Journal articles: 'Coups d’État'

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De Bruin, Erica. "Preventing Coups d’état." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 7 (March 7, 2017): 1433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717692652.

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Gunn, Christopher. "The 1960 Coup in Turkey: A U.S. Intelligence Failure or a Successful Intervention?" Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 2 (April 2015): 103–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00550.

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Coups d’état were a relatively common means of regime change during the Cold War. From 1945 through 1985, 357 attempted coups d’état occurred in the Third World, and 183 succeeded. The high frequency of coups during this period is unsurprising, especially considering the advantageous position of the military during the rapid and destabilizing pace of modernization and decolonization in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Coups d’état were not exclusive to the Third World, however. They also occurred in members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Surprisingly, however, few scholars have explored why these extra-constitutional regime changes were tolerated, or how they were even possible, within NATO. This article attempts to answer these questions within the context of the 1960 coup in Turkey by closely evaluating the notion that the United States had no knowledge or warning that a coup was about to unfold.

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De Bruin, Erica. "Will there be blood? Explaining violence during coups d’état." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 6 (June 6, 2019): 797–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319839449.

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Although just under half of all coup d’état attempts involve fatalities, there has been surprisingly little attention to the conditions under which coups turn violent. Existing research emphasizes the incentives coup plotters have to avoid bloodshed but does not explain the conditions under which violence nonetheless occurs. This article develops a theoretical framework that predicts that the extent of violence that occurs during coup attempts will vary systematically with central features of incumbent regimes and coup plotters. It then tests these predictions using new data on the fatalities associated with 377 coup attempts between 1950 and 2017. Coups against military regimes are found to be less violent than those against civilian dictatorships. This is because military rulers are better able to estimate the likelihood of the coup succeeding and more sensitive to the costs associated with using violence to suppress a coup. Since their post-coup fates tend to be better than those of other authoritarian leaders, they also have fewer incentives to hang on to power at any cost. The analysis also demonstrates that coups led by senior officers involve less bloodshed than those by junior officers and enlisted men. However, coups against rulers that counterbalance their militaries are no more violent than those against rulers that do not. The results shed new light on the dynamics of coup attempts.

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Houle, Christian, and Cristina Bodea. "Ethnic inequality and coups in sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 3 (May 2017): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316685140.

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Does ethnic inequality breed coups? The recent literature on civil war shows both that inequality between ethnic groups induces war and, importantly, that civil wars and coups, although fundamentally different, are related. The literature on coups d’état, however, has yet to theorize and test the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. The link is plausible because many coups are ‘ethnic coups’, which depend on the capacity of plotters to mobilize their co-ethnics. We argue that large income and wealth disparities between ethnic groups accompanied by within-group homogeneity increase the salience of ethnicity and solidify within-group preferences vis-à-vis the preferences of other ethnic groups, increasing the appeal and feasibility of a coup. We use group-level data for 32 sub-Saharan African countries and 141 ethnic groups between 1960 and 2005 and provide the first large-N test to date of the effect of ethnic inequality on coups. Between- and within-group inequality measures are constructed based on survey data from the Afrobarometer and the Demographic and Health Surveys. We find strong support for our hypothesis: between-ethnic-group inequality (BGI) increases the likelihood that an ethnic group stages a coup only when within-ethnic-group inequality (WGI) is low. Coups remain frequent in sub-Saharan Africa and coups are the main threat to democracy in the region, by harming democratic consolidation and economic development, and by provoking further political instability. Our work provides a novel rationale to be concerned about ethnic inequality, showing that when ethnic and income cleavages overlap, destabilizing coups d’état are more likely.

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Masaki, Takaaki. "Coups d’État and Foreign Aid." World Development 79 (March 2016): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.11.004.

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Powell, Jonathan, Trace Lasley, and Rebecca Schiel. "Combating Coups d’état in Africa, 1950–2014." Studies in Comparative International Development 51, no. 4 (January 7, 2016): 482–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-015-9210-6.

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Balima, Hippolyte Weneyam. "Coups d’état and the cost of debt." Journal of Comparative Economics 48, no. 3 (September 2020): 509–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jce.2020.04.001.

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Vlavonou, Gino. "La guerre civile en république centrafricaine." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 7 (October 1, 2016): 42–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v7i0.4426.

