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Zarate, Tenorio Barbara Astrid. "Social policy, protest participation and violent crime in Latin America." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5dcad1e6-ef54-4fba-a6b4-38d68cf7d0c7.
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This thesis consists of four self-contained articles which focus on different aspects of citizens' demand for and governments' supply of social policy in Latin American democracies. The underlying questions that link the four papers are a) do social and economic grievances affect citizens' propensity to protest? and, b) do democratic governments in the region use social policy as an instrument to mitigate social discontent and violent crime? In the first two papers, I use public opinion data in order to examine the determinants of citizens' participation in protest with a special focus on dissatisfaction with the quality of public services, demands for inequality-reduction policies and economic deprivation. The results show that among other factors, protest participation is motivated by citizens' discontent over the quality of basic social services, support for redistributive policies, and relative economic deprivation. The third and fourth papers analyze the "supply side" of social spending in the region focusing on collective protest and violent crime, respectively. The third article argues that under democracy, organized labor is in a better position relative to other groups in society to obtain social policy concessions as a consequence of their collective action efforts. The results show that whereas social security spending increases as a consequence of labor militancy, cutbacks in human capital spending are less likely as peaceful large-scale demonstrations increase. The fourth paper argues that political leaders use education spending as an instrument to mitigate violent crime. It also argues that the effect of violent crime on education spending is larger when leftist governments are in power. The empirical analysis provides support for these arguments.
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Halaburda, Pablo. "Terrorism base potential in the tri-border area of Latin America." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FHalaburda.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev Sepp. "December 2006." AD-A462 564. Includes bibliographical references (p.83-89). Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Saunders-Hastings, Katherine E. "Order and insecurity under the mara : violence, coping, and community in Guatemala City." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:41c30581-4e46-483a-b77e-c241fa88a819.
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Drawing on sixteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in a poor and notorious neighbourhood, this dissertation examines how evolving dynamics of urban violence have affected life in a Guatemala City gang territory. The maras of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras - the gangs that help give these countries some of the world's highest homicide rates - have changed dramatically in their group cultures and criminal economies since they appeared in the 1990s. I trace what I call the mara's predatory turn: the elaboration of an extortion economy, which has had far-reaching consequences for the relationship between gang cliques and their barrios. This transformation has re-shaped the experience of chronic insecurity in the communities that maras operate from: inhabitants report that it is now less manageable, less predictable, and more frightening. They speak of a heightening of danger in their lives brought about by the decline of certain local norms and mechanisms that had previously moderated gang violence and bolstered community resilience. Local narratives of insecurity and decline illuminate when, how, and why violence disrupts and disorders social life. What many informants emphasized was not a cataclysmic appearance of violence in their lives, but rather a catastrophic breakdown in the mechanisms that had controlled it. In this distressing context, residents struggle to minimize their insecurity and to reclaim or create forms of order. I examine two principal ways that they seek to do so: by working to maintain a moral order based on narratives about the neighbourhood and its values or 'codes', and by looking to external providers of order in the state and its security forces. Exploring the complex relationships and interactions between inhabitants, gang members, and state forces in this barrio, I contribute to academic debates about local and state responses to insecurity in Latin America and propose modifications to prevailing models of state and criminal 'governance' in marginal urban communities.
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Tošovský, Štěpán. "The economics of organized crime: evidence on FDI attraction in Latin America and Caribbean." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-262286.
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This paper attempts to investigate the degree to which organized crime affects FDI in 15 Latin America and Caribbean countries during 2006-2014 period. We employed four crime proxies: homicide rate, organized crime index, business cost of terrorism index and business cost of crime index and analyzed their impact on overall, sectoral and industrial FDI inflows. We find evidence of a deterrent effect of organized crime on FDI inflows; in particular on FDI in secondary and tertiary sectors. On the contrary FDI inflows in more extractive industries - primary sector - are less affected by the presence of organized crime
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Tulio, Dos Santos Diogo <1990>. "Transnational organized crime, illicit drug trade, and international law : can national authorities in Latin America comply with international provisions?" Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/17269.
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La criminalità organizzata transnazionale nel suo complesso ha progressivamente aumentato e perpetrato le sue attività in tutto il mondo. Questo è stato il caso del business delle droghe, i cui effetti sono stati osservati da vicino dalla popolazione o seguiti da altri attraverso i social media, le notizie e persino le serie TV. Per quanto popolare potesse essere diventato il commercio di droga, la malavita che lo comprende forse non è così conosciuta come molti pensano. È ragionevole affermare che le informazioni sul commercio di sostanze illecite a cui hanno accesso cittadini, organizzazioni e persino governi sono probabilmente limitate.
Le organizzazioni criminali si sono impegnate a fondo nel redditizio affare della droga. E, per garantirne il massimo profitto, faranno tutto il necessario per mantenere il loro status e la loro rilevanza ovunque sia pertinente in base ai loro interessi. Di conseguenza, sono particolarmente attivi in alcune regioni del mondo, tuttavia i cittadini di solito notano la loro presenza essendo coinvolti indirettamente o direttamente in insoddisfazione pubblica, turbolenze politiche o conflitti violenti. I governi nazionali si sforzano di evitare questi problemi, ma alcuni non hanno né realizzato né affrontato i problemi provocati da entità e persone responsabili di alcune attuali situazioni sismiche.
Di fronte a ciò, è imminente e ragionevole mettere in discussione l'efficacia delle disposizioni internazionali e della capacità dello Stato sullo sviluppo di approcci e politiche strategici in modo che possano essere debitamente applicati e attuati attraverso le autorità nazionali preposte all'applicazione della legge. Tuttavia, alcuni governi ottengono risultati migliori nell'istituzione di misure contro il traffico illecito di stupefacenti, mentre altri lottano per conformarsi agli accordi internazionali e per tenere sotto controllo i gruppi criminali. Questa tesi mira a far luce sui potenziali motivi per cui la criminalità organizzata si manifesta in modo più sfacciato e insistente in alcuni paesi, soprattutto per quanto riguarda le attività illegali transfrontaliere.
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Pereira, Paulo Jose dos Reis 1980. "Securitização do Crime Organizado Transnacional nos Estados Unidos na década de 1990." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280966.
