either the military’s willingness or its ability to attempt a coup. In addition to testing the effectiveness of these strategies, this study also theoretically explores the implications of coup-proofing for other political development of the state: interstate and intrastate conflict. Second, the study considers the influence of coup-proofing on interstate conflict. This study builds on the diversionary literature by investing coup risk as an incentive to use diversionary tactics as well as coup-proofing as a potential disincentive. The latter can both undermine the necessity of diversion as well as military capabilities, making leaders less capable of utilizing international conflict as a political tool. Third, the dissertation considers the influence of coup-proofing on intrastate conflict. The theory argues that the capability-reducing practice of coup-proofing can have important domestic consequences. Specifically, the practice can increase the mobilizational potential of would-be insurgents, can reduce the mobilizational capacity of the state, and leaders that are particularly fearful of a coup will likely tolerate the rise of an insurgency.

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée
In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value

Depuis l’abolition de la monarchie absolue en 1932, le royaume a connu des situations politiques variées : les activités « contre-révolutionnaires » des royalistes ; l’arrivée au pouvoir des militaires ; l’émergence de nouvelles classes politiques ; les massacres de civils ; les compromis entre les militaires, les royalistes et les progressistes ; l’incertitude sur l’avenir du royaume et de la couronne... L’échec de la transition démocratique thaïlandaise est expliqué généralement par un argument convenu : l’immaturité de la société thaïlandaise ; la démocratie libérale de type occidental ne serait pas appropriée pour le pays, notamment pour des « pauvres ruraux ignorants » ; l’armée est le seul acteur capable d’encadrer le développement d’une démocratie. Pourtant, cette étude présente une explication alternative ; elle démontre que la vie politique du royaume est déterminée par trois axes du pouvoir : les élites traditionnelles, dont la monarchie, l’armée et la haute fonction publique ; c’est cette situation qui explique l’échec du progrès démocratique. Et le coup d’État est la méthode préférée pour protéger le statu quo ; quant à la constitution thaïlandaise est semblable à une « lettre morte » ou à un « instrument de la politique au quotidien » ; elle ne représente plus la norme suprême qui exprime l’idéologie politique du pays ; au contraire, elle est utilisée non seulement pour légitimer a posteriori un coup d’État, mais également pour défendre la domination politique des groupes dominants. Nous pouvons donc conclure que le coup d’État thaïlandais est déclenché par l’armée royale avec l’appui de la monarchie et son réseau de conseillers ; puis, il est justifié par le roi et le judiciaire, en assurant l’impunité de ses auteurs par les lois et la constitution
Since the abolition of absolute monarchy in 1932, the kingdom has experienced the various political situations: the ‘counter-revolution’ of the royalists, the dictatorial regime, the emergence of the new middle classes, the massacres of civilians, the political compromise, the uncertainty about the future of the kingdom and the crown… The failure of a transition to democracy is usually explained by the usual arguments: the political immaturity of Thai society, the ‘Western-style liberal democracy’ would not be appropriate for the country especially for ‘the ignorant masses’, the army is the only actor, who capable to promote democracy. However, this study presents an alternative explanation. It demonstrates that the political life of the kingdom is determined by three axes of power: traditional elites, including the monarchy, the army and the senior civil servant. It is this situation that explains the failure of the democratic process. And the coup is the traditional method to protect their status quo. As for the constitution, it is similar to a ‘dead letter’ or an ‘instrument of everyday politics’. It isn’t represented as supreme norm that expresses the country’s political ideology. On the contrary, it is used not only to legitimize a coup, but also to defend the political domination of the traditional elites. We can conclude that the Thai coups are triggered by the royal army with the support of the monarchy. Then, justified by the king and the judiciary, and assuring the impunity by the laws and the constitutions

Depuis les indépendances, les régimes politiques africains sont demeurés très instables, du fait de la militarisation de ces régimes et des accessions illégales et illégitimes au pouvoir politique. Mais les transitions démocratiques de 1990 ont amorcé un constitutionnalisme nouveau marqué par l’adhésion à la démocratie pluraliste et à l’État de droit. Cependant le coup d'État persiste à être un procédé privilégié d'accession au pouvoir. Cette situation ne saurait laisser indifférent le chercheur. On peut s’interroger sur l’approche que le droit public réserve à la notion de coup d’État
Since independence, African political regimes have remained very volatile, because of militarization of these political regimes, and also illegal and illegitimate accession to political power. But the democratic transitions of 1990 introduced a new constitutionalism with democracy and rule of law. However, the coup d'etat persists in being a privileged way of accession to political power. This situation should interest searchers. We might ask how public law pprehends the concept of a coup d'état

This research, affirms that some mechanisms of the transitional justice approaches can be applicable to SIDS conflict; particularly structural conflicts. The fourth principle of the Joinet/Orentlicher Principles of ‘Dealing with the Past’; the right to non-occurrence of conflict, was utilised as a conceptual framework to research the case of Fiji, as it addresses military and institution reforms; both of which are problematic area in Fiji. Focus groups interviews, semi-structured questionnaires and key informant interviews were used to collect data. The overall research question was: ‘How can transitional justice strategies address conflicts that are distinctive to Small Island developing states?’, and the more specific questions related to amnesty, military reform and prevention of coup d’états in the future. The thesis confirms that many respondents and key informants regard amnesty for coups d’état negatively and unjust. A number of key informants also think that amnesty is bad as it sends the wrong signals to the coup perpetrators and to future generations. Respondents felt strongly (78%) that the coup perpetrators should be held accountable as coups are illegal, but they also acknowledged that the military is too strong and praetorian at this stage in Fiji to be held accountable. Findings also indicate that there were mixed views on military reform. A number of other important reforms were also suggested by the respondents to prevent the reoccurrence of coups in Fiji. These include; education to foster a national identity, and reforms to the rule of law as well as to the judiciary. This thesis concludes that transitional justice mechanisms would be applicable to small island developing states but it would need to be tailored to the country’s specific needs. Additionally, if we are to ensure that another coup does not occur in the future, Fiji has to carry out military reform and revive discussions on amnesty, or such discussions will be driven underground and may fester into future conflicts.

Au cours du IIIe siècle, l’Empire romain est confronté aux attaques militaires de ses voisins aux niveaux de sa frontière orientale et occidentale. Ces attaques parfois simultanées engendrent une instabilité du pouvoir impérial, caractérisée par la multiplication de coups d’État. L’objectif de cette étude était d’analyser ce phénomène politique de 235 à 284. Les questions essentielles de l’analyse étaient : Qu’est-ce qu’un coup d’État dans le contexte politique de l’Empire romain ? Comment se présente le coup d’État au cours de la période concernée et quels sont ses conséquences dans l’Empire. Ainsi, nous avons démontré à travers une analyse théorique que le phénomène de coup d’État n’est pas spécifique au IIIe siècle de l’Empire mais qu’il est consubstantiel au régime impérial. Après, cette démonstration, nous avons analysé chaque coup d’État et mis en relief leur augmentation avec l’intensification des attaques des ennemis de l’Empire. Pour chaque coup d’État était présenté, le contexte de sa proclamation, son déroulement et l’analyse politique qu’on pouvait en faire. Au terme de toute cette analyse, nous avons présenté les conséquences de ce phénomène politique tant sur la structure politique et militaire mais aussi sur la vie économique, sociale et administrative de l’Empire
During the third century, the Roman Empire is faced with military attacks from its neighbors at its eastern and western borders. These simultaneous attacks generate instability for the imperial power, characterized by the increase of political coups. The objective of this study was to analyze this political phenomenon from 235 to 284. Critical analysis questions were: What is a coup in the political context of the Roman Empire? What is the process of a coup during the relevant period and what are its consequences for the Empire? We have shown through a theoretical analysis that the phenomenon of coups is not specific to the third century of the Empire, but it is consubstantial to the roman imperial regime. After this, we have analyzed each coup and highlighted the increase of their occurrence with the intensification of attacks by Rome’s enemies. For each coup analyzed, the context of its proclamation, its development and the political analysis was given. We have presented the consequences of this political phenomenon on both political and military structure and also on the economic and administrative life of the Empire