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La République centrafricaine (RCA) est politiquement instable depuis son indépendance en 1960. Différents coups d’État se sont succédés dont le plus récent date de mars 2013. Du régime autoritaire de David Dacko en 1960, à celui de François Bozizé en 2013, la RCA vit une instabilité politique chronique. Le dernier coup d’État en RCA a plongé le pays dans une nouvelle crise et un niveau de violence qui n’a jamais été atteint auparavant. La question se pose de savoir quels sont les facteurs qui expliquent le déclenchement de la guerre civile en mars 2013 en République Centrafricaine. Au-delà des systèmes et des structures, ce travail replace les élites au coeur du débat et avance que leur rôle est décisif pour surmonter les crises. Ce travail avance qu’il faille associer le faible degré d’assimilation des élites politiques avec le faible leadership du président qui a pris le pouvoir par coup d’État en mars 2013 pour expliquer en partie la guerre civile en 2013.

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Bove, Vincenzo, and Roberto Nisticò. "Coups d’état and defense spending: a counterfactual analysis." Public Choice 161, no. 3-4 (October 10, 2014): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-014-0202-2.

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Powell, Jonathan. "Determinants of the Attempting and Outcome of Coups d’état." Journal of Conflict Resolution 56, no. 6 (June 6, 2012): 1017–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002712445732.

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Thyne, Clayton. "The impact of coups d’état on civil war duration." Conflict Management and Peace Science 34, no. 3 (March 25, 2015): 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894215570431.

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Crespo, Ricardo A. "How to Prevent Coups d’État: Counterbalancing and Regime Survival." Journal of the Middle East and Africa 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21520844.2021.1892421.

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Reiter, Dan. "Avoiding the Coup-Proofing Dilemma: Consolidating Political Control While Maximizing Military Power." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (April 6, 2020): 312–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/oraa001.

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Abstract Civil-military relations scholarship forecasts that governments fearing coups d’état and facing belligerent external and internal adversaries face a dilemma. Governments can coup-proof to reduce coup risk, but such measures reduce military effectiveness. Conversely, if they eschew coup-proofing to maintain military effectiveness, they risk coups. This paper explains how governments facing coup threats and belligerent adversaries can alleviate this dilemma. It first describes five coup-proofing measures that generally reduce military effectiveness, such as politicized promotion and reduced training, and two other coup-proofing measures that do not reduce effectiveness, bribery and indoctrination. Because leaders can pick and choose which coup-proofing measures to employ, leaders facing coup and belligerent adversary threats can reduce the coup-proofing dilemma by adopting those coup-proofing measures that do not reduce effectiveness and avoiding those measures that reduce effectiveness, within availability and dependence constraints. The paper presents a case study of coup-proofing in Nazi Germany, a deviant case for coup-proofing theory and democratic victory theory because Adolf Hitler avoided being overthrown in a coup and fielded an effective military. The case study demonstrates support for the theory that a leader can simultaneously reduce coup risk and optimize military effectiveness by employing some coup-proofing tactics but not others.

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Wu, Wen‐Chin, and Fangjin Ye. "Preferential Trade Agreements, Democracy, and the Risk of Coups d’état." Social Science Quarterly 101, no. 5 (July 30, 2020): 1834–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12848.

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Connors, Michael K. "Liberalism against the people: learning to live with coups d’état." Journal of Political Ideologies 24, no. 1 (November 28, 2018): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2019.1548087.

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Cassell, Kaitlen J., John A. Booth, and Mitchell A. Seligson. "Support for Coups in the Americas: Mass Norms and Democratization." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 4 (September 4, 2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.39.

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AbstractCoups d’état, once a common end for democracies in the Americas, have declined sharply in recent years. This article investigates whether overall public support for coups is also in decline. Examining 21 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean from 2004 to 2014 helps to evaluate two alternative theses on democratization: Mainwaring and Pérez-Liñán’s 2013 normative regime preferences theory, which inquires (but does not test) whether public opinion can signal to elites a reluctance or willingness to support a coup; and classic modernization theory (Inglehart 1988; Inglehart and Welzel 2005). We find a substantively meaningful effect of democratic attitudes on coup support and a weak effect for national wealth, from which we infer that evolving elite values and preferences are paralleled at the mass level and that together, those two trends play a stronger role in the consolidation of democratic regimes than does modernization.

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Saray, Ozan. "The effect of democracy on income: An analysis of countries affected by coups d’état." Panoeconomicus, no. 00 (2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pan170803018s.