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Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O crime organizado transnacional (COT), apesar de seu papel crescente nas agendas de segurança nacional e internacional dos Estados desde a década de 1990, teve pouca atenção nos estudos de relações internacionais. As referências teóricas tradicionais desta área (particularmente da subárea de segurança internacional), bem como a noção estreita de criminalidade como um assunto doméstico e essencialmente jurídico, dificultaram a avaliação adequada deste novo papel assumido pelas atividades ilícitas transnacionais. Dado o pioneirismo estadunidense em tal processo, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a alocação do COT na agenda de segurança nacional estadunidense durante o governo Clinton e alguns dos seus resultados, especialmente para a distinção entre as noções de segurança doméstica e internacional. Para tanto, fazemos uma análise documental e histórica, pautada no conceito de securitização da Escola de Copenhagen. A securitização pela qual o COT passou nos Estados Unidos pautou-se na percepção de ameaça existencial que este fenômeno criminal colocava a vários aspectos da nação, tanto sociais quanto econômicos. O "ato de fala" realizado pelo Executivo do país a partir de 1995, com a diretiva presidencial 42, foi aceito extensamente pelo público em geral e por várias elites sociais, uma audiência que conferiu legitimidade a tal processo. Três grupos de apoiadores foram particularmente importantes: a mídia, os especialistas e o Congresso estadunidense. O primeiro ajudou na disseminação da percepção de ameaça entre a população; o segundo auxiliou na quantificação e qualificação desta ameaça, fornecendo um conhecimento "cientificamente" embasado; o terceiro conferiu suporte político às iniciativas próprias do Executivo, bem como foi, ele mesmo, agente de propostas. O contexto histórico de liberalização política e econômica, o avanço tecnológico nas comunicações e transporte, bem como o fim do conflito bipolar, compôs um quadro favorável ao aumento do COT e à sua percepção como ameaça aos países e à ordem internacional nascente. No entanto, esse processo também deve ser creditado aos interesses de agências de Inteligência e aplicação da Lei estadunidenses, que, com o fim da Guerra Fria, buscaram redefinir seus papéis de proteção à nação. São expressões concretas da securitização o aumento de recursos, bem como a ênfase na ação militar e na internacionalização de atividades policiais que ocorreu com os programas de combate à criminalidade transnacional na América Latina, uma região que já era foco, desde a década de 1980, de políticas de combate ao tráfico de drogas, uma das mais importantes expressões do COT contemporâneo
Abstract: Transnational organized crime (TOC), despite its increasing role in the national and international security agendas of States since the 1990s, got little attention in studies of international relations. The traditional theoretical references in this area (particularly on international security subfield), and the narrow notion of crime as a domestic and essentially legal matter, hampered the proper assessment of this new role played by illicit transnational activities. The objective of this work is to analyze the allocation of TOC in the U.S. national security agenda during the Clinton administration, as well as to check some of its results, especially for the distinction between the notions of domestic and international security. To this end, a historical and documentary analysis, based on the Copenhagen's School concept of securitization, was done. The securitization process in which TOC has passed in the United States was based on the perception of existential threat that this criminal phenomenon posed to various aspects of the nation, both social and economic. The "speech act" carried out by the Executive of the country since 1995, with the PDD-42, was widely accepted by the general public and various social elites, an audience that gave legitimacy to this process. Three supporters groups were particularly important: the media, the experts and the U.S. Congress. The first helped the spread of threat perception among the population; the second helped to quantify and qualify this threat by providing a "scientifically" grounded knowledge; the third gave political support to the Executive initiatives and was, itself, an agent of proposals. The historical context of political and economic liberalization, technological advances in communications and transportation, as well as the end of bipolar conflict, wrote a favorable framework for the increase of TOC and its perception as a threat to countries and to the emerging international order. However, this process must also be credited to the interests of intelligence agencies and U.S. law enforcement, which, with the end of the Cold War, sought to redefine their roles in protecting the nation. The increasing of resources adressed to fight crime, the growth of military action and the internationalization of police activities that occurred in programs to combat transnational crime in Latin America are concrete expressions of securitization. In this scenery Latin America can be considereda region that was already the focus, since the 1980s, of policies to combat drug trafficking, one of the most important expressions of contemporary COT
Doutorado
Relações Internacionais
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Amorim, Francisco de Paula Rocha. "O impacto do narcotráfico na dinâmica de homicídios e roubos : relações causais em 32 metrópoles da América Latina." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/96166.
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A presente dissertação de mestrado verificou empiricamente a influência do tráfico de entorpecentes nos delitos de homicídio e roubo em 32 metrópoles da América Latina, por meio da análise dos delitos reportados por jornais diários dessas cidades nos anos de 2006 e 2011. O objetivo deste estudo foi mensurar o impacto em nível continental do comércio ilegal de drogas na prevalência de outros delitos, levando em consideração outras variáveis contextuais. A partir do entendimento de que a criminalidade urbana possui forte componente endógeno de organização, a hipótese central foi a de que o narcotráfico foi o principal impulsionador do surto de violência vivenciado nesta região do planeta. Para medir o peso desta atividade ilegal sobre outros crimes, empregou-se a metodologia quantitativa. Por meio de análises estatísticas multivariadas, as taxas de homicídio e roubo foram analisadas levando-se em consideração variáveis endógenas, como o tráfico, e variáveis de controle, de caráter exógeno à criminalidade. Os achados sociológicos demonstraram uma influência expressiva do narcotráfico na dinâmica dos dois crimes. No caso dos roubos, a relação detectada entre as taxas (criadas a partir dos delitos reportados) foi positiva e forte nos dois períodos pesquisados. Os homicídios, todavia, foram influenciados pelo comércio ilegal de drogas apenas no primeiro recorte temporal. No segundo momento pesquisado, são os roubos, influenciados pelo tráfico, que passam a impactar na prevalência de assassinatos em nível continental.This dissertation presents an empirical verification of the influence of narcotics trafficking in the crimes of murder and robbery in 32 cities in Latin America, through the analysis of crimes reported by newspapers of those cities in the years 2006 and 2011. The aim of this study was to measure the impact at a continental level of illegal drug trade in prevalence to other crimes, taking also into account contextual variables. From the understanding that urban crime has a strong endogenous organizational component, the central hypothesis was that drug trafficking was the main factor of the outbreak of violence experienced in this region of the planet. To measure the weight of this illegal activity on other crimes, we used a quantitative methodology. Through multivariated statistical analysis, the rates of the three offenses were tested with control variables exogenous in relation to the crimes. The sociological findings are that there is a significant influence of the drug trade in the dynamics of the two crimes. In the case of robberies, the relation between crime rates was positive and strong in both periods studied. Homicides, however, were influenced by the drug trafficking only in the first period of time researched. In the second period researched, the rate of robberies (influenced by drug dealing) was the variable that impacted most in the prevalence of murders at a continental level.
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Skilton, Isabel M. "U.S. Immigration Policy and the Transnational Expansion of Gangs in the Northern Triangle." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1226.
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The Northern Triangle area made up by El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras faces a growing gang phenomenon responsible for the growth of violence and instability in the region. Many factors have contributed to the rise of gangs in the region, however, I argue that the deportation of Central American immigrants who became active gang members in the United States play a significant role in the growth of gangs. I analyze the impact of the lack of collaboration between the United States and the nations of the Northern Triangle, especially in the lack of reintegration programs and the other factors that could have influenced or spurred the escalation of gang activity such as a failed recovery process following the civil wars of the 1970s and 1980s and the state repression policies. Furthermore, I assess how the lack of collaboration between the United States and Northern Triangle region in the deportation of criminal immigrants has impacted the transnationalization of the two largest Central American gangs, Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18. Due to the lack of quantitative data on gang size and membership, I conduct my analysis utilizing various studies that have been conducted in the three nations and data regarding homicide and deportation rates. Ultimately, I find that while the U.S. deportees played an important role in altering the characteristics and nature of Central American gangs, a variety of other factors were significant in their growth. Additionally, I find their assignation as Transnational Criminal Organizations premature and inconclusive due to their weak organizational and communication structure. Finally, I question whether gangs are truly the cause of high levels of violence in each of the nations of the Northern Triangle, determining that the Central American gang phenomenon cannot be assessed or treated as a singular issue. Instead, it is imperative to acknowledge the conditions at play in each country.