L'étude du·changement d ' état liquide-solide d'une solution aqueuse d'iodure de potassium et d ' une solution organique d e 1,2 e. T 1 4 chloronitrobenzène retenues au sein de corps poreux réalisée à l 'aide de la technique de calorimétrie différentielle à balayage. Selon la procédure expérimentale mise en œuvre lors du refroidissement, les solutions dont la division est réalisée par imprégnation de corps poreux de texture connue peuvent présenter : - soit un comportement métastable : la rupture de métastabilité entraîne une solidification avec retard du mélange situé à l'extérieur des pore s et du condensat capillaire. - soit une cristallisation à l 'équilibre : la succession des transformations observées indique que la solution dans les pores évolue toujours vers la composition eutectique. La migration, dans son intégralité , du constituant en défaut dans les pores lors du refroidissement, constitue un moyen de maîtriser la composition du condensat capillaire lorsqu'il commence à cristalliser. I l a été ainsi possible d'établir le diagramme de phase des deux mélanges considérés, et retenus dans les plus gros pores de corps poreux donnés. Les courbes d'équilibre obtenues, sont d'allure identique à celles des solutions non divisées et d'autant plus abaissées que la division du condensat capillaire est plus importante
Liquid-solid phase changes of potassium-iodide aqueous solutions and 1,2-1,4 chloronitrobenzol solutions, held inside porous materials, have been studied by using a differential scanning calorimetry technique. Capillary phenomena allow the solutions to fill completely porous material whose pore size distribution is narrow and well known. According to the experimental process used, during a continuous cooling, the solution outside and inside the pores becomes or not a metastable liquid. So crystallisation results from a metastability breakdown or occurs in equilibrium conditions : in this last case, the solution evolves towards the eutectic one as the temperature is lowered. When the whole porous volume cannot be filled with an eutectic solution, the component whose amount is too small with respect to an eutectic solution, migrates entitely inside. The pores. By varying the amount and composition of initial solution, the composition of the capillary condensate which crystallizes inside the largest pores of a given porous material can be adjusted. So it is possible to determine the phase diagram of divided solution under study. Equilibrium curves of divided solutions are similar to those of bulk binary systems. They are all the more shifted towards lower temperatures as the capillary condensate is finely divided

Cette thèse se situe à la rencontre des Études sur les sciences et des théories biopolitiques. Elle porte sur les relations de savoir et de pouvoir qui animent la bioéthique. Ce champ est saisi comme étant des espaces et temps de négociation de risques d’ordre juridique, social et moral de développements techno-scientifiques. Alors, cette recherche s’intéresse à cette évaluation de possibilités et pratiques biomédicales relevant de donner ou prendre la vie, des organes, des embryons humains, des informations génétiques, du sang ou des cellules. Le Comité de bioéthique du Conseil de l’Europe, le Comité consultatif national d’éthique pour les sciences de la vie et de la santé et les Espaces de réflexion éthique régionaux sont les trois nœuds étudiés. L’institutionnalisation des jugements de valeurs qu’ils permettent de constater est faite d’une circulation multi-scalaire d’experts qui concentre productions et normatisations. Cette circulation forme une communauté épistémique bioéthique, universitaire et administrative. Dans ce mode de gouvernement, les validations professionnelles se confrontent à leurs propres narrations et tentatives de participation élargie à la fabrique bioéthique. En effet, Consultations, États Généraux, Conférences de citoyens et Débats publics essentiellement confirment les accréditations et configurations académiques et régulatrices. De propositions successives de compréhension, l’analyse invite à penser la bioéthique comme étant un domaine scientifique d’Études morales des sciences et techniques. C’est, en outre, cette identification même qui contraste la bureaucratisation de la vertu. C’est disciplinariser des savoirs sur la morale des corps humains biomédicaux qui s’oppose à l’intervention de discipliner individus et populations
This thesis sits at an intersection of Sciences Studies and Bio-political theories. It concerns the knowledge and power relations that shape Bioethics. This field is considered as spaces and times of negotiation of legal, social and moral risks associated with techno-scientific developments. Hence, the research interest is this evaluation of the biomedical possibilities and practices of giving or taking life, bodies, organs, human embryos, genetic information, blood or cells. The Council of Europe’s Bioethics Committee, the National Consultative Ethics Committee on Life and Health Sciences and the Espaces de réflexion éthique (Regional Offices for Ethics) are the three knots studied. The institutionnalisation of value judgments these reveal lies on a multi-scalar circulation of experts that concentrates productions and normatisations. This circulation shapes a university- and administration-based bioethical epistemic community. In this mode of government, professional validations are confronted with their own narratives and initiatives of broader participation in Bioethics making. Indeed, consultations, États Généraux, citizens’ conferences and public debates essentially confirm academic and regulatory accreditations and configurations. From successive propositions of comprehension, the analysis invites consideration of Bioethics as a scientific field of Moral Studies of Sciences and Technology. Moreover, it is this identification that contrasts the bureaucratization of virtue. It is disciplinarizing knowledge on biomedical human bodies’ morality that is an opposition to the intervention of disciplining individuals and populations

This thesis deconstructs the bases of enduring Francoist myth that General Queipo de Llano heroically conquered Seville with a handful of soldiers. Having established the full ramifications of that conquest, it goes on to assess the political, social, economic and cultural implications of the Spanish Civil War in Seville, the largest urban centre to fall to the military rebels at the beginning of the conflict. Chapter I examines the nature and infrastructure of the military conspiracy against the democratic Republic developed in response to the Popular Front electoral victory of February 1936. Chapter II scrutinises the career of General Queipo, in particular his metamorphosis from a marginal figure in the conspiracy into a rebel secular saint. Chapter III dismantles the legend that Queipo directed a small group of soldiers that miraculously conquered Seville and examines how the myth was exploited to legitimise political repression. Chapter IV demonstrates how the bloody pacification of Seville by nearer to 6,000 men exemplified the conspirators’ determination to eliminate the Republic by extreme violence. It shows how the use of the most brutal methods of colonial war was employed against civilians all over rebel-controlled territory. Chapter V analyses the painful transition from insurrection to civil war from a novel perspective: fundraising campaigns. It quantifies the devastating consequences of Nationalist economic repression. Finally, Chapter VI demystifies the legend of a Catholic Church persecuted by a ‘Judeo-Masonic’ conspiracy. It concludes that anticlericalism was a popular form of protest that pre-dated the establishment of the II Republic by analysing/quantifying patterns of religiosity, revealing that only 1.44% of the local population regularly attended Church in 1930s Seville; and investigating the development of the Catholic Church into the main cultural institution in Nationalist Spain that sanctified the transformation of myth into History.