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Although there is a considerable amount of study which examines the effect of democracy on national income, a limited number of papers analyses the effect of democracy on per capita income. The main objective of this research is to show the effect of democracy level on per capita income among new sample, 21 countries which share a similar coup d??tat experience in their political history, to fulfil the gap in the literature. The countries selected are from different continents and are those most affected by coups. The impact of two different democracy indicators (Freedom House and Polity IV) on the per capita income of the countries in the period 2000-2014 is analysed. The results of the panel data estimation show that, an increase in democracy level has a positive effect on per capita income for both democracy indicators. As expected, the effect of the investment, secularism and education variables on income is positive, whereas the effect of population growth rate is negative. And trade has no definite effect on per capita income.

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Souaré, Issaka K. "The African Union as a norm entrepreneur on military coups d’état in Africa (1952–2012): an empirical assessment." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000785.

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ABSTRACTBetween 1952 and 2012, there were a total of 88 successful military coups in Africa. Of those, 63 occurred prior to 1990, and 10 cases since the adoption, by the defunct Organization of African Unity (OAU), of the Lomé Declaration in July 2000, banning military coups and adopting sanctions against regimes born out of this. The article shows that the African Union (AU) has followed in the footsteps of the OAU in this regard. Assisted by some African regional organisations and international partners, the combined effect of this policy of the AU – assisted by other factors – has been a significant reduction in the occurrence of this phenomenon. While not constituting a funeral arrangement for military coups in the immediate future, these developments – if they were to continue – may indeed make this eventuality achievable in the long run. But the article also reveals some challenges the AU is facing in ensuring this.

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Schiel, Rebecca E. "An assessment of democratic vulnerability: regime type, economic development, and coups d’état." Democratization 26, no. 8 (July 25, 2019): 1439–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1645652.

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Kinney, Drew Holland. "Politicians at Arms: Civilian Recruitment of Soldiers for Middle East Coups." Armed Forces & Society 45, no. 4 (June 12, 2018): 681–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18777983.

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Why would politicians recruit soldiers for military coups d’état? The civil–military relations literature assumes politicians aspire to supremacy over the military; enabling praetorianism would risk their future rule. While civil–military relations widely recognizes the empirical fact of civilian participation in military takeovers, no study specifies or theorizes the topic. This essay examines the conditions in which politicians recruit soldiers to seize power by investigating the understudied processes of military takeovers. Using British Foreign Office documents, Arabic language memoirs, and Polity data, I find that civilian statesmen in Iraq (1936) and Syria (1951) could not tolerate their civilian rivals’ incumbency but were unable to challenge them peacefully, so they recruited like-minded officers for coups. This suggests that while politicians do not necessarily want the army in the chambers, they sometimes favor praetorianism to the continued rule of their civilian opponents.

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Casey, Adam E. "The Durability of Client Regimes." World Politics 72, no. 3 (June 10, 2020): 411–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000039.

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ABSTRACTConventional wisdom holds that great power patrons prop up client dictatorships. But this is generally assumed rather than systematically analyzed. This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the relationship between foreign sponsorship and authoritarian regime survival, using an original data set of all autocratic client regimes in the postwar period. The results demonstrate that patronage from Western powers—the United States, France, and the United Kingdom—is not associated with client regime survival. Rather, it’s only Soviet sponsorship that reduced the risk of regime collapse. The author explains this variation by considering the effects of foreign sponsorship on the likelihood of military coups d’état. He argues that the Soviet Union directly aided its clients by imposing a series of highly effective coup prevention strategies. By contrast, the US and its allies didn’t provide such aid, leaving regimes vulnerable to military overthrow.

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Baykan, Toygar Sinan, Yaprak Gürsoy, and Pierre Ostiguy. "Anti-populist coups d’état in the twenty-first century: reasons, dynamics and consequences." Third World Quarterly 42, no. 4 (January 27, 2021): 793–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2020.1871329.

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Sudduth, Jun Koga. "Purging militaries: Introducing the Military Purges in Dictatorships (MPD) dataset." Journal of Peace Research 58, no. 4 (January 25, 2021): 870–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343320966375.

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The principal threat most autocratic leaders face stems from within the regime. To control militaries and mitigate the risk of coups d’état, many autocratic leaders repeatedly purge strong officers from the military. What are the causes and consequences of such purges? Despite its importance, scholars rarely have studied the question, as they have lacked a systematic and comprehensive dataset. The Military Purges in Dictatorships (MPD) dataset contains information on the dates and characteristics of 1,007 military purges, and covers 566 political leaders in 116 authoritarian countries over the period 1965 to 2005. In this article, I describe MPD, compare it with other datasets, present descriptive statistics on the data, and suggest its applications. By coding the timing and various characteristics of military purges, MPD facilitates empirical study of the relationships between autocratic leaders and their militaries, and thus is useful for researchers studying political violence, repression, civil-military relations, coup-proofing, leader survival, and regime transition.