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Ochoa, Hernandez Rolando. "Out of harm's way : understanding kidnapping in Mexico City." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4b015aba-23ca-45e8-b2a1-70de89cd0c19.
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This dissertation analyses the survival strategies that wealthy people in Mexico City have designed and implemented to protect themselves from kidnapping with special focus on household employment relationships. This particular crime has demonstrated a particular evolution in the last 20 years that deserves analysis. Once a political crime, it became an economic crime that at first only targeted wealthy individuals and then over time began targeting working class victims. Based on extensive qualitative fieldwork in Mexico City which included a year in the field, 78 interviews with employers, employees, kidnapping victims and members of the police forces and justice system and the creation of a news reports database this thesis presents a detailed history of the evolution of kidnapping in the period 1968-2009. This is followed by an in depth analysis of the strategies elites use to protect themselves from this crime. Special attention is focused on the hiring process of household employees, namely drivers, as evidence suggests that most kidnappings are organized or facilitated in some way by a close collaborator of the victim. The hiring process is approached as a problem of trust. Signaling theory is the main framework used for the solving of this problem, as well as some ideas found in transaction cost economics, namely vertical integration. The results point towards strategic behavior from the actors involved that seeks to minimize the risk of being kidnapped for the employer. Signaling helps us uncover the specific mechanisms by which employer establish their prospective employees’ trustworthiness. The use of informal social networks made up of strong ties is one of the most salient mechanisms used to guarantee honest employees and this, together with a composite set of properties is signaled throughout. This thesis contributes to the literature on crime in Latin America as well as to the sociological literature on signaling, a branch of analytical sociology.
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Tzovenos, Helena Kapczinski. "Crise externa e contágio : a América Latina da crise da dívida à crise do subprime." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/158165.
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Este trabalho compara os impactos da crise da dívida na América Latina (AL) nos anos 1980 e da crise do subprime de 2007 na região. Historicamente, verifica-se que crises financeiras gestadas no centro do sistema capitalista são capazes de causar efeitos negativos nas economias latino-americanas. Os impactos na economia vão do lado financeiro, incluindo câmbio e fluxos de capitais, ao real, afetando produção, emprego, investimentos e indicadores sociais. Sua magnitude, porém, depende tanto da forma como a crise é gerada e transmitida internacionalmente, como da estrutura das economias periféricas em questão e de seu posicionamento estratégico internacional. Com relação à primeira, enfatiza-se a diversificação produtiva e exportadora e a incorporação de tecnologia e inovação em sua estrutura produtiva. A segunda também se mostrou uma maneira eficiente de aplacar os efeitos da crise, ao ampliar a integração regional dentro da própria AL e com outros blocos e países emergentes, notadamente a cooperação multilateral. O trabalho assume que as mudanças estruturais experimentadas pelas economias latino-americanas, bem como a cooperação multilateral e a maior integração regional permitiram a estas nações minimizar os efeitos da crise do subprime, ao contrário da crise da dívida nos 1980, que promoveu profundos desarranjos e distúrbios econômicos na região.This paper compares the impact of the debt crisis in Latin America (LA) in the 1980s and the 2007 subprime crisis’ in the region. Historically, it appears that financial crises gestated in the center of the capitalist system are capable of causing negative effects on Latin American economies. The impact on the economy occurs on the financial side, including exchange rates and capital flows, and in the real side, affecting production, employment, investment and social indicators. Its magnitude, however, depends as much on how the crisis is generated and transmitted internationally, as the structure of the peripheral economies in question and its international strategic positioning. Regarding the first, it emphasizes the productive and export diversification and the incorporation of technology and innovation in its production structure. The second was also an efficient way to assuage the effects of the crisis, to expand regional integration within the LA and with other blocs and emerging countries, notably multilateral cooperation. The work assumes that the structural changes experienced by Latin American economies multilateral cooperation and greater regional integration enabled these nations to minimize the effects of the subprime crisis, unlike the debt crisis in 1980, which promoted deep disorders and economic turmoil in the region.
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Oliphant, John E. "Organized Crime Violence in Mexico." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/568.
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The following thesis outlines the current social and political situation surrounding organized crime violence in Mexico. Using Samuel P. Huntington’s Political Order in Changing Societies and regression analysis, the purpose is to highlight the lack of subnational data within Mexico. Political science and economic theories guide the reader to better understanding what types of policy change or reform may need to occur in Mexico’s future years.
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Castillo, Arias Jamie O. "Information sharing about international terrorism in Latin America." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FCastillo%5FArias.pdf.
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Ramey, David Michael. "Neighborhood Violent Crime in Contemporary Latino Destination Cities." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275414603.
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Alves, Douglas Santos. "Neoliberalismo, democracia e crise na America Latina : a genese do Argentinazo (1976-2001)." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281618.
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Orientador: Alvaro Gabriel Bianchi MendesDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Na década de 1980, muitos países latinoamericanos,experimentaram a transição de regimes autoritários para democráticos. Essas mudanças aconteceram nos marcos do aprofundamento das relações de dependência em relação às economias centrais, bem como no contexto de graves abalos econômicos e políticos, como a crise da dívida externa dos países da região. As transformações ocorridas em tal situação engendraram contradições que marcaram o desenvolvimento ulterior das relações sociais e políticas. No âmbito institucional, trouxeram a conquista de novos espaços políticos para a regulação dos conflitos sociais; mas também se somaram às mudanças econômicas caracterizadas pela implementação das políticas neoliberais, tendo como consequência o agravamento do desemprego, da pobreza, além de diversas outras mazelas sociais. Constataram-se, ainda, grandes mudanças nos segmentos ativos e organizados da sociedade. O movimento sindical parecendo atravessar uma profunda crise, enquanto atores antes secundários passando a ganhar importância social e política. Assim, o desenvolvimento desse processo tem gerado frequentes mobilizações e protestos populares, acarretando no crescente desgaste do próprio regime institucional e da relação das classes subalternas com o mesmo. Desse modo, seria possível falar de uma deslegitimação da "esfera" política a partir do comprometimento das bases materiais necessárias para a construção do consenso dentro da sociedade. Estaríamos, portanto, diante de situações de crise, que culminariam com a derrubada de presidentes Equador (2000), Argentina (2001) e Bolívia (2003). O objetivo desta pesquisa é, a partir da análise do caso argentino, pensar a articulação existente entre crise econômica e crise política, buscando as conexões existentes entre as recentes convulsões sociais e as contradições que se formaram ainda no começo da década de 1980, de modo a identificar, a partir de seu alcance e profundidade, se esses processos configuram uma crise de hegemonia.
Abstract: In the 1980s, many Latin American countries, experienced the transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes. These changes occurred within the framework of deepening the relations of dependence on central economies and in the context of several economic and political shocks, as the crisis of external debt of countries in the region. The changes in this situation engendered contradictions that marked the further development of the political and social relations. Within institutions, brought the conquest of new political spaces for the regulation of social conflicts, but also added to economic changes characterized by the implementation of neoliberal policies, resulting in the aggravation of unemployment, poverty, and various other social ills. Found should also be major changes in active and organized segments of society. The trade union movement appears through a deep crisis, as secondary players now is passing to gain social and political importance. Thus, the development of this process has generated frequent mobilizations and popular protests, resulting in increased wear of the institutional arrangements and the relationship of the subordinate classes to it. Thus, it would be possible to speak of a loss of legitimacy process of the "ground" from the political commitment of the necessary material basis for building consensus within society. We therefore faced with a crisis, which culminated in the overthrow of presidents Ecuador (2000), Argentina (2001) and Bolivia (2003). The objective of this research is from the analysis of the Argentine case, to think the articulation between economic crisis and political crisis, seeking the connections between the recent social upheavals and contradictions that are also formed at the beginning of the 1980s, so to identify, from the scope and depth, if these processes constitute a crisis of hegemony.
