Academic literature on the topic 'Covenanters'

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Journal articles on the topic "Covenanters"

1

Mijers, Esther. "‘Holland and we were bot one in our cause’: The Covenanters’ ‘Dutch’ Reception and Impact." Scottish Historical Review 99, Supplement (2020): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0489.

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This article examines aspects of the reception of the covenanters and their cause in the Dutch republic from the start of the civil wars to the return of the Restoration exiles almost five decades later. It begins by looking at the foundations of the Scottish-Dutch religious relationship before addressing the Dutch reaction to the rise of the covenanters, the arrival of Scottish exiles in the Dutch republic and the formation of several Scottish-Dutch religious networks, with particular attention paid to publishing and translation activities. The article concludes with reflection on the reception and impact of covenanter ideas as interpreted by their Dutch supporters.
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2

Woolfson, Michael. "William Cochran. 30 July 1922 – 28 August 2003." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 51 (January 2005): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2005.0005.

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William Cochran was born at Driffenbeg, a moorland sheep farm, on 30 July 1922, to James Cochrane and Margaret Watson Baird; the final ‘e’ in the family name drifted in and out in random fashion through the generations. He traced his ancestry back more than 350 years to his great'great'great'great'great'great'grandfather, another William Cochran. In 1649 this forebear obtained title to Maynes of Craig ‘the four merks five shilling land of the five pound lands of Craig’ near Strathaven from Robert Hamilton of Sillertounhill. At around this time he married a widow, Alison Lawson, a marriage that provided a sound, if not abundant, foundation to the family fortunes from that time forth. The farm was passed from son to son–from William to John in 1669, to Alexander in 1717, to William in 1745 and to yet another William in about 1795. The most interesting of these early kin was John, who was a Covenanter, a Presbyterian rebel who opposed Anglicanism. He took part in the Covenanter Rebellion of 1679 in which, at Drumclog, the Covenanters defeated the forces of John Graham, Vicount of Dundee, who, in 1678, had been charged with task of suppressing the Covenanters. However, later the tide turned against the rebels and John was for some time imprisoned in Edinburgh with his farm ‘forfault’.
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3

Cipriano, Salvatore. "“Students Who Have the Irish Tongue”: The Gaidhealtachd, Education, and State Formation in Covenanted Scotland, 1638–1651." Journal of British Studies 60, no. 1 (2021): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.186.

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AbstractThis article examines the Scottish Covenanters’ initiatives to revamp educational provision in the Gaidhealtachd, the Gaelic-speaking portions of Scotland, from the beginning of the Scottish Revolution in 1638 to the Cromwellian conquest of Scotland in 1651. Scholars have explored in detail the range of educational schemes pursued by central governments in the seventeenth century to “civilize” the Gaidhealtachd, but few have engaged in an analysis of Covenanting schemes and how they differed from previous endeavors. While the Statutes of Iona are probably the best-known initiative to civilize the Gaidhealtachd and extirpate the Gaelic language, Covenanter schemes both adapted such policies and further innovated in order to serve the needs of a nascent confessional state. In particular, Covenanting schemes represented a unique and pragmatic way to address the Gaidhealtachd's educational deficiencies because they sought practical accommodation of the Gaelic language and preferred the matriculation of Gaelophone scholars into the universities. These measures not only represented a new strategy for integrating the Gaelic periphery into the Scottish state but were also notable for the ways in which they incorporated Gaelophone students into Scotland's higher education orbit—a stark departure from the educational situation in Ireland. By drawing on underutilized manuscript and printed sources, this article examines how the Covenanters refurbished education in the Gaidhealtachd and posits that the Covenanter schemes represented a key facet of the broader process of state formation in 1640s Scotland.
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4

WAURECHEN, SARAH. "COVENANTER PROPAGANDA AND CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF THE PUBLIC DURING THE BISHOPS' WARS, 1638–1640." Historical Journal 52, no. 1 (2009): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08007310.