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Hearns-Branaman, Jesse Owen. "The effects of coups d’état on journalists: The case of the 2014 Thai coup as both exemplary and exceptional." Media Asia 47, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2020): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2020.1829858.

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Robie, David. "Pacific freedom of the press: Case studies in independent campus-based media models." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 99–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1037.

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South Pacific university-based journalism school publications were innovative newspaper publishers from 1975 onwards and among early pioneers of online publishing in the mid-1990s. Several publications have become established long-term with viable economic models and have had an impact on Oceania’s regional independent publishing. All have been advocates of a free press and freedom of expression under Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Among early trendsetters were Uni Tavur, Liklik Diwai in Papua New Guinea, and Wansolwara and Pacific Journalism Online in Fiji. Wansolwara and its online edition was also the flagbearer for independent publishing under the pressure of two coups d’état in 2000 and 2006 in Fiji. All newspapers have contended with censorship in various forms. Now Wansolwara has embarked on a publishing partnership with a leading post-coup Fiji daily newspaper. This article analyses the independent media published by communication studies educational programmes in Fiji and Papua New Guinea. It examines how a variety of niche publishing formula have boosted independent coverage and issues-based journalism on wide-ranging topics such as human rights, news media facing censorship and freedom of information.

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Oualy, Jean Michel Roy. "Income Inequality and Socio-Political Instability in Sub-Saharan Africa." Managing Global Transitions 19, no. 1 (March 2021): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26493/1854-6935.19.49-72.

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In this paper, we analyse the impact of income inequality on Socio-Political Instability (hereinafter SPI) in Sub-Saharan Africa from 1990 to 2018 with a sample of 47 countries. We first present the theoretical and empirical debate on income inequality and SPI. This literature review allows us tomeasure SPI using the principal component analysis method and hierarchical clustering and partitioning to analyse the similarities and differences between countries from a multidimensional perspective. We then estimate the SPI concerning income inequality and democracy. The findings are that assassinations are not linked to a regime’s duration, and the duration of a regime reduces if coups d’état (successful or not) are rampant. Between democracy and income inequality, the former has 34 times more impact on SPI. GDP growth increases SPI and education reduces SPI.

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Knopek, Jacek. "Systemy parlamentarne wybranych państw arabskich i muzułmańskich w świetle notatki dla kierownictwa MSZ z 1972 r." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (June 19, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.2.4.

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The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and the Mashrek region: Egypt, Libya and Sudan.The paper concludes with a statement that the document was an accurate and faithful presentation of the parliamentary systems of representative states. Political relations in this region were developing dynamically at that time, military coups and coups d’état occurred, some states were leaning towards socialism, while maintaining their family or religious structures, while others were only just gaining their full sovereignty and independence. The situation of Israel continued to be complicated, as the state remained highly confrontational towards Arab countries. This last issue was the reason for Poland’s failing to achieve the strategic goals of its foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. Another Israeli-Arab war in October 1973 made Polish decision makers realize how fragile the foundations of states in the region were, preventing Poland from becoming fully involved in Arab and Muslim countries.

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BAMIDELE, DELE, and SUNDAY VICTOR AKWU. "Bourgeois Politics and Ideology in Vincent Egbuson’s Womandela." Matatu 47, no. 1 (August 22, 2016): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-90000395.

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With few exceptions, African countries have suffered perennial bad governance, bloody civil wars, and coups-d’état. The continent suffocates in the grip of political elites and military juntas. Capitalism as an economic system empowers a few who lord it over the weak majority. The ruling class also contributes to the suffering of the masses by flagrantly looting the nation’s treasury and flaunting it while the majority of the populace wallow in abject poverty. African writers problematize and diagnose this scenario and the Weltschmerz bedevilling African socio-political life, in a bid to offering lasting solutions, in the process experimenting with ‘home-made’ as well as ‘imported’ ideologies in the struggle for the African utopia. Vincent Egbuson, a ‘new-generation’ African writer, is indubitably a committed writer. In confronting the African socio-political malady in Womandela, he has adopted divergent ideologies to sharpen his social vision. The purpose of this study is, accordingly, to scrutinize the ideological bent of Egbuson’s novel and to determine its efficacy against the backdrop of the socio-political reality of contemporary Africa.