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
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Souza, Luiz Eduardo Simões de. "A arquitetura de uma crise: história e política econômica na Argentina, 1989-2002." Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-15092008-095927/.
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Esta tese estuda os fundamentos da crise econômica argentina, irrompida em 2001. A Argentina, no contexto latino-americano, de acordo com a literatura históricoeconômica, apresenta uma \"regressão econômica secular\"; processo esse que se intensificou desde parte da década de 1970, quando o país viveu sob uma Ditadura militar. Em meados da década seguinte, sob uma crise econômica aguda, com hiperinflação, e frente a uma das maiores dívidas externas do mundo, os governos argentinos democráticos tentariam algumas iniciativas de estabilização dos preços, as quais resultariam no Plano de Convertibilidade, em 1991. Nessa ocasião, o país adotou a paridade cambial de sua moeda, em identidade com o dólar estadunidense. A Argentina apresentaria fortes taxas de crescimento do PIB nos primeiros anos do Plano, enquanto privatizava suas empresas públicas, desregulava seu mercado de trabalho e abria sua economia incondicionalmente ao capital externo. O FMI e o Banco Mundial incentivaram abertamente o Plano de Convertibilidade e as medidas de política econômica da Argentina, apresentando-a como exemplo aos demais países por uma década. Em 2001, como resultado das políticas adotadas, a Argentina sofreu uma crise econômica ainda mais intensa do que as anteriores, com uma retração acumulada de mais de 16% do PIB em um intervalo de um ano, com corrida bancária e crise social. De exemplo de política econômica do FMI, a Argentina passou à moratória de sua dívida externa, que cresceu exponencialmente durante o período. A crise argentina seria o produto da conjunção de três processos histórico-econômicos, dados entre o Pós-guerra e o final do século XX, a saber: (I) a falência do modelo de desenvolvimento autônomo a partir da substituição de importações, pelo impacto de políticas econômicas contrárias aos interesses nacionais argentinos, desde a imposição da Ditadura Militar de 1976 - 1983; (II) o atrelamento da política econômica argentina ao chamado \"Consenso de Washington\" ao longo da década de 1980, culminando com o governo Menem, de orientação neoliberal; e (III) uma crise do capitalismo ocorrida no final da década de 1990, cujos impactos se fizeram sentir de maneira mais intensa naqueles países subdesenvolvidos, que empreenderam políticas ultra-liberalizantes em âmbito interno. A desarticulação das estratégias de crescimento autônomo, a abertura desmedida ao capital internacional e a renúncia à utilização de instrumentos de política econômica, da parte de sucessivos governos argentinos, sempre sob a aprovação do Fundo Monetário Internacional, teriam como resultado o referido colapso da Argentina, em 2001.This thesis studies the foundations of the 2001 economic crisis in Argentina. In the Latin America economic context, and in economic history literature, Argentina is shown as an \"secular regression\" case. This process was enhanced during the Military period (1976 - 1982). During the 1980\'s, under an economic crisis, with a high inflationary process, and presenting one of the highest external debts of the world, the Argentine government tried some stabilization plans. The most important one it was the Convertibility Plan, in 1991. Then Argentina adopted the currency board exchange system, which considered by means of law as an equality of one peso to one U.S. dollar. Argentina would have strong economic growth rates in the first years of the Plan, as her government made the privatization of her public enterprises, promoted the liberalization of her labor market, and opened unconditionally her economy to the foreign capital. The IMF and the World Bank had widely supported the Convertibility Plan and Argentina\'s economic policies, showing the country as an example of good economic policies for over a decade. In 2001, as a result of that economic policies, Argentina entered on a huge economic crisis, with a retraction of more than 16% of her GDP in a single year. The financial system collapsed. The unemployment and the poverty of many deranged on social chaos. From \"first class IMF\'s student\" Argentina went on to the default of her debt with the Fund. This argentine 2001 crisis was the result of the sum of three economic historical processes: (I) the bankruptcy of the imports-substitution development model, as a result of anti-national economic policies applied in Argentina since the last Military period (1976-1983); (II) the submission of Argentina\'s economic policies to the Washington Consensus during the 1980\'s and 1990\'s; and (III) a crisis of capitalism which occurred on the end of the XXth century, whose effects were the most intense on the underdeveloped countries which applied the Washington Consensus policies. The elimination of independent economic development strategies, the excessive liberalization, and the abandonment of sovereign economic policies by successive Argentine governments, always under the support of the International Monetary Fund, had, as a result, the economic collapse of Argentina in 2001.
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Aubert, Melanie. ""Last days of the victim": A case study in translating Argentine crime fiction." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28443.
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This thesis is based on the author's English translation of key passages of an Argentine crime novel: Jose Pablo Feinmann's Ultimos dias de la victima (1979). The thesis establishes a theoretical framework revolving around the original text and its translation. This theoretical framework examines the novel's place in the history of the crime fiction genre in Argentina, translation's role in this history, the socio-political context in which the novel was created, and the linguistic, cultural, stylistic, and interpretive challenges of its translation. Most importantly, this thesis will examine how the novel can be translated for an audience who might not be aware of the socio-political situation that provides the context for a number of interpretations of this story.
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Barreneche, Osvaldo 1958. "Crime and the administration of criminal justice in Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1785-1853." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282402.
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This dissertation analyzes the emergence of the criminal justice system in modern Argentina, focusing on the city of Buenos Aires as case study. It concentrates on what I call the formative period of the postcolonial penal system, from the installation of the second Audiencia (superior justice tribunal in the viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata) in 1785 to the promulgation of the Argentine national constitution in 1853, when a new phase of inter-regional organization and codification began. During this transitional period, basic features of the modern Argentine criminal justice system emerged which I study in detail. They are: (a) institutional subordination of the judiciary; (b) police interference and disruption in the judiciary-civil society interface; (c) manipulation of the initial stages of the judicial process (sumario) by senior police officers (comisarios); and (d) utilization of institutionally malleable penal-legal procedures as a punitive system, regardless of the outcome of criminal cases judicially evaluated.
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Gentilini, João Augusto. "Crise e planejamento educacional na America Latina : tendencias e perspectivas no contexto da descentralização." [s.n.], 1999. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251080.
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Orientador: Newton A. P. BryanTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Mendonça, Ana Vitória Estevão de. "Impactos da crise financeira de 2008 sobre as economias brasileira e Latino-americana." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPE, 2014. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/12539.