In 2009, Honduras was affected by a military coup, where the former president Manuel Zelaya was deposed. The coup was supported by the National Congress and the Supreme Court, with the arguments that the action was a necessary act for defending and maintaining the democracy in the country. It is therefore interesting to see what type of regime that has emerged afterwards. The study is analysed by Robert Dahl´s theory about polyarchy and Joakim Ekman´s theory about hybrid regimes since Honduras shows tendencies towards both types of regimes in the present state. The study has three different perspectives regarding the empirical data to obtain a comprehensive picture as possible of what kind of regime that Honduras is considered to be today. The material consists of the national constitution to get a glimpse of the formal aspects of the political shape in the country as well as reports provided by international organizations to get the view from the outside world but the primary material is from interviews with people determined important by the positions in the Honduran civil society. The results display that Honduras has significant democratic elements; free elections and a constitution that recognizes the basic liberties, which according to Dahl meets up with the criteria of a democratic polyarchy. However, the lack of accountability for government institutions, corruption and violations against freedom of speech - where the most affected groups are journalists, human right defenders and indigenous people, indicates that Honduras have more similarities to that what Joakim Ekman refers to as a hybrid regime.

The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the process of democratic consolidation in Thailand between 1997-2006.  The country’s consolidation of democracy has been hampered by continuous cycle of coup d’états which throughout history have halted the overall process of democratization. The coup of 2006 is one example of those instances where the democratic consolidation process was interrupted.   The method used to examine the years of 1997-2006 was theory consuming by qualitative text analysis where the data used to assess the situation was qualitative. The theory of democratic consolidation was offered by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan. The theory’s prerequisites were applied to examine the case study of Thailand. The theory chosen were hoped to give a plausible explanation for the failure of democratic consolidation in the case of Thailand. It was also hoped that it could assess the overall quality of Thai democracy and possibly give a better insight in why military coups seem to be a reoccurring phenomenon in the case of Thailand.

Democracies worldwide are facing a third wave of autocratization, in which a new model tactic has emerged to end democracies. During previous waves coup d’état have been the main reason why democracies breakdown. However, they do still occur during the third wave of autocratization, but previous research has focused on theoretically develop the reasons for why coups occur through focusing on the military and specific regions. In addition, various definitions exist regarding coup d’état, and as a result, its definition has become fragmented, which has had real-life implications. The Capitol Insurrection that occurred in the United States on January 6th, 2021, introduced an unprecedented attack on one of the world’s most prominent and noticeable democracies, intending to overturn the 2020 Presidential Election. The Capitol Insurrection has been defined as a domestic terrorist attack and, thus, not an attempted takeover. Therefore, this thesis aims to analyze the concept of coup d´état to develop the understanding of takeover attempts in democracies. In addition, it aspires to theoretically develop the concept of takeovers in democracies through applying a multiple-case design consisting of three cases that have been defined as coups and three cases that follow the new tactic used in the third wave of autocratization. The thesis summarizes the previous definitions and explanations regarding takeovers and applies that to analyze how and what characterized the six cases. In addition, the findings of the six cases are compared to the previous definitions to analyze what speaks for and against a broadened definition of a takeover. The analysis of this thesis finds and argues for that there is a need to redefine the model tactic during the third wave of autocratization to a type of takeover performed by the chief executive and political elites, in other words, performed by the government for government.

Tenue en partie pour responsable de l’état d’anarchie et de quasi-guerre civile durant la période précédant l’intervention militaire, l’Université compte parmi les institutions que les militaires se sont efforcés remodeler après le coup d’état du 12 septembre 1980. Mise sous contrôle et constamment surveillée dans le cadre d’une nouvelle loi universitaire adoptée en 1981, durant le régime militaire qui court de 1980 à 1983, l’Université en Turquie fait l’objet d’une violente répression et d’une forte purge qui frappe nombre d’établissements de l’enseignement supérieur. Ce travail se propose d’étudier sous ses différents aspects, la purge universitaire survenue au lendemain du coup d’état militaire avec des conséquences qui ont transformé à tout jamais la vie universitaire et scientifique dans l’ensemble du pays. Les conséquences de cette intervention au niveau des universités seront présentées non seulement en ce qui concerne les universités et leur production scientifique après la purge, mais aussi en s’appuyant sur l’analyse des activités des enseignants exclus dans le domaine des sciences humaines et tout particulièrement dans celui des sciences sociales, l’un des domaines scientifiques le plus affecté par l’intervention. À la lumière de différentes sources, la thèse tâchera à démontrer comment d’une part l’institution universitaire après la purge et sous la nouvelle loi de l’enseignement supérieur issue du régime militaire perd de sa légitimité scientifique, de son hégémonie en tant qu’instance principale dans la production scientifique aux yeux d’une grande partie de l’opinion publique dans la décennie 1980, et comment d’autre part les activités scientifiques d’anciens universitaires sur le marché du savoir gagnent en légitimité, concurrencent la production scientifique des universités en matière de sciences sociales et humaines, et établissent pas à pas un milieu de production scientifique alternatif et autonome
Held among the perpetrators for the state of anarchy and quasi-civil war during the period preceding the intervention, the university was one of the institutions that the military tried to remodel after the coup d'état of September 12, 1980. Put under control and constantly monitored under a new university law adopted in 1981 and implemented during the military regime from 1980 to 1983, the University in Turkey was the subject of practices of repression and purge which many institutions of higher education suffered. This work proposes to study in its various aspects, the university purge that occurred in the aftermath of the military coup and its consequences which forever changed the university and scientific life in the country. The consequences of the intervention will be presented not only via higher education institutions and post-purge scientific production, but also through the analysis of the activities of excluded academics in humanities and especially in the social sciences, one of the scientific fields most affected by the intervention. In the light of various sources, the thesis will try to demonstrate how on the one hand the university institution after the purge and under the new law of higher education resulting from the military regime lost its scientific legitimacy, its hegemony as a main authority in scientific production in the eyes of a large part of public opinion in the 1980s, and on the other hand how the scientific activities of former academics on the market gained legitimacy, competed with the scientific output of universities in the social sciences and humanities , and gradually constituted an alternative scientific environment