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Joanna Mormul. "Portuguese Colonial Legacy in Luso-African States – a Factor Leading to State Dysfunctionality or Favorable to Development?" Politeja 15, no. 56 (June 18, 2019): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.56.04.

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Among historical factors leading to state dysfunctionality phenomenon on the African continent, colonial legacy is most often indicated. It is a common perception that colonialism understood not only as colonial rule but also as colonial legacy is the main responsible for today’s African crises of statehood. The study focuses on Luso-African continental states (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau) that have quite a similar historical experience, not only the difficult and long war for independence, but also lack of political stability in the postcolonial period (civil wars, coups d’état, experiments with socialism and one-party system). The article is an attempt to reflect on the hypothesis that the Portuguese colonial legacy can be perceived as a historical factor leading to state dysfunctionality, however its evaluation should be more complex, as from today’s perspective it could bring some benefits that derive most of all from the common official language, similar historical experience and some sense of the Luso-African or Lusophone identity. The paper is based on the qualitative analysis of the already existing data, critical reading of the literature of the subject, as well as qualitative data gathered during author’s study visits to Portugal, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau.

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Kamiński, Mariusz Antoni. "Kontrola tajnych operacji wywiadu przez Kongres Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.64.

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In democratic countries, the so-called covert actions are the most controversial element of the intelligence services activities. Covert actions are secret operations aimed, inter alia, at influencing the political, economic or military situation of other countries (e.g., inspiring coups d’état, paramilitary actions, assassinations, training and financing of armed troops or the use of “black” propaganda). Covert actions are a powerful tool in the hands of the executive, but they should be effectively controlled by the legislative authority. The purpose of the article is to analyze the powers of the Senate and the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States of America to control covert actions. The author presents current legal and organizational solutions and also indicates how, under the influence of successive covert action scandals, legal provisions have changed in the direction of extending the powers of the Congress in the field of control. At the same time, the author presents problems with the interpretation of some legal solutions in the context of the supervision of the Congress after the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 and the extension of covert actions to include actions of special forces and targeted killings of terrorists.

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Andersen, David Delfs Erbo. "The Limits of Meritocracy in Stabilizing Democracy and the Twin Importance of Bureaucratic Impartiality and Effectiveness." Social Science History 45, no. 3 (2021): 535–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.15.

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AbstractTheories connecting meritocracy and democratic stability are heavily understudied, and there are few attempts to empirically disentangle the potential mechanisms. This article proposes a novel explanation, emphasizing that bureaucratic impartiality and effectiveness provide separate shields that stabilize democracies. Impartiality protects the opposition from unlawful discrimination, which raises support for democracy among the (potential) losers of elections and reduces the incentives to rebel or stage coups d’état, whereas effectiveness serves incumbent policies, which raises support among the (potential) winners and reduces the likelihood of incumbent takeovers. I find support for these propositions in comparative-historical analyses of a few paradigmatic cases—interwar Finland, Czechoslovakia, and Germany—with similar levels of economic development, imperial-autocratic legacies, and meritocratic types of administration but different regime outcomes. The results show that both impartial and effective bureaucratic behavior rather than meritocratic recruitment norms as such are important stabilizers of democracy. Yet they emphasize the importance of bureaucratic effectiveness in raising the perception that votes count to change outcomes on the ground and thus that democracy makes a difference. I argue that this should have a wider significance for the study of contemporary processes of democratic recession.

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Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Overcoming European Civil War: Patterns of Consolidation in Divided Societies, 2010–1800." European Review 20, no. 4 (September 4, 2012): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279871200004x.

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Divided, sometimes antagonistic, communities in officially unified nations seem to be the rule in Europe. In some cases, they conjure up the most painful memories of actual civil-war events, but usually they constitute the common experience of most Europeans, who lived through different kinds of war, revolutions, counter-revolutions, coups d’état, dictatorships, totalitarian systems, regime changes, territorial losses, ethnic cleansings, and exchanges of population. In spite of major breakthroughs, we find all over Europe that the experiences and humiliations of previous generations have remained mainly unspoken and unelaborated at both individual and community levels. Dangerous as they are, such narratives and undigested traumas necessarily call for well-advised, learned and thoughtful acts of overwriting and reworking. A broadly based, well-founded, historical, multi- and interdisciplinary research project for the comparison of the various modes of trauma management in the different countries and regions of Europe can open up new perspectives and provide essential tools for working out individual and collective traumatic historical experiences. Its main question is how different communities were able to process their collective traumatic historical experiences, and what can be learned from the outcomes of these processes. The project will compare the common and different characteristics of the various regimes of memory and patterns of consolidation.