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license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-13T16:15:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Ana Vitória de Mendonça.pdf: 1473608 bytes, checksum: 778133e523495bd6ede021455db79a18 (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-13
O presente trabalho busca conhecer mais detalhadamente os impactos da crise financeira internacional de 2008. Investiga se os países do Brasil e da América Latina sofreram os efeitos advindos da crise citada, mesmo que tardiamente. Nesse sentido, este estudo procura analisar como se deu a crise de 2008 e como esta impactou a economia mundial. Através de uma revisão da literatura sobre crises cambais, há a descrição dos três modelos existentes de ataque especulativo. Promove-se, além disso, uma pesquisa sobre os mecanismos de transmissão da crise dos países desenvolvidos para os países emergentes, procurando identificar o fenômeno do contágio. Faz-se uma exploração de indicadores macroeconômicos do Brasil e da América Latina, bem como as medidas implantadas por esses países para enfrentamento da crise. Por meio da análise realizada, é possível verificar que a crise financeira de 2008 apresenta características financeiras e não cambiais e exibe uma crise de confiança e iliquidez internacional, além de ter sido originada nos países desenvolvidos. O impacto da crise no Brasil e na América Latina é observado quando se examina os dados econômicos e sociais da região, através da disseminação da crise de 2008 para os países estudados.
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Meyer, Neele [Verfasser], and Bernhard [Akademischer Betreuer] Teuber. "Glocalizing genre fiction in the global South : Indian and Latin American post-millennial crime fiction / Neele Meyer ; Betreuer: Bernhard Teuber." München : Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1198111828/34.
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Reis, Marilise Luísa Martins dos. "A universidade pública em crise." Florianópolis, SC, 2001. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/82092.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia PolíticaMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-19T11:24:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2013-07-16T18:44:27Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 184042.pdf: 4873470 bytes, checksum: 3941a171045703f54567a0b538d27cc3 (MD5)
Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar e discutir determinadas contradições pelas quais vem passando a instituição universidade pública no decorrer da sua história. É fato que a universidade pública e o fenômeno da mundialização do capital, denominada por muitos de globalização, e da reunião em Bloco, MERCOSUL. Assim, duas tarefas tornaram-se relevantes nessa pesquisa: apontar os dilemas impostos à universidade pública diante desta complexidade e descrever o perfil institucional que a hegemonia do capital quer impor à instituição. Análise das reformas do ensino superior que vêm ocorrendo na América Latina, através da proposta do Banco Mundial, utilizando-se para isso de três países do MERCOSUL, a saber, Argentina, Brasil e Chile. Análise das propostas que apresenta o MERCOSUL para o sistema, através do seu Plano Trienal. Partimos do pressuposto de que todas as reformas propostas tanto pelos países, quanto pelo MERCOSUL, convergem para a proposta do Banco Mundial, que propõe um modelo de ensino superior e de universidade nos parâmetros da doutrina neoliberal e do mercado internacional.
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Mabunda, Sagwadi. "Has the failure to conduct post-Truth and Reconciliation Commission prosecutions in South Africa contributed to a culture of impunity for economic crimes?" Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5163.
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Magister Legum - LLMThe end of Apartheid and the transition to a new constitutional democracy in South Africa was ushered in by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The purpose of the TRC was to promote a dialogue between victims and perpetrators of gross human rights violations to try and achieve reconciliation in the country. To this end, the TRC was given the power to grant conditional amnesty to those who came forward to reveal the full truth to the country about the crimes that they had committed. Those who refused to apply for amnesty or who did apply but were denied amnesty were supposed to be prosecuted. A number of years have passed since the final TRC report was submitted and hardly any prosecutions have taken place. This paper argues, by comparing the transitions in Argentina and Chile to the one in South Africa, that the lack of post-Truth Commission prosecutions in South Africa has contributed to nurturing a culture of impunity for acts of corruption in high offices of state. It argues that in countries transitioning from repressive and authoritarian regimes to democratic governments, prosecutions of gross human rights violations are necessary for the creation and strengthening of the rule of law and a human rights culture. Therefore, the impunity for economic crimes such as corruption is detrimental to democracy.
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Gallo, Sevin Marie. "Honor Crimes and the Embodiment of Turkish Nationalism, 1926-2016." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1460417033.
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Corrêa, Ana Carolina Costa. "Interdependência e assimetria de retornos e volatilidade dos ADRs da América Latina em relação aos mercados desenvolvidos durante a crise do subprime: um estudo multivariado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/96/96132/tde-01112016-110215/.
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A crescente globalização financeira e integração desses mercados resultaram em relações cada vez mais próximas entre os países, sejam eles desenvolvidos ou emergentes. Esses fenômenos, somados às crises financeiras recentes, provocaram maior interesse nos eventos de transmissão de volatilidade e de fluxos de informações entre os mercados financeiros. Dentre elas, destaca-se a crise financeira internacional de 2008, conhecida como \"crise do subprime\", considerada a maior e mais importante desde a Grande Depressão de 1929. Neste contexto, o mercado de recibos americanos de depósito (ADRs) apresentou uma importância crescente nas últimas décadas, especialmente para companhias sediadas em países emergentes, como os da América Latina. Essa região, particularmente, exibiu uma grande expansão neste mercado. De maneira geral, as empresas de países emergentes emissoras de ADRs possuem características mais similares às companhias sediadas nos mercados desenvolvidos, comparadas às demais de seu país de origem. Por isso, como objetivo geral deste estudo, buscou-se detectar e mensurar o fenômeno da interdependência, englobando os transbordamentos (spillovers) de retornos e de volatilidade e suas assimetrias, entre os principais mercados de capitais da América Latina - Brasil, Argentina, Chile e México - e dos países desenvolvidos - Estados Unidos, Japão, Reino Unido e França - no âmbito da última crise financeira internacional. Esse fenômeno foi investigado considerando tanto seus índices acionários de mercado, como os índices de ADRs criados neste estudo, um para cada mercado da América Latina. Estes foram compostos pelas cotações de seus respectivos ADRs níveis 2 ou 3, sendo que a metodologia desenvolvida para sua criação foi uma das contribuições deste trabalho. A partir das séries temporais de retornos diários logarítmicos dos índices dos oito países no período de junho de 2008 a maio de 2015, foi empregada uma metodologia abrangente. Foram aplicadas três abordagens univariadas para modelagem das volatilidades dos mercados (GARCH, EGARCH e TARCH) e dois modelos multivariados assimétricos VAR-MGARCH, com representação Diagonal VECH, para identificação dos transbordamentos de retornos e volatilidade, bem como a análise de suas correlações condicionais. Além disso, foram estimados dois modelos autorregressivos multivariados (VAR) para análise das relações conjuntas dos mercados, e a análise das Funções de Resposta a Impulso (IRF) e dos efeitos sobre a variância por meio de sua decomposição. Os resultados indicaram que as séries de retornos dos mercados de ADRs de empresas latino-americanas não apresentam comportamento mais similar, no tocante à volatilidade, ao dos principais mercados de capitais desenvolvidos. No entanto, há evidências de que os índices de ADRs possuem maior interdependência com os principais mercados de capitais desenvolvidos, por apresentarem relações mais próximas com esses, comparados aos mercados acionários latino-americanos analisados. Essa conclusão corrobora as hipóteses elaboradas sobre esse tema a partir da teoria de segmentação de mercado e das próprias características dessas companhias. Outro resultado relevante foi que os mercados emergentes da América Latina são mais suscetíveis a efeitos locais e regionais que globais, confirmando o benefício do uso dos ativos financeiros desses países para diversificação de carteiras internacionais, mesmo durante uma crise financeira internacional, como a do subprime.The growing financial globalization and integration of this markets resulted in increasingly close links between the countries, both developed and emerging ones. These phenomena, added