Orientador: Rafael Salatini Almeida
Resumo: Onze anos de guerra (1963/1973-1974) deixaram marcas indeléveis nos povos africano das colônias portuguesas, em particular de Guiné-Bissau e de Cabo Verde, marcas de quinhentos anos de feroz dominação de colonialistas e imperialismo português, que deixaram como herança países fragmentados e politicamente instáveis, enfraquecidos por conflitos internos. Assim, a presente dissertação procura entender o processo de movimento emancipatória contra o império português para a independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo-Verde, e esclarecer algumas dúvidas obscurecidas e distorcidas sobre reais fracassos, limitações e avanços do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), após a conquista das independências que permitiram emancipação de movimento reajustador de 14 de novembro, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado de 1980. Entender elementos de fragilidade do sistema político de Guiné-Bissau, que permitiram a ruptura democrática de 14 de novembro de 1980, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado que depôs o primeiro presidente da república democraticamente eleito, bem como analisar o governo posterior do presidente João Bernardo Nino Vieira. Nesse sentido, a estratégia metodológica selecionada para aproximar-se do real foi o estudo documental e bibliográfico, isto é, a pesquisa em livros, teses, dissertações, e jornais etc., que apresentam características relevantes do ponto de vista teórico e empírico para o tema. A conclusão que chegamos alimentam a tese de que o fato d... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Eleven years of war (1963/1973-1974) left indelible marks on the African peoples of the Portuguese colonies, in particular Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, marks of five hundred years of ferocious domination of colonialists and Portuguese imperialism, that left as inheritance countries fragmented and politically unstable, weakened by internal conflicts. Thus, this dissertation seeks to understand the process of emancipatory movement against the Portuguese empire for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and to clarify some obscured and distorted doubts about the real failures, limitations and advances of the African Party of Guinean Independence and Cape Verde (PAIGC), after the conquest of independence that allowed the emancipation of the readjustment movement of November 14, and consequently the coup d’État of 1980. Understand elements of fragility of the political system of Guinea-Bissau, which allowed the democratic rupture of November 14, 1980, and, consequently, the coup d’État that deposed the first president of the democratically elected republic, as well as analyze the subsequent government of President João Bernardo Nino Vieira. In this sense, the methodological strategy selected to approximate the real was the documentary and bibliographic study, that is, the research in books, theses, dissertations, etc., which present relevant theoretical and empirical characteristics for the subject. Our conclusion is that the fact that the transition and consolidation ... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Onze anos de guerra (1963/1973-1974) deixaram marcas indeléveis nos povos africano das colônias portuguesas, em particular de Guiné-Bissau e de Cabo Verde, marcas de quinhentos anos de feroz dominação de colonialistas e imperialismo português, que deixaram como herança países fragmentados e politicamente instáveis, enfraquecidos por conflitos internos. Assim, a presente dissertação procura entender o processo de movimento emancipatória contra o império português para a independência de Guiné-Bissau e Cabo-Verde, e esclarecer algumas dúvidas obscurecidas e distorcidas sobre reais fracassos, limitações e avanços do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), após a conquista das independências que permitiram emancipação de movimento reajustador de 14 de novembro, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado de 1980. Entender elementos de fragilidade do sistema político de Guiné-Bissau, que permitiram a ruptura democrática de 14 de novembro de 1980, e, consequentemente, o golpe de Estado que depôs o primeiro presidente da república democraticamente eleito, bem como analisar o governo posterior do presidente João Bernardo Nino Vieira. Nesse sentido, a estratégia metodológica selecionada para aproximar-se do real foi o estudo documental e bibliográfico, isto é, a pesquisa em livros, teses, dissertações, e jornais etc., que apresentam características relevantes do ponto de vista teórico e empírico para o tema. A conclusão que chegamos alimentam a tese de que o fato de a transição e consolidação da democrática em Guiné-Bissau terem partido de base de regime militar contribuiu para que houvesse poderosa contradições entre o regime, tanto da primeira como da segunda república, variável que por si só pode oferecer razões para tantos golpes de Estados, e o fracasso na consolidação da democracia em Guiné-Bissau. Acreditamos, contudo, que outros fatores não diretamente relacionado a essa variável ajudam igualmente a explicar as tentativas e os golpes dos anos posteriores.
Eleven years of war (1963/1973-1974) left indelible marks on the African peoples of the Portuguese colonies, in particular Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, marks of five hundred years of ferocious domination of colonialists and Portuguese imperialism, that left as inheritance countries fragmented and politically unstable, weakened by internal conflicts. Thus, this dissertation seeks to understand the process of emancipatory movement against the Portuguese empire for the independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, and to clarify some obscured and distorted doubts about the real failures, limitations and advances of the African Party of Guinean Independence and Cape Verde (PAIGC), after the conquest of independence that allowed the emancipation of the readjustment movement of November 14, and consequently the coup d’État of 1980. Understand elements of fragility of the political system of Guinea-Bissau, which allowed the democratic rupture of November 14, 1980, and, consequently, the coup d’État that deposed the first president of the democratically elected republic, as well as analyze the subsequent government of President João Bernardo Nino Vieira. In this sense, the methodological strategy selected to approximate the real was the documentary and bibliographic study, that is, the research in books, theses, dissertations, etc., which present relevant theoretical and empirical characteristics for the subject. Our conclusion is that the fact that the transition and consolidation of democracy in Guinea-Bissau started from a military regime has contributed to the existence of powerful contradictions between the regime of both the first and second republics, it can only offer reasons for so many coups, and the failure to consolidate democracy in Guinea-Bissau. We believe, however, that other factors not directly related to this variable also help explain the attempts and the blows of later years.

The objective of this dissertation is to understand how social-political conservative and liberal movements worked in the construction and consolidation of Coup d’État Civilian- Military of 1964, from his performance on the hegemonic, political and political-institutional fields in Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. With this this objective, the first chapter treats the themes referencing to anticomunism, the Cold War and the ideological clashes that arose from this context that produced a growing polarization in the Brazilian political forces. The ideological glue that unifies the conservative forces, despite their multiplicity, in coping the project of the anti-reformists, has on the Catholic Church and the Press its main vehicle of transmission. In the second chapter, the subject is the political vanguard of the conservative segment of civil society organizations, in particular the self-labeled as producing classes, both in its urban extent, through FIERGS and FEDERASUL, and the rural, with FARSUL. In the third chapter we study the performance of the institutional and political liberals and conservatives forces to support and legitimize the Coup d’État Civilian-Military of 1964, through political parties as PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP and PL, their partisan front, the ADP, and factor decisive in triggering the coup, the government Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental for the success civilian-military coup in Rio Grande do Sul. On this dissertation, we try to demonstrate in practice how socialpolitical liberal and conservative movements work in building and sustaining the Coup ‘État, from its political action in the ideological field, on public opinion and at the political institutions. If we think of it as a preemptive strike, because it is an action triggered against the rise of social movements' struggles and nationalist politicians and reformers and their programs, it is important to highlight that, dialectically, we think about a social-political movement that brings together wide liberals and conservatives sectors on behalf of a project based on the formulations of the National Security and Development Doctrine. The takeover is only possible because of this work arduously growth, which allowed much of the Brazilian society to accept, back in 1964, the project of authoritarian development.
O objetivo dessa dissertação é compreender como os movimentos sociais e políticos conservadores e liberais atuaram na construção e consolidação do Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, a partir de sua atuação no campo hegemônico, político e, político-institucional no Rio Grande do Sul. Com este objetivo, o capítulo um trata dos temas referentes ao anticomunismo, à Guerra Fria e os embates ideológicos advindos desse contexto que produziu uma polarização crescente nas forças políticas brasileiras. O cimento ideológico que unifica as forças conservadoras, apesar de sua multiplicidade, no enfrentamento aos projetos reformistas é o anticomunismo, tendo na Igreja Católica e na Imprensa seus principais veículos de transmissão. No segundo capítulo, o objeto é a vanguarda política do segmento conservador da sociedade civil organizada, em especial, as auto identificadas como classes produtoras, tanto em sua dimensão urbana, através da FIERGS e da FEDERASUL, quanto a rural, com a FARSUL. No terceiro capítulo estudamos a atuação política institucional das forças liberais e conservadores, para apoiar e legitimar o Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964, através dos partidos políticos, PSD, UDN, PDC, PRP e PL, sua frente partidária, a ADP, e o fator decisivo na deflagração do Golpe de Estado, o governo Ildo Meneguetti, fundamental para o sucesso do Golpe civil-militar no Rio Grande do Sul. Nesta dissertação tentamos demonstrar, como os movimentos sociais e políticos liberais e conservadores atuam na construção e sustentação do Golpe, a partir da sua atuação política no campo das ideias, da opinião pública e no plano político institucional. Se podemos pensá-lo como um golpe preventivo, pois, tratase de uma ação deflagrada contra a ascensão das lutas dos movimentos sociais e políticos nacionalistas e reformistas e seu programa, é importante destacar que, dialeticamente, trata-se de um movimento sócio-político que aglutina amplos setores liberais e conservadores em nome de um projeto baseado nas formulações da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e Desenvolvimento. Resultado de um intenso trabalho conspiratório e de conquista da hegemonia política para efetivação do programa de crescimento econômico e modernização autoritária. A tomada de poder somente é possível porque este trabalho, arduamente desenvolvido, permitiu que boa parte da sociedade brasileira aceitasse, naqueles idos de 1964, o projeto de desenvolvimento autoritário.