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Gervais, Christine, Jennifer Kilty, and Rabia Mzouji. "Violence politique, insécurité et résistance : le cas des femmes honduriennes après le coup d’État de 2009." Criminologie 45, no. 1 (March 19, 2012): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008377ar.

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Le présent article s’appuie sur une enquête qualitative qui porte sur les expériences de 48 femmes honduriennes à la suite du coup d’État qui a frappé leur pays le 28 juin 2009. Il souligne en particulier leurs expériences de la répression étatique et de la résistance citoyenne. C’est donc dans le contexte d’une insécurité humaine nourrie par la violence d’État que les circonstances qui ont entouré la vie de ces femmes après le coup d’État seront explorées. Les témoignages de celles-ci sur la violence politique ont attiré l’attention sur les conséquences multiples et insidieuses du coup d’État. Ils ont aussi montré que ces femmes avaient des ressources qui leur étaient propres pour s’engager dans des tactiques de résistance en vue de lutter contre les dommages causés par l’État. La conclusion rappelle l’intérêt de la recherche en cours sur le coup d’État et les droits des femmes honduriennes.

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Kročanová, Dagmar. "Changes of Power and Coups D´État in Július Barč-Ivan’s Plays Diktátor [Dictator], Neznámy [The Unknown] and Veža [The Tower]." Slovenske divadlo /The Slovak Theatre 66, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sd-2018-0010.

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Abstract The paper discusses three lesser known and less frequently staged plays written by Július Barč-Ivan (1909 – 1953), namely Diktátor (Dictator), Neznámy (The Unknown), and Veža (The Tower). Dictator was supposed to be premiered at the Slovak National Theatre in 1937, but it was removed from the repertoire due to censorship. The Unknown was staged and published as a book in Turčiansky Sv. Martin in 1944. The Tower was premiered at the National Theatre, Košice in 1947, and published a year later. All three plays deal with politics and power, as well as with changes of authority and leadership in different historical settings. In order to discuss Barč-Ivan’s perception of the changes of power in history, the paper analyzes motives of social upheavals, coups d’état, and changes of leadership, as well as the portrayal of authorities, leaders, and the masses as dramatis personae in these three plays. It also discusses repartees and dialogues in the respective plays, wishing to show changes in Barč-Ivan’s elaboration of the theme between 1937 and 1947. The paper argues that Barč-Ivan gradually abandons the idea of eternal peace that was a key concept in his play Dictator; and in his play The Tower, he states that “the principle of love” can be only preserved by its counterpart – violence. Whereas in The Unknown the power was shaken but preserved, in both Dictator and The Tower a paradoxical replacement of original contrasting principles happened; and the opponents of the power ended up using the methods they originally rejected. The paper also claims that all three Barč-Ivan’s plays were an alternative to ideologies and politics of the era. They expressed historical pessimism based on a religious concept of history. Barč-Ivan believes that noble ideas inevitably remain contradictory to historical development: if they were applied successfully in societies, they would actually mean the end of history.

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Lumjiak, Sutsarun, Nguyen Thi Thieu Quang, Christopher Gan, and Sirimon Treepongkaruna. "Good coups, bad coups: evidence from Thailand’s financial markets." Investment Management and Financial Innovations 15, no. 2 (May 4, 2018): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.15(2).2018.07.

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This study investigates the short-run and long-run impact of coups on Thailand’s financial markets. Using daily data from the stock and foreign exchange markets during the period 2005–2017, the study shows (1) both coups in 2006 and in 2014 exert short-run impact on Thailand’s stock and foreign exchange markets; (2) however, the direction and magnitude of impact are different and opposite in the two coups; and (3) in the long run, the coups exhibit minimal impact on the currency market, but induce better market performance (positive return and decrease in the return volatility) despite an increase in liquidity risk of the stock market. Against common beliefs about negative consequences of the coup d’états, this study suggests that the uncertainty surrounding coups can bring good investment opportunities for investors to earn abnormal profits. Moreover, in the long term, the coup can drive the country to better stability and development.

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Jilkin, V. A. "Illegal Interference in Internal Affairs Sovereign States of the UN and in the Presidential Elections in Russia as Instrument of US Foreign Policy." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (March 15, 2018): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18346.