to the recent financial crises, provoked greater interest in the events of volatility and information flows transmission between the financial markets. Among them, stands out the international financial crisis of 2008, known as the \"subprime crisis\", considered the largest and most important since the Great Depression of 1929. In this context, the American Depositary Receipts (ADRs) market showed an increasing importance in recent decades, especially for companies based in emerging markets, such as the Latin America. This region, particularly, exhibited a large expansion in this market. In general, companies in emerging countries issuers of ADRs have more similar characteristics to companies based in developed markets, compared to the rest of their country of origin. Therefore, the general objective of this study was to detect and measure the interdependence phenomenon, encompassing returns and volatility spillovers and their asymmetries, among the major capital markets in Latin America - Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico - and developed countries - United States, Japan, UK and France - within the last international financial crisis. This phenomenon was investigated considering both their stock market indices and the ADRs indices created in this study, one for each Latin America country. They were compound of the quotes from their respective ADRs levels 2 or 3, and the methodology developed for their creation was one of the contributions of this assignment. Using the time series of daily logarithmic returns of the eight countries indices in the period from June 2008 to May 2015, it was applied an embracing methodology. It was estimated three univariate approaches to modeling the markets volatility (GARCH, EGARCH and TARCH) and two asymmetric multivariate models VAR-MGARCH, with Diagonal VECH representation, for identification of the returns and volatility spillovers, as well as analysis of their conditional correlations. In addition, two multivariate autoregressive models (VAR) were estimated for analysis of joint relations of markets, and analysis of Impulse Response Functions (IRF) and the effects on the variance through its decomposition. The results indicated that the returns series from Latin American ADR markets doesn\"t have behavior more similar, with regard to volatility, to the major developed capital markets. However, there is evidence that the ADR indices present greater interdependence with the major developed capital markets, because they have closer relationships with these, compared to the Latin American equity markets analyzed. This finding supports the hypothesis elaborated on this subject from the market segmentation theory and the characteristics of these companies. Another important result was that the emerging markets of Latin America are more susceptible to local and regional effects than global ones, confirming the benefit of the use of the financial assets of these countries for diversification of international portfolios, even during an international financial crisis, such as the subprime.
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Miglio, Letícia Scofield. "Os determinantes da rápida recuperação da América Latina na crise recente do final dos anos 2000: uma análise dos casos da Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9185.
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Previous issue date: 2012-04-23The financial crisis of the late 2000s generated impacts on the world economy and was felt in Latin America since 2008. However, when analyzing the results until now, we realize that this crisis was different in the Latin American economies. The external environment marked by the strong presence of China in world trade (recovering levels of trade in commodities) and the overflow of the intervention of the Fed in the U.S. through its expansionist policies allowed a period of international liquidity, which differs from the economic environment crisis above. Moreover, the strong presence of Latin American governments through the adoption of countercyclical economic policies generated positive effects in these economies, minimizing the effects of financial crisis. This research has the objective of study the policies adopted by Latin America and analyze the international context by reviewing theory and observation of the quantitative variables
A crise financeira do final dos anos 2000 gerou impactos na economia mundial e foi sentida na América Latina a partir de 2008. Entretanto, os resultados analisados até o momento nos permitem inferir que essa crise possui caráter diferenciado quando se observa as economias latino-americanas. O contexto externo marcado pela forte presença da China no comércio mundial (recuperando os níveis do comércio de commodities) e o transbordamento da intervenção do FED nos EUA por meio de sua política expansionista, permitiram um período de liquidez internacional, que difere do ambiente econômico de crises anteriores. Além disso, a forte presença dos governos latino-americanos através da adoção de políticas econômicas anticíclicas gerou efeitos positivos nessas economias, minimizando os efeitos dessa crise financeira. O estudo das políticas adotadas pela América Latina e a análise do contexto internacional, é objeto de pesquisa do presente trabalho que será desenvolvido por meio da revisão teórica e da observação do comportamento das variáveis quantitativas
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Umpierre, Camila Machado. "O CRIME DE DESCAMINHO: UM DESAFIO PARA A COOPERAÇÃO INTERNACIONAL, NO ÂMBITO DA INTEGRAÇÃO LATINO- AMERICANA OU UMA PRÁTICA PASSIVEL DE DESCRIMINALIZAÇÃO?" Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2007. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9683.
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This research approaches the embezzlement crime, foreseen in the Brazilian criminal legislation, article 334, second part of the native Criminal Code, analyzing it under the Criminal Law optics, of the beddings tributaries and customs officers involved countries in the regional integration process and, finally, on the basis of the principles and objectives of the Common Market of the South (Mercosul). It is possible to affirm that today the practical one of the embezzlement is constant between the Latin American countries, unchaining a reality that worry the involved States, therefore points with respect to a social reality, a time that people also survive of the commerce of misguided products and because she implies reduction in the collection tax. To analyze this context, the proposal of this work is to study the embezzlement crime as being, or a challenge for the involved countries in the Latin American integration (firmed in the Asunción Treated), or one decriminalization act. The States members of the Mercosul had firmed commitments in the direction to eradicate this criminal act, understanding that such behavior harms the countries fiscal collection, however, what it is seen is the increase of the incidence of the misdemeanor. On the other hand, leaving of the premise of that the Mercosul is a project in progress and that its objectives (a time materialize) imply in customs union, it exempts commerce and harmonization tax or unification, the embezzlement crime appears in history as one decriminalization act. It was approached, also, the objective of the Criminal Law as legal properties guard, standing out that this must be seen as last ratio and not as the State illness remedy. Thus, one searched to analyze the mbezzlement crime in an interdisciplinary context, in agreement with the integration principles.Esta pesquisa abordou o crime de descaminho, previsto na legislação penal brasileira, artigo 334, segunda parte do Código Penal pátrio, analisando-o sob a ótica do Direito Penal, dos fundamentos tributários e aduaneiros dos países envolvidos no processo de integração regional e, por fim, com base nos princípios e objetivos do Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul). É possível afirmar que hoje a prática do descaminho é constante entre os países Latino-Americanos, desencadeando uma realidade que preocupa os Estados envolvidos, pois aponta para uma realidade social, uma vez que pessoas sobrevivem do comércio de produtos descaminhados e também porque implica diminuição na arrecadação tributária. Para analisar esse contexto, a proposta do trabalho é estudar o crime de descaminho como sendo, ou um desafio para os países envolvidos na integração Latino-Americana (firmada no Tratado de Assunção), ou uma prática passível de descriminalização. Os Estados membros do Mercosul firmaram compromissos no sentido de erradicar essa prática delitiva, entendendo que tal conduta prejudica a arrecadação fiscal dos países, entretanto, o que se vê é o aumento da incidência da infração penal. Por outro lado, partindo da premissa de que o Mercosul é um projeto em andamento e que os seus objetivos (uma vez concretizados) implicam em união aduaneira, livre comércio e harmonização tributária ou unificação, o crime de descaminho surge na história como uma prática passível de descriminalização. Abordou-se, também, o objetivo do Direito Penal como tutelador de bens jurídicos, ressaltando que esse deve ser visto como a ultima ratio e não como o remédio para todas as mazelas do Estado. Assim, buscou-se analisar o crime de descaminho num contexto de interdisciplinaridade, proposta esta que se coaduna aos princípios da integração.