Cette thèse porte sur l’opinion publique et la démocratie. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux Guatémaltèques et à leur faible propension à appuyer la démocratie et certains des principes associés à celle-ci. Entre des explications qui associent ce comportement à un artéfact et à une culture autoritaire, des éléments contextuels et d’importantes nuances prévalent. Ce travail montre qu’il est nécessaire de traiter l’appui à la démocratie comme un objet multiface et malléable. En puisant dans les théories des perspectives et des bifurcations, un instrument d’analyse est élaboré sous le libellé de « temps court de l’appui à la démocratie ». Ce dernier nous permet de comprendre pourquoi, en période de crise politique, les points de vue sur la démocratie sont susceptibles d’évoluer. Sensibles aux circonstances extraordinaires, les opinions peuvent aussi, dans des périodes plus calmes, connaître une certaine stabilité. Les théories de l’ambivalence permettent d’élaborer un deuxième instrument, le « temps long de l’appui à la démocratie », qui aide à expliquer pourquoi les sondés offrent souvent des réponses « contradictoires » en matière de droits et de libertés. Aussi ambivalents que les autres Centraméricains, les Guatémaltèques se démarquent cependant par une forte tendance à esquiver les questions de sondage, à s’opposer aux droits des gens qui critiquent le gouvernement et à évaluer négativement le travail des institutions. Ces caractéristiques mettent en lumière des tensions entre les demandes et l’évaluation de l’offre en démocratie que font les citoyens. Cette thèse débute en étudiant les dimensions de la culture politique guatémaltèque et en proposant une typologie des indicateurs employés dans les grandes enquêtes internationales
This thesis deals with public opinion and democracy. It mainly focuses on Guatemalans and on their weak propensity to support democracy and some of its dimensions. Between explanations that tie this behaviour to an artifact and to a culture of authoritarianism, contextual factors and important nuances can be found. We thus argue that it is advisable to deal with support for democracy as a multifaceted and malleable object. Drawing from perspectives and bifurcation theories, we develop an analytical instrument that we refer to as the "short-run of support for democracy". The latter allows us to understand why and how, in times of crisis, citizens’ viewpoints on democracy can easily become volatile. The fact that opinions are sensitive to extraordinary circumstances does not prevent them, under usual circumstances, from being relatively stable. Building on theories on ambivalence, we elaborate another instrument, the "long-run of support for democracy", which allows us to explain why survey respondents often give "contradictory" answers to questions dealing with rights and freedoms. While as ambivalent as other Central Americans, Guatemalans stand apart for their likelihood to avoid certain survey questions, to prefer limiting the rights of people who criticize the government, and to be particularly distrustful of state institutions. As background to those opinions and other paradoxical attitudes, we highlight existing tensions between citizens’ demands and their evaluation of the offer in democracy. This thesis first examines the various dimensions of the Guatemalan political culture and proposes a typology of indicators used in international barometer surveys

Ce travail de recherche porte sur le processus historique ayant abouti à la formation de l’État libyen et de la nation libyenne. Tout au long de cette étude, nous nous sommes efforcés de dévoiler, entre autres choses, les rouages de ce processus de construction, et pour ce faire, avons analysé les grandes étapes s’étant déroulées entre 1911 et 2011. Dans ce cadre, notre attention s’est portée notamment sur les processus de construction de l’identité libyenne, ainsi que sur les mouvements de constitution d’organisations politiques et d’institutions étatiques. De même, cette thèse a-t-elle tenté de présenter les différents régimes politiques et les différents modes d’organisation du pouvoir politique ayant été mis en place durant la période indiquée, en accordant une place à l’étude du rôle joué par les groupes tribaux ainsi qu’à celle des différents dirigeants s’étant succédé à la tête de la Libye. Par ailleurs, un autre objectif de notre recherche a été de présenter le contexte politique, économique, social (que ce soit au niveau régional, national ou international) dans lequel s’est déroulé le processus de construction de l’État libyen, y compris durant ces dernières décennies, marquées par le régime de M. Kadhafi. En précisant que, pour chaque mode de gouvernance ayant été en place, les effets positifs et négatifs de ces derniers sur la société libyenne ont été analysés à la lumière de références historiques précises
This research focuses on the historical process, leading to the formation of the Libyan State and of the Libyan nation. Throughout this study, we tried to reveal, among other things, the workings of this construction process. In this objective, we have analyzed the milestones that took place between 1911 and 2011. In this context, our attention has been mainly focused on the Libyan identity construction process, as well as on the constitution of political organizations and state institutions. This thesis also tried to present the different political systems, and the different originations of power, implemented during the period indicated. We also studied the role of tribal groups, and the personality of the different leaders who have controlled Libya. Furthermore, another objective of our research has been to present the political, economic and social context (on the regional, national and international levels), in which took place the construction of the Libyan State, including during in recent decades, marked by the regime of M. Gaddafi. Noting that, for each mode of governance, the positive and negative effects on Libyan society have been analyzed, in the light of specific historical references