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ABSTRACTThis article investigates propaganda deployed in support of the Covenanting revolution in Scotland during the Bishops' Wars (1638–40). It attempts to broaden the category of ‘British’ history by focusing on discourse instead of high politics, and analyses printed tracts – complemented by select manuscript sources – to reconstruct the Covenanters' theoretical approach to creating an English public to support their cause. The novelty of the ‘explosion’ of print in England in the 1640s is now widely acknowledged, and numerous books and articles have argued about whether or not this constituted a public sphere. This article, however, presupposes a ‘space’ for public debate and focuses instead on the conceptual framework driving Covenanter appeals. It concludes that the Covenanters believed that rational debate in a public forum would expose truth, which would naturally persuade the English people to support their cause and, in turn, pressure the king into making the desired concessions. But this was not how the actual English public functioned: there was an important disparity between the theory of godly rational debate and the reality of a rather ‘wild’, competing, and self-interested plurality of publics.
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5

Gallagher, Craig. "‘Them that are dispersed abroad’: The Covenanters and their Legacy in North America, 1650–1776." Scottish Historical Review 99, Supplement (2020): 454–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0491.

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The legacy of the covenanters in North America can be measured through the commercial and political networks they forged with Dutch reformed, Independent, and puritan allies in the seventeenth century. These alliances were forged by their mutual antipathy to episcopacy, royal absolutism and catholicism. English Americans protected and supported the sons of covenanters and their mercantile and political projects to allow them to evade and undermine imperial restrictions on their work and worship. Covenanters earned a reputation as redoubtable and reliable anti-popish reactionaries that inspired British officials to settle Scots on dangerous colonial frontiers in the eighteenth century.
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6

Ritchie, Daniel. "Radical Orthodoxy: Irish Covenanters and American Slavery, circa 1830–1865." Church History 82, no. 4 (2013): 812–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640713001157.

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This article analyzes the views of Reformed Presbyterians (Covenanters) in relation to the subject of American slavery. Popular mythology, especially that propagated by the exponents of Neo-Confederacy, would have us believe that all those who criticized the system of chattel slavery that existed in antebellum America were either secularists or adherents to heterodox religious opinions. In order to debunk this myth, this article seeks to demonstrate the solid antislavery credentials of this theologically conservative group of Presbyterians by examining the writings of various Covenanters on chattel slavery. As this agitation against slavery took place in a context of significant internal strife between the Covenanters over the issue of the civil magistrate's power circa sacra, this paper will consider how the antislavery arguments of Thomas Houston and John Paul diverged in order to suit their respective positions on civil magistracy. Related to this is the Covenanters' critique of the US Constitution, which Reformed Presbyterians rejected owing to its proslavery sentiments. Hence this article provides us with an important insight into antislavery ideology and developments within Reformed theology in relation to the state during the nineteenth century. Finally, consideration will be given to understanding the complex response of the Reformed Presbyterians to the American Civil War and to debates between the Irish Covenanters and their American brethren on the proper reaction to the conflict.
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7

Langley, Chris R. "Deportment, emotion and moderation at the Glasgow Assembly, 1638." Historical Research 93, no. 261 (2020): 466–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htaa014.

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Abstract This article explores emotion and behaviour at the Glasgow Assembly in 1638. Whereas the assembly is usually viewed as a masterclass of gerrymandering and control, this article investigates the ways in which participants at the assembly understood the importance of how they behaved, as well as what they said. While both Covenanters and supporters of the Crown were eager to emphasize the ways they moderated their behaviour, they also perpetrated intense bouts of emotional drama. The unrestrained nature of these outbursts underlines the complex relationship between utterance, behaviour and emotion in early modern Calvinism, and in Covenanted Scotland in particular.
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8

Wedgeworth, Steven. "“The Two Sons of Oil” and the Limits of American Religious Dissent." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (2012): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000540.