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Brown, Aaron S. "Building a Barrier: The 1970s and the Making of the Modern U.S.-Mexico Border." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1620316723241015.
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Brown, Aaron S. "Building a Barrier: The 1970s and the Making of the Modern U.S.-Mexico Border." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1620316723241015.
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Gustavino, Berenice. "La littérature sur l’art en Argentine pendant les années soixante : la crise des références étrangères et l’extension de la perspective latino-américaine." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014REN20042.
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Depuis leur origine, la critique et l’histoire de l’art argentines suivent les modèles européens. Les outils d’analyse et d’interprétation, les critères pour évaluer les œuvres, la périodisation et les façons d’organiser le récit historique respectent les normes établies pour l’historiographie française de l’art moderne en particulier. Les auteurs considèrent que l’art local intègre l’espace mondial de l’art de l’Occident, mais ils comprennent qu’il se place dans une région marginale et qu'il suit une temporalité décalée par rapport à la cadence du développement de l’art moderne des régions centrales. L’art argentin est souvent jugé comme provincial et en retard, comme un art qui ne s’adapte pas aux normes du canon français. Cette perception se nourrit dans le contact des Argentins avec la culture française à travers les voyages, les visites des auteurs étrangers et la litérature francophone. Sauf quelques exceptions, c’est la perception dominant la litérature argentine sur l’art jusqu’aux années soixante.À partir de ce moment, les références françaises sont progressivement contestées, associées à d’autres perspectives et puis abandonnées. Ces transformations ont lieu dans le cadre général des révisions disciplinaires propres du passage entre l’ère moderne et la contemporanéité. Celles-ci ne sont pas uniformes ni monolithiques mais le résultat des révisions graduelles de la fonction, la méthodologie et le style de la littérature sur l’art. La crise touche les modèles d’autorité traditionnels et conduit les spécialistes à chercher de nouveaux fondements dans diverses aires de la connaissance comme la psychologie, la sociologie ou les systèmes théoriques proposés par le structuralisme et la sémiotique. La pensée latino-américaine, ravivée à l’époque, contribue à cette remise en question et donne des éléments conceptuels pour le développement de nouvelles perspectives dans la critique et l’histoire de l’artFrom their beginnings, Argentinian art history and critic have followed European models. Interpretation tools, evaluation criteria upon works of art and the standards to organize and cut into periods the historic account, respect the established norms, especially those given by the French modern art historiography. Argentinian authors believe their local art makes part of the western art world space, yet they understand that it is located at a marginal area and that it belongs to a temporariness sufering from lag in relation to the development of the central modern art’s regions. Terefore, Argentinian art is habitually judged as country-like and out-dated since it fails to tackle the imposed standards of the French canon. Such perception is nourished by the interaction of the Argentinians with the French ulture throughout their travels, the foreign authors’ visits and from their specialized French literature available in Argentina. With few exceptions, this perspective has dominated arts writing since the sixties.From that moment on, Argentine authors increasingly question the French references. Te model is re-visited, criticized, mixed with other perspectives and eventually forsaken. Tese transformations occur within the general frame of the disciplinary revisions of the passing from modern to contemporary era. Tey are not uniformly produced, but the outcome of gradual function, methodology and style of art writing revisions. Te crisis afecting the traditional models leads the specialists to look for new foundations in several areas of knowledge such as psychology, sociology, or in the theoretical systems proposed by structuralism and semiotics. Te « Latin-Americanist » discourses, reactivated during the sixties contribute and give such revision conceptual elements for the development of new perspectives on the art criticism and art history
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BADRI, MIRABOUTALEB. "La dette du tiers-monde et la crise dans la regulation du capitalisme : les experiences des pays latino-americain." Paris 3, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA030021.
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En recourant a la theorie de la regulation nous avons periodise l'histoire de l'economie capitaliste mondiale depuis le debut de dix-neuvieme siecle. Nous avons ainsi distingue trois modes de regulation et trois crises: regulation concurrentielle et la crise de 1873, regulation monopoliste et la crise de 1929, regulation fordiste et la crise de 1967. Tout en analysant les relations nordsud a travers les mouvements de marchandises et de capitaux, nous avons mis en evidence, dans les deux premieres periodes, l'histoire de l'endettement des pays du tiers-monde dont essentiellement celle des pays d'amerique latine. A partir de la troisieme periode nous avons fait une distinction entre l'origine de l'endettement et l'acceleration et la crise de l'endettement. Sous la regulation fordiste, nous avons associe l'origine de l'endettement au modele d'industrialisation mis en place dans les pays du tiers-monde. Par contre, l'analyse de l'acceleration de l'endettement et sa crise sont developpes dans un contexte different: celui de la crise du fordisme et la tentative de la mise en place d'un nouveau mode de regulation pour sortir de la crise du fordismeBy using the regulation theory, the history of world capitalist economy has been periodisized since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Furthermore, three differents sorts of regulations and three crisises have been distinguished: competitive regulation, and the crisis of 1873, the regulation of monopolism and the crisis of 1929, the regulation of fordism and the crisis of 1967. In the first two periods prominence has been given to the history of the third world's indebtment, especially to that of the latin american countries by analyzing the relations between the north and south through the mouvement of merchandise and capital. From the third period onwards a distinction has been made between the origin of the debt, its acceleration and its crisis. Under the regulation of fordism, the origin of the debt has been associated to the model of industrialization applied to the third world countries. However, the analysis of debt acceleration and its crisis have been developed in a different context: the context of the fordism crisis and the attempt of a new sort of regulation to get out of the crisis
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Di, Paolo Osvaldo. "CADÁVERES EN EL ARMARIO: EL POLICIAL PALIMPSÉSTICO EN LA LITERATURA ARGENTINA CONTEMPORÁNEA." UKnowledge, 2011. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/36.
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This dissertation investigates the emergence of detective fiction and film from 1994 to the present. The corpus appears during the government of Carlos Menem and its intent to insert Argentina into a globalized economy. Poverty, insecurity and violence prevail in the Argentine society and ten detective novels, based on real-life murders, appear in 1994. Consequently, I explore each murder case, beginning with the newspaper article, and trace its transformation into short fiction, novel and/or film. The articles about the homicides follow the tendencies of the sensationalist yellow press. The writers and film directors, however, transform those stories, following and also subverting the characteristics of the classic detective fiction or the hard-boiled. In doing so, these recreations of the murder cases aim to denounce or criticize specific aspects of Argentine society: domestic violence, discrimination, stigmatization and corruption, among others.
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Alarid, Michael Joseph. "Caudillo Justice: Intercultural Conflict and Social Change in Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1837-1853." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1345132862.
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Woltmann, Angelita. "COMITÊS DE ÉTICA EM PESQUISA NO ÂMBITO LATINO-AMERICANO (BRASIL-ARGENTINA): TRANSDISCIPLINARIDADE EM PROL DA DIGNIDADE HUMANA." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2006. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9724.