La gestion du bassin du fleuve Niger constitue pour les neuf États le partageant un enjeu majeur au niveau régional. Dans la perspective de la stabilisation de leurs relations, les États riverains du bassin ont élaboré un cadre juridique de coopération dans l’utilisation de leurs ressources en eau. Le régime juridique repose ainsi sur un double cadre de coopération - une coopération normative et une coopération institutionnelle - qui pose la question de sa véritable spécificité. Si le régime juridique du bassin du Niger est perçu comme une contribution à l’étude du droit international des cours d’eau, le cadre juridique n’est pourtant pas conçu dans une perspective de dépassement du droit international fluvial. Ce cadre juridique confine ainsi la gestion des eaux du bassin fluvial dans la sphère classique des rapports interétatiques. Le cadre juridique du bassin du fleuve Niger ne révèle donc pas l’existence d’un véritable régime juridique spécifique de gestion des cours d’eau. Cette absence de spécificité ne permet pas de conclure au défaut de pertinence du régime juridique. Sa pertinence réside dans l’encadrement des rapports entre les États et dans l’outil de prévention des différends que représente ce régime. La recherche de la véritable spécificité du régime juridique passe nécessairement par une évolution nouvelle vers une gestion des ressources en eau dans l’intérêt collectif des États riverains. La réception du modèle d’intégration juridique dans le cadre du bassin du fleuve Niger serait un moyen pertinent pour recouvrer la véritable spécificité recherchée. Le cadre normatif et institutionnel pourrait ainsi s’appuyer sur les implications juridiques de la qualification de l’eau du fleuve Niger de « patrimoine commun des États riverains »
The management of the Niger River basin is a major issue for the nine States sharing it at the regional level. In order to stabilize their relations, the riparian States of the Niger River basin have developed a legal framework for cooperation in the use of their water resources. The Niger Basin regime thus relies on a dual framework of cooperation – both normative and institutional – which raises the question of the true specificity of this legal regime. While the legal regime of the Niger River Basin is seen as a contribution to the study of international watercourse law, the international legal framework of the Niger River Basin is not conceived in a perspective of going beyond the traditional tenets of international watercourse law. This legal framework thus confines the management of the waters of the river basin in the classical sphere of interstate relations.The legal framework of the Niger River Basin does not therefore reveal the existence of a specific legal regime for the management of rivers. This lack of specificity does not lead to the conclusion that this legal regime is irrelevant. Its relevance lies in the framework of relations between States and in the dispute prevention instrument that this regime provides. The search for the true specificity of the legal system necessarily involves a new development towards the management of water resources in the collective interest of the riparian States. The reception of the legal integration model in the context of the Niger River basin would be a relevant means to develop a genuine expected specificity. The normative and institutional framework could thus be based on the legal implications of qualifying the water of the Niger River as a "common heritage of riparian States”

Mon travail de thèse est consacré à l’étude de quelques aspects de la physique quantique des systèmes quantiques à N corps en interaction. Il est orienté vers l’étude des chaînes de spins quantiques. Je me suis intéressé à plusieurs questions relatives aux chaînes de spins quantiques, du point de vue numérique et analytique à la fois. J'aborde en particulier les questions relatives à la structure des fonctions d'onde, la forme de la densité d'états et les propriétés spectrales des Hamiltoniens de chaînes de spins. Dans un premier temps, je présenterais très rapidement les techniques numériques de base pour le calcul des vecteurs et valeurs propres des Hamiltonien de chaînes de spins. Les densités d’états des modèles quantiques constituent des quantités importantes et très simples qui permettent de caractériser les propriétés spectrales des systèmes avec un grand nombre de degrés de liberté. Alors que dans la limite thermodynamique, les densités d'états de la plupart des modèles intégrables sont bien décrites par une loi gaussienne, dans certaines limites de couplage de la chaîne de spins au champ magnétique et pour un nombre de spins N fini sur la chaîne, on observe l’apparition de pics dans la densité d’états. Je montrerais que la connaissance des deux premiers moments du Hamiltonien dans le sous-espace dégénéré associé à chaque pics donne une bonne approximation de la densité d’états. Dans un deuxième temps je m'intéresserais aux propriétés spectrales des Hamiltoniens de chaînes de spins quantiques. L’un des principal résultats sur la statistique spectrale des systèmes quantiques concerne le comportement universel des fluctuations des mesures telles que l’espacement entre valeurs propres consécutives. Ces fluctuations sont bien décrites par la théorie des matrices aléatoires mais la comparaison avec les prédictions de cette théorie nécessite généralement une opération sur le spectre du Hamiltonien appelée unfolding. Dans les problèmes quantiques de N corps, la taille de l’espace de Hilbert croît généralement exponentiellement avec le nombre de particules, entraînant un manque de données pour pouvoir faire une statistique. Ces limitations ont amené l’introduction d’une nouvelle mesure se passant de la procédure d’unfolding basée sur le rapport d’espacements successifs plutôt que les espacements. En suivant l’idée du “surmise” de Wigner pour le calcul de la distribution de l’espacement, je montre comment calculer une approximation de la distribution du rapport d’espacements dans les trois ensembles gaussiens invariants en faisant le calcul pour des matrices 3x3. Les résultats obtenus pour les différents ensembles de matrices aléatoires se sont révélés être en excellent accord avec les résultats numériques. Enfin je m’intéresserais à la structure des fonctions d’ondes fondamentales des modèles de chaînes de spins quantiques. Les fonctions d’onde constituent, avec le spectre en énergie, les objets fondamentaux des systèmes quantiques : leur structure est assez compliquée et n’est pas très bien comprise pour la plupart des systèmes à N corps. En raison de la croissance exponentielle de la taille de l’espace de Hilbert avec le nombre de particules, l’étude des vecteurs propres est une tâche très difficile, non seulement du point de vue analytique mais aussi du point de vue numérique. Je démontrerais en particulier que l’état fondamental de tous les modèles que nous avons étudiés est multifractal avec en général une dimension fractale non triviale
My thesis is devoted to the study of some aspects of many body quantum interacting systems. In particular we focus on quantum spin chains. I have studied several aspects of quantum spin chains, from both numerical and analytical perspectives. I addressed especially questions related to the structure of eigenfunctions, the level densities and the spectral properties of spin chain Hamiltonians. In this thesis, I first present the basic numerical techniques used for the computation of eigenvalues and eigenvectors of spin chain Hamiltonians. Level densities of quantum models are important and simple quantities that allow to characterize spectral properties of systems with large number of degrees of freedom. It is well known that the level densities of most integrable models tend to the Gaussian in the thermodynamic limit. However, it appears that in certain limits of coupling of the spin chain to the magnetic field and for finite number of spins on the chain, one observes peaks in the level density. I will show that the knowledge of the first two moments of the Hamiltonian in the degenerate subspace associated with each peak give a good approximation to the level density. Next, I study the statistical properties of the eigenvalues of spin chain Hamiltonians. One of the main achievements in the study of the spectral statistics of quantum complex systems concerns the universal behaviour of the fluctuation of measure such as the distribution of spacing between two consecutive eigenvalues. These fluctuations are very well described by the theory of random matrices but the comparison with the theoretical prediction generally requires a transformation of the spectrum of the Hamiltonian called the unfolding procedure. For many-body quantum systems, the size of the Hilbert space generally grows exponentially with the number of particles leading to a lack of data to make a proper statistical study. These constraints have led to the introduction of a new measure free of the unfolding procedure and based on the ratio of consecutive level spacings rather than the spacings themselves. This measure is independant of the local level density. By following the Wigner surmise for the computation of the level spacing distribution, I obtained approximation for the distribution of the ratio of consecutive level spacings by analyzing random 3x3 matrices for the three canonical ensembles. The prediction are compared with numerical results showing excellent agreement. Finally, I investigate eigenfunction statistics of some canonical spin-chain Hamiltonians. Eigenfunctions together with the energy spectrum are the fundamental objects of quantum systems: their structure is quite complicated and not well understood. Due to the exponential growth of the size of the Hilbert space, the study of eigenfunctions is a very difficult task from both analytical and numerical points of view. I demonstrate that the groundstate eigenfunctions of all canonical models of spin chain are multifractal, by computing numerically the Rényi entropy and extrapolating it to obtain the multifractal dimensions

L’opposition au coup d’État de 1973 au sein des forces armées chiliennes a été significative. En effet, un nombre symptomatique d’officiers, tout comme un nombre considérable des membres de la troupe, ont répondu « Non » à l’ordre de renverser le gouvernement légitime. Ces militaires légitimistes ont été particulièrement actifs dans la Marine, institution qui vit un conflit entre sa structure archaïque et le statut social de technicien acquis par les marins. Ce derniers perçoivent, avant d’autres secteurs de la société, le danger d’un coup d’État et vont tenter de s’organiser, tout d’abord pour informer les autorités et ensuite pour tenter de le faire avorter.