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In the opening decades of the nineteenth century, Samuel Brown Wylie, an Irish-Presbyterian minister of a group of Scottish and Scots-Irish Presbyterians known as the Covenanters, and William Findley, a United States Congressman and also a descendant of the Covenanters, debated the Constitution's compatibility with Christianity and the proper bounds of religious uniformity in the newly founded Republic. Their respective views were diametrically opposed, yet each managed to borrow from different aspects of earlier political traditions held in common while also laying the groundwork for contrasting political positions which would more fully develop in the decades to come. And more than a few times their views seem to criss-cross, supporting contrary trajectories from what one might expect.Their narrative, in many ways strange, challenges certain “Christian” understandings of early America and the Constitution, yet it also poses a few problems for attempts at a coherent theory of secularity, natural law, and the common good in our own day.Samuel Brown Wylie is an obscure figure in American history. As a Covenanter, Wylie was forced to immigrate to America due to his involvement in the revolutionary United-Irishmen in Ulster. After finding it impossible to unite with other Presbyterians in Pennsylvania, Wylie became the first minister in the “Reformed Presbyterian Church of the United States,” which would also be called “the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church.” According to his great-grandson, Wylie also went on to become the vice-Provost of the University of Pennsylvania.
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9

Cipriano, Salvatore. "The Scottish Universities and Opposition to the National Covenant, 1638." Scottish Historical Review 97, no. 1 (2018): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2018.0351.

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This study examines the initial opposition to the National Covenant from the masters of the universities of St Andrews, Glasgow and Aberdeen in 1638. It has generally been assumed that opposition to the Covenant among the intellectual elite was confined to the Aberdeen Doctors. The resistance in universities, however, was much more extensive. Only Edinburgh University, located in Scotland's revolutionary centre, supported the covenanting movement from the outset. In elucidating the widespread nature of opposition in universities, this article draws on a corpus of previously overlooked manuscript and printed sources, especially pertaining to the covenanters' debates with intransigent academics at St Andrews and Glasgow, before setting the Aberdeen Doctors' resistance within the context of this wider academic hostility to the covenanting movement over the course of 1638. Though the universities' resistance was by no means coordinated, it, nevertheless, represented a pressing concern as the covenanters pursued a national movement. In examining these early intellectual arguments against the Covenant, this article illuminates university masters' stark differences with the covenanters over the nature of kingly authority, church government and religious ceremony. Because the universities trained Scotland's ministry and magistracy, these intellectual disagreements had pressing consequences. Thus, far from a minor encumbrance to the covenanting movement in 1638 that resulted in the subscriptions of the masters of Glasgow and St Andrews and the purge of the Aberdeen Doctors, the universities' resistance to the Covenant proved foundational to the covenanters' subsequent aggressive supervision of higher education within the construction of their fledgling confessional state in the 1640s.
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10

Emery, Robert. "Church and State in the Early Republic: The Covenanters' Radical Critique." Journal of Law and Religion 25, no. 2 (2009): 487–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400001223.

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Constitutional scholars pay particular attention to the historical context of the First Amendment, to the relationship between the state and religion in the early republic. Missing from this academic examination of church-state history, however, is any serious consideration of the views of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, popularly known as the Covenanters, views that challenged the fundamental presuppositions of the United States Constitution, both as established in the early national period and as applied today. A typical modern American, citizen or scholar, cannot help but be startled by a coherent, closely reasoned body of doctrine that trenchantly criticizes such fundamental American assumptions as government by consent of the governed or the free exercise of religion. Covenanter criticism of the church-state relations not only presents a model of church and state radically different from today's conventional American theories, but also throws light on the American paradigm as it existed during its developmental period. Reformed Presbyterians of the early republic criticized the federal Constitution from a world view so radically different from that of the founders that their criticisms highlight aspects of the generally accepted constitutional regime in ways that conventional constitutional scholars have scarcely considered.
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