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Since signing of the UN Charter on June 26, 1945, that enshrined the principle of non-intervention in internal and external affairs of sovereign states, the United States, within the period from 1945 to 2000, committed over 100 acts of conscious unlawful intervention in the affairs of more than 60 states worldwide with the view of realizing the «colour revolution» scenarios, coups d’état and arranging social destabilization. The attempts of outside intervention in Russia’s internal affairs, in violation of the universally recognized norms of international law and the UN Charter, take place constantly, in fact from the moment of Russia’s proclaiming state sovereignty. The alleged grounds for intervention in the affairs of sovereign states are a special view about the US mission, predominant with the American elite, which is used for the politicians’ public argumentation on their «inalienable right». The main goal of Western intervention in Russia’s internal affairs and the elections is changing the foundations of the constitutional order and political course, violation of the territorial integrity, modifying the composition and structure of the Russian authorities, as well as inf luencing the Russian young people in order to make them a tool for erosion of the national political systems. To prevent the external threats to the sovereignty of the Russian Federation and the attempts to interfere in its purely internal affairs, Russia uses the whole potential of political and diplomatic measures and parliamentary diplomacy, adhering to the generally recognized norms of international law enshrined in the UN Charter, in particular, in Article 2 of the UN Charter, in the Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in Internal Affairs of States, as concerns protection of their independence and sovereignty, the provisions of international treaties and foreign experience of defending sovereignty and opposing intervention from outside.

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Belousov, Mikhail S. "Unnoticed Coup D’état." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 79–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.105.

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The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.

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Schoijet, Mauricio. "La recepción e impacto de las ideas de Malthus sobre la población / Reception and Impact on Malthus’ Ideas on Population." Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 569. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/edu.v20i3.1210.

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En este artículo se analizan varios elementos de la obra de Thomas Malthus sobre población, en particular la recepción de su teoría y su posición política. Se resumen las críticas políticas, ideológicas y científicas que ha recibido, y se examinan asuntos hasta ahora no tratados por otros comentaristas, como es el caso de las excepciones admitidas por Malthus respecto al papel de las relaciones sociales feudales en la agricultura de Polonia y Rusia. Se sugiere que pese a que su teoría tendía a reforzar la pesada represión social y sexual existente, Malthus no fue apoyado por la burguesía británica (contrariamente a la apreciación de Marx). Se deduce que Malthus no percibió cabalmente los avances de la agricultura, y se refuta la tesis de Donald Winch de que habría sido un liberal de izquierda en política pues si bien en algunos aspectos se le puede considerar progresista, en otros, esenciales, conservador extremadamente represivo o protofascista, incluso precursor de la teoría de los golpes de Estado. AbstractThis article analyzes several elements of the work of Thomas Malthus on the population, particularly as regards the reception of his theory and political position. It summarizes the political, ideological and scientific criticisms he received and examines issues that have hitherto not been dealt with by other commentators, such as the exceptions admitted by Malthus regarding the role of feudal social relations in the agriculture of Poland and Russia. The author suggests that although his theory tended to reinforce the harsh social and sexual repression that existed at the time, Malthus was not supported by the British bourgeoisie (as opposed to what Marx thought). He also suggests that Malthus failed to grasp the extent of the advances in agriculture and refutes Donald Winch’s theory that he was a leftist liberal in politics, since although he can be considered progressive in some respects, in other essential aspects he is an extremely repressive, proto-fascist conservative, and even a forerunner of the theory of coups d’état.

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Chew Sánchez, Martha I. "From the “Pink Tide” to “Soft Coup d’État” in Latin America: the Case of Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 19, no. 5-6 (February 4, 2021): 597–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341573.

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Abstract This article addresses the impact of settler colonialism by the Spanish and United States in the American continent in forming the base, development, and power of capitalism in the West. It provides a general overview of the United States’ unequal economic relationships with Latin American countries since the end of the nineteenth century to the present. It highlights the role evangelist groups have in changing the way coup d’états have been taking place in the region, in particular, to countries that had democratically elected presidents who were part of the “Pink Tide” and had a program to counterbalance neoliberal policies that were contributing to unprecedented economic inequality in their societies. One of the central questions in this work is the role of coloniality within Latin American countries and between the US and Latin America in the coup d’état against Evo Morales in Bolivia on November 10, 2019.

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Martinák, Lukáš. "Názvosloví studií státního převratu: jeho použití v odborné literatuře, 1962–2014." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 88–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.1.88.