Notre objectif est de retracer l’histoire du mouvement des marins légitimistes et notre hypothèse de travail est que le coup d’État de 1973 n’est pas l’œuvre de l’armée mais d’une fraction de celle-ci.

Nous avons consulté quatre catégories de sources :

1) La presse :6 quotidiens et 2 hebdomadaires opposés au gouvernement d’Allende; 4 quotidiens, 2 hebdomadaires et un bimensuel proches du gouvernement ou de gauche.

2) Les essais, documents politiques, témoignages et mémoires, particulièrement les mémoires des quatre amiraux organisateurs du coup d’État.

3) Les procès entamés contre les marins dès la fin du gouvernement d’Allende, dont les 6.000 pages du célèbre procès 3926 contre les marins de la flotte.

4) Nous avons interviewé 30 marins, ce qui correspond à environ un tiers des marins condamnés par les tribunaux navals sous la dictature. En outre, nous avons interviewé, des militants, des avocats, un procureur, un général de l’aviation opposé au coup d’État, un officier de la Marine opposé au coup d’État et un officier de la Marine favorable au coup d’État. Au total 52 interviews qui totalisent un bon millier de pages.

L’introduction présente le sujet et explique sa pertinence :les réunions entre les marins et les dirigeants politiques restent un événement souvent cité dans l’historiographie qui justifie le coup d’État.

Le ch. I est un travail de compilation sur l’histoire des révoltes de marins au XXe siècle, pour identifier les éléments communs entre elles.

Le ch. II tente de situer la Marine chilienne dans son contexte historique et social, rappelant les conflits qui ont secoué la force navale et sa réorganisation lors du début de la Guerre froide et décrivant le contenu de l’enseignement donné à l’École navale des officiers.

Le ch. III décrit la vie sociale dans la Marine de 1970 –l’année de l’élection présidentielle– surtout les relations difficiles entre la troupe et les officiers. Celles-ci se manifestent à travers des réactions contradictoires au résultat de l’élection. Pendant les premiers mois du gouvernement d’Allende, un nombre croissant d’officiers manifeste son opposition, alors que des « hommes de mer » (la troupe) s’organisent pour le défendre.

Les ch. IV et V couvrent la période qui va de 1971 jusqu’à la première tentative de coup d’État le 29 juin 1973 (el Tanquetazo). Elle est marquée d’une part par l’adhésion de la plupart des officiers aux thèses putschistes, et d’autre part, par un notable développement des groupes de marins antiputschistes. Nous décrivons les relations structurelles entre les officiers et civils conjurés et l’établissement des relations entre des groupes de marins et certains partis politiques de gauche. Ce travail décrit la réunion secrète où plusieurs groupes de marins, tentent d’établir une coordination et discutent s’il faut agir avant que le coup d’État ne soit déclenché ou seulement en réaction à celui-ci.

Le chapitre VI couvre les cinq « semaines décisives » qui s’écoulent entre la tentative de putsch du 29 juin et l’arrestation des marins de la flotte, le 5 août 1973. Dans la Marine, la préparation du coup d’État arrive à sa phase finale, avec un affairement perceptible. Beaucoup de marins craignent d’être forcés à y participer. Dans ce contexte, le groupe de marins de la flotte formule une ébauche de plan d’occupation des navires et organise des réunions avec des dirigeants de gauche pour tenter une action qui ferait avorter le coup d’État imminent. Nous avons pu retracer ce plan ainsi que les célèbres réunions avec les dirigeants du PS, du MAPU et du MIR, grâce à plusieurs témoignages de marins et de « civils » présents dans ces réunions.

Le chapitre VII décrit la période entre l’arrestation des marins et les semaines qui suivent le coup d’État, décrivant les premières tortures, la difficile situation du gouvernement d’Allende, qui attaque en justice les marins « infiltrés », et le débat politique et juridique suscité par les arrestations et tortures, un des derniers débats démocratiques.

Le chapitre VIII expose la poursuite des procès sous la dictature. Parmi les avocats pro deo qui se contentent d’une timide défense pour la forme, nous avons trouvé une défense exceptionnelle des marins sur le plan politique :« le devoir de tout militaire est de défendre le gouvernement légitime », affirme l’avocate Lidia Hogtert, une dame de 75 ans, qui, en 1975, ose défier la justice militaire. En 1988, à la fin de la dictature, lorsque l’ancien secrétaire du MAPU Oscar Garretón se présente devant la justice navale, le cas connaît un nouveau retentissement :après plusieurs condamnations par des tribunaux militaires, Garreton obtient une victoire complète à la Cour Suprême. Il est acquitté de toute accusation pour « sédition et mutinerie ».
Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse met en lumière l’apport considérable du juge constitutionnel de la 5ème République nigérienne, dans l’œuvre de la protection audacieuse du principe de la suprématie de la Constitution (du 09 août 1999). L’exposition du schéma organisationnel de la justice constitutionnelle s’opère sans préjudice du nécessaire rappel de l’histoire socio-politique mouvementée du Niger, qui n’est pas étrangère dans l’originalité qui fonde le modèle nigérien. L’évocation de l’activité constitutionnelle va s’atteler à la mise en évidence des grandes décisions de la Cour, aussi bien dans le cadre de la défense des droits fondamentaux garantis, que celui de la régulation constitutionnelle du fonctionnement des institutions de la République. La jurisprudence relative au Président de la République, qui bénéficie d’un chapitre entier est au cœur de la problématique de la consolidation de la démocratisation du Niger post-Conférence nationale de 1991. L’étude fait ressortir une trajectoire d’analyse ambivalente. D’une part, la ré-fondation de la justice constitutionnelle par la consécration d’une juridiction spécialisée et indépendante, a eu pour effet de plonger le Niger dans l’ère de la démocratie constitutionnelle. D’autre part, l’audace du juge constitutionnel s’est avérée insuffisante, face à la dérive autoritaire du Président de la République de l’été 2009 (dissolution de la Cour). Il n’en demeure pas moins que, le constitutionnalisme démocratique ébauché sous la 5ème République semble bien demeurer la révolution appropriée de lutte contre toute résurgence autoritaire
This dissertation highlights the considerable contribution of the constitutional judge of the 5th Republic of Niger, in the audacious protection work of the supremacy of the Constitution principle (the 9th of August, 1999). The presentation of the organizational structure of constitutional law requires taking into account Niger’s sociopolitical history, which has contributed to the model of constitutional justice of Niger. The evocation of constitutional activity underlines the major decisions of the Court, regarding the defense of the guaranteed basic rights as well as the constitutional regulation of the functioning of the Republic's institutions. An entire chapter is dedicated to the case law regarding the President of the Republic, which has been in the center of the issue of strengthening the democratization of Niger since the National Conference of 1991. The research results in the ambivalent analysis. On the one hand, the re-foundation of the constitutional justice through the institution of a specialized and independent jurisdiction marked Niger's entry into an era of constitutional democracy. On the other hand, the constitutional judge audacity has proved deficient facing the authoritarian trend of the President of the Republic in 2009 (dissolution of the Court). Nonetheless, the democratic constitutionalism designed under the 5th Republic of Niger seems to remain an appropriate revolution to fight against any authoritarian resurgence