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This short study provides a comparative analysis of Anglo-Saxon scientific literature (in the form of monographs, articles from reviewed periodicals, Internet sources) in which the phenomenon of coup d’état is the primary subject of research interest. The main goals of this text are (1) to increase awareness of research into coup d’état as an essential phenomenon in the sphere of transitology among Czech political science students, and (2) to present solutions to the terminological problems relating to this political science discipline. To achieve these goals, the text presents a coherent terminological concept of coup d’état based on a semantic analysis of the disparate literature of Anglo-Saxon provenance, in which research into coup d’état has reached an advanced level of knowledge

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Bell, Curtis. "Coup d’État and Democracy." Comparative Political Studies 49, no. 9 (February 17, 2016): 1167–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414015621081.

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Ornstein, Michael. "Le néoconservatisme en Ontario : révolution ou coup d’État ?1." Sociologie et sociétés 35, no. 1 (June 15, 2004): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008512ar.

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Résumé Comment expliquer la réélection, en 1999, du Parti conservateur ontarien, parti dont les politiques furent à l’origine d’une polarisation sans précédent de la vie politique en Ontario ? Pour répondre à cette question, nous comparons les résultats d’une enquête menée en 1999 à ceux d’une série d’enquêtes réalisées entre 1977 et 1981. Notre analyse démontre que la victoire néoconservatrice en Ontario ne reflète en rien un virage à droite de l’opinion publique. De fait, les résultats ne montrent aucune indication qu’il y a eu, au cours de cette période, une montée des positions conservatrices. L’élection de 1999 a cependant eu comme conséquence une polarisation idéologique inédite et profonde entre les partisans des trois principaux partis politiques provinciaux. Nous soutenons que le virage néoconservateur de l’Ontario fut en fait le fruit d’un coup d’État au sein même de l’élite du Parti conservateur.

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Jones, Thomas C. "A “coup d’État” in Jersey?" Diasporas, no. 33 (June 27, 2019): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/diasporas.3738.

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Jouanjan, Olivier. "Un « coup d’État de droit » ?" Le Débat 196, no. 4 (2017): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.196.0114.

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Salama, Pierre. "UNE CRISE STRUCTURELLE AU BRESIL." Revista de Políticas Públicas 20 (January 9, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v20nep43-50.

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Il s’agit de mettre en évidence l’ampleur et la nature de la récente crise structurelle brésilienne, tant au sens économique que politique. La crise politique aggrave la crise économique, et vice et versa, pouvant entrainer une crise institutionnelle. La lutte de classe devient plus forte, tandis que la légitimation étatique chute. Alors, une tentative de coup d’État médiatico-politique est en cours.Mots-clefs: Crise structurelle brésilienne, lutte de classe, coup d’État.

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Gomes, Daniel Filipe Franco. "O 14 de novembro de 1980 na Guiné-Bissau visto pela imprensa portuguesa: análise comparativa." Revista Portuguesa de História, no. 45 (2014): 481–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4147_45_21.

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Amon, Hermann. "Usurpation et coup d’État dans l’empire romain : nouvelles approches." Cahiers d'histoire 31, no. 2 (November 6, 2013): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019283ar.

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Après sa victoire à Actium, Octave devint le seul maître de Rome. Il lui incombait donc de réaliser les réformes nécessaires pour mettre fin au long cycle de guerres civiles qui avaient agité la République. La réorganisation de l’État romain par Octave conduit à la naissance d’une nouvelle structure politique : le Principat. Pendant de nombreuses décennies, le concept d’usurpation fut préféré à celui de coup d’État pour qualifier la contestation de la « légitimité » d’un empereur régnant par un autre prétendant dans cette structure politique. Les historiens de l’Antiquité considéraient le concept de coup d’État trop contemporain et, par conséquent, anachronique. Toutefois, ces dernières années, on assiste à une importante évolution conceptuelle et sémantique sur ce sujet. Les spécialistes s’intéressant à l’histoire politique de l’Empire romain n’hésitant plus à parler de coup d’État pour décrire la réalité historique de la contestation de la légitimité d’un empereur régnant. L’objectif général de cet article est d’expliquer les avantages de cette transition.

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Bozarslan, Hamit. "Le coup d’état raté en Turquie." Esprit Sptmbr, no. 9 (2016): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/espri.1609.0010.

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Fedoritenko, Yuliya. "Chilean coup d’état and Swedish diplomacy." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 8 (2019): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0005580-7.

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Bensaâd, Ali. "Les répliques d’un coup d’État manqué." L'Année du Maghreb, no. I (June 1, 2006): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anneemaghreb.320.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Coups d’État'

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