Cette thèse de doctorat vise à répondre à une question qui a été largement négligée par la littérature sur les crises des régimes autoritaires : pourquoi les forces armées tolèrent-elles ou répriment-elles les mouvements d’opposition en faveur de changements du régime ? L’hypothèse principale stipule que l’attitude conciliante ou réfractaire des forces armées dépend de la nature des mesures adoptées par le régime autoritaire afin de s’assurer de leur loyauté et prévenir des coups d’État. Lorsque ces mesures de préventions des coups d’État contribuent à créer des divisons au sein de l’armée, les factions marginalisées sont enclines à tolérer les mouvements d’opposition, si ces derniers offrent une alternative crédible au régime, en raison de leur capacité à s’unir autour d’une plate-forme commune de revendications modérées, réalistes et acceptables pour les militaires. À l’inverse, lorsque les mesures de prévention des coups d’État favorisent la cohésion interne de l’armée et son attachement au régime, les militaires adoptent une attitude répressive à l’égard des forces contestataires. Ces hypothèses sont vérifiées à l’aide d’une analyse comparative des différentes mesures de prévention des coups d’État adoptées par les régimes autoritaires du Bénin et du Togo et de leurs impacts sur le succès, dans le premier cas, et l’échec, dans le second cas, des mouvements d’opposition dans les deux pays, au début des années 1990. Cette analyse est effectuée à l’aide de deux approches méthodologiques : le traçage de processus ainsi que la comparaison de deux études de cas.
This Ph.D. dissertation analyzes the factors that influence armed forces’ decisions to tolerate or suppress opposition movements demanding political reforms which could lead to regime change. This dissertation helps to fill a large gap in the literature as only a few scholars have attempted to explain military behaviour during regime crisis. It does so through an analysis of how anti-coup policies and opposition forces’ characteristics lead to the formation of marginalized military cliques and their potential support for regime change. It theorizes that the head of state’s survival strategy, specifically coup-proofing measures, influences military factions’ willingness to preserve the status quo. Reliance on loyalists leads to armed forces with a powerful core loyal to the incumbent regime and willing to use repression, while the strategy of counterbalancing leads to armed forces largely unattached to the maintenance of the regime. Under these circumstances, opposition forces can foster regime defection when they offer a viable alternative to the incumbent government, if the opposition can unify around a moderate platform that provides realist demands vis-à-vis regime forces. The main argument, on the influence of divergent coup-proofing policies on military actions, is assessed through a comparison of Benin and Togo. In each state, authoritarian regimes responded to the challenge of opposition mobilization by initiating negotiation processes. Divergences in coup-prevention techniques and credible commitment capacity of the opposition explain why the opposition campaign in the beginning of the 1990s was successful in Benin but failed in Togo. This research is based on two methods: process-tracing and the comparative method.

Swan is a multimedia work for conducted ensemble with amplified instruments, electronics and video projections. Swan is about going out: going out to the street, to the club, to a ritual, to a party or a funeral. It’s about real places with real people, but less about the realities of these places and more about their vibe. It’s about getting out of home, the studio, the institution, going to places where people connect and do things, sing, dance, laugh, cry, perform or celebrate. The music of Swan come from ‘outside.’ Swan’s aesthetic is a blend of Turkish/Islamic and pop-cultural elements. The opening section, Korridor, is a drone/ambient movement with a big trance synth part. It is ritual music. It is big, dense, heavy, and it moves slowly, like lava. Karaoke Mahshar is a Turkish Trance-Pop hybrid. It is a very melancholic, dark piece of music. The instrumental choir sing an emotional pop/“fantasy music” (a Turkish genre) melody in unison over a flamboyant electronic track. It’s the soundtrack to a club for the wasted, for emotional after-hours karaoke. The final section, Rod Modell, is a dub-techno influenced ambient movement. It is the sound of a giant, post-apocalyptic mosque - a mosque sunken in chalky waters. This section evolves to a big, stretched monophonic melody, a song from the old times, which finally cadences to an electronically processed “tilâvet”. I started composing Swan in July 2016 in Turkey, before the military coup attempt took place. The work is not programmatic, however, the sound materials I worked with, the musical references and the sonic and visual iconography it incorporates are rather influenced by and derive from the sounds, sights and emotions I experienced during my stay. By the end of my visit, a person who had been very dear to my heart, Ferhunde Köke, had passed away. I recorded the sounds of her burial accompanied by a hafız’s recitation of the Surah Al-Baqarah 2:156 from the Holy Qur’an which I edited, processed and ended this work with.

Dissertação de Mestrado em História Contemporânea apresentada à Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Coimbra
Em 1954 inicia-se a guerra de libertação da Argélia, colocando frente a frente os nacionalistas argelinos da FLN e o exército da República francesa. Durante oito anos as atividades bélicas permaneceram na colónia pertença do Império francês, culminando com a assinatura dos Acordos de Évian em 1962, e a consequente independência da Argélia, última colónia da França no Norte de África. Com a autonomia alcançada, os argelinos viram nascer um governo autoritário, liderado por Ben Bella, extremamente instável devido às fortes oposições internas provenientes das fações que compunham o FLN e que se uniram para o combate ao colonizador, agora anacrónico. Essa instabilidade conduz a um golpe de Estado em 1965, que impõe uma ditadura militar. Após a independência, e no seguimento de uma política de não-alinhamento e solidariedade ideológica, os líderes argelinos prestaram um grande auxílio a alguns movimentos de africanos de libertação, nomeadamente aos angolanos, moçambicanos e guineenses, mas também a grupos de exilados políticos portugueses. Esta política de solidariedade permitiu o acentuar da luta contra os colonizadores desses territórios, por parte destes movimentos autónomos, e dos exilados políticos contra a ditadura de Oliveira Salazar.
In 1954, the Algerian war of liberation begun, putting face to face the FLN Algerian nationalists and the French republican army. During eight years the warlike actions proceed in the colony of the French Empire, ending with the signing of the Evian Accords in 1962 and the consequent independency of Algeria, the last colony of France in the Northern Africa. With the achievement of self-determination, an authoritarian government rise up, under the leadership of Ben Bella, extremely instable by the internal oppositions from factions that composed the FLN, united against the colonizer, now an anachronistic matter. That instability lead to a coup in 1965, which imposes a military dictatorship. After the independency, and following a non-alignment policy of ideological solidarity, the Algerian leaders gave a huge help to some African liberation movements, namely the Angolans, the Mozambicans and the Guinean, but also to a group of Portuguese political exiles. This solidarity policy allow to emphasize the struggle against the settlers, by this autonomous movements and the Portuguese political exiles against the dictatorship of Oliveira Salazar.