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This is not the first time we hear about aggression to the environment and to man himself. It is, although, from the rising of globalization and a society of risks that such
trouble begins to look like reality, specially in developing countries, such as the ones from Latin America. The human being nowadays is going through an uncomfortable
feeling caused by his own behavior and it is reflected in the biomedical research area, which has more and more specialized techniques and professionals, who many
times ignore the natural vulnerability of the Latin American research and put aside the ethics which should guide their research. Based on this crises of conscience or perception, there is the objective of studying transdisciplinarity in the Ethics in Research Committees as a new possible paradigm for the solution of bioethics controversies in biomedical research with human beings in Latin America. The study focus on Brazil and Argentina Committees. The research is based not only on theoretical considerations on bioethics, human dignity and transdiciplinarity but also on the systemic interpretation of Latin American reality. Therefore, the methodological approach has three perspectives: on its nature the research is basic; on its objectives it is exploitative; and from the object point of view, it is qualitative. Bibliographic and documental research is used considering the theoretical character of the study, having as theoretical reference, the ideas of Edgar Morin, Fridjof Capra and Volnei Garrafa. The question does not lie in being against or in favor of development, but to establish What is the kind of science we want. That is, through the transdisciplinar dialogue of the Ethics Committees from Latin American institutions, to make the scientific community aware that the bioethics principiology specially the human dignity principle is essential in the biomedical research field, or we shall harm not only the individual rights of the researched but also the right to health, which is inherent to society. Even if the practical solution is still far away, it is essential to (re)think the relationship man-science transdisciplinarly, so that a new human conscience is introduced, preoccupied in respecting human dignity and nature as a whole.Não é de hoje que se houve falar em agressão ao meio ambiente e ao próprio homem, parte deste. É, contudo, a partir do advento da globalização e da sociedade de risco que tal problemática começa a tomar contornos de realidade, especialmente nos países em desenvolvimento, como os da América Latina. O humano, atualmente, passa por uma sensação de mal-estar ocasionada por seus próprios atos e isso se reflete na área das pesquisas biomédicas, que, contando cada vez mais com a técnica e profissionais especializados, os quais, muitas vezes, ignoram a vulnerabilidade natural do pesquisado latino-americano e deixam de lado a ética que deveria nortear as pesquisas. Com base nesta crise de consciência ou percepção, objetiva-se estudar a transdisciplinariedade nos Comitês de Ética em Pesquisa como um novo paradigma possível para a solução de controvérsias bioéticas nas pesquisas biomédicas com seres humanos na América Latina. O estudo tem como foco os comitês do Brasil e Argentina. A pesquisa baseia-se tanto em considerações teóricas sobre bioética, dignidade humana e transdisciplinaridade quanto na interpretação sistêmica da realidade latino-americana. Para tanto, a abordagem metodológica se dá sob três ângulos: quanto à natureza a pesquisa é básica; relativamente aos objetivos, é exploratória; e do ponto de vista do objeto, qualitativa. Utiliza-se pesquisa bibliográfica e documental considerando o caráter teórico do estudo, tendo-se como referencial teórico, principalmente, as idéias de Edgar Morin e Fridjof Capra. A questão não repousa em estar contra ou a favor do desenvolvimento, mas sim, estabelecer qual é o tipo de ciência que se pretende. Ou seja, através do diálogo transdisciplinar dos Comitês de Ética das instituições latino-americanas, conscientizar a comunidade científica de que a principiologia bioética em especial o princípio da dignidade humana é fundamental no campo das pesquisas biomédicas, sob pena de ferir-se não só o direito individual do pesquisado, como também, o direito à saúde, inerente a toda coletividade. Mesmo que a solução prática ainda esteja distante, é indispensável (re)pensar a relação homem-ciência transdisciplinarmente, a fim de que seja introduzida uma nova consciência no humano, preocupada em respeitar a dignidade humana e a natureza como um todo.
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Barbosa, Julien. "Ordre du monde et ordre mondial : une relation sous tension questionnée par la crise : réflexions à partir et au-delà du Système Mondial Capitaliste." Phd thesis, Université de Bourgogne, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00833866.
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Changements climatiques, " trou " dans la couche d'ozone, dérèglement du cycle du carbone, érosion de la biodiversité ; l'ensemble de ces éléments atteste d'une amplification et d'une accélération contemporaine des perturbations dans les processus de structuration du système planétaire (Ecosphère) faisant écho à la progression de violences conjoncturelles et structurelles mettant en péril le " bien vivre " des sociétés et des individus les composant (Anthroposphère). Plus que sa dimension financière, à laquelle elle ne peut être réduite, la crise actuelle possède un aspect multiple et global qui met en lumière les caractères " insoutenable " (écologiquement) et " insupportable " (socialement) du modèle de développement contemporain. Dans ce cadre, ces éléments seront appréhendés à partir de la notion d'ordre et plus spécifiquement de la relation Ordre du Monde (OdM) Ordre Mondial (OM), afin de déterminer les conditions de leur compatibilité. Si l'Ordre du Monde renvoie à l'ensemble des lois naturelles du Cosmos, l'Ordre Mondial reste, malgré son utilisation récurrente, une notion à (re)construire. L'origine de notre réflexion se situe en ce sens dans la confusion récurrente qui existe entre deux réalités différentes, le Système Mondial Capitaliste (SMC) et l'Ordre Mondial. Cet amalgame résulte d'un double mouvement : la " naturalisation " du Système Mondial Capitaliste d'un côté et la " mystification " de l'Ordre Mondial de l'autre, qui tendent tous deux, conjointement, à réduire le second (Ordre Mondial) au premier (Système Mondial Capitaliste). Afin de dépasser ces contradictions apparentes, il conviendra de s'interroger sur les modalités de la transition vers un Ordre Mondial post-capitaliste, fondé sur l'en-commun ; dans cette optique, on s'interrogera plus particulièrement sur les voies de l'émancipation pensées à partir de l'Amérique latine.
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Cameron, Calla. "Grave Breaches: American Military Intervention in the Late Twentieth- Century and the Consequences for International Law." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1677.
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The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.
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Claro, Mauro. "Dissolução da Unilabor: crise e falência de uma autogestão operária - São Paulo, 1963 - 1967." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/16/16133/tde-04032013-103923/.
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Este estudo busca trazer elementos para explicar a crise que dissolveu a Unilabor, uma experiência autogestionária operária única a seu tempo, em São Paulo, através da análise da documentação interna da empresa, das informações prestadas por alguns dos participantes, entrevistados, e pelo recurso à hipótese de prevalência de uma racionalidade instrumental, a certa altura dos acontecimentos, em lugar da racionalidade substantiva pressuposta nos fundamentos da comunidade. Os elementos para a formulação e exame dessa hipótese provêm das teorias marxistas do trabalho, conforme reformuladas e atualizadas por autores como Robert Kurz, Roberto Schwarz, Moishe Postone, Jürgen Habermas, André Gorz e Ricardo Antunes, os quais, mesmo não uniformemente, apontam os elementos atuais de uma crise da categoria \'trabalho\' como elemento central da formação da riqueza. Também os conceitos de comunidade, solidariedade, esperança e amizade, conforme expostos e analisados por Giorgio Agamben e Terry Eagleton, servirão para problematizar as conclusões do trabalho. O aspecto estético, consubstanciado no desenho industrial utilizado nos móveis produzidos pela Unilabor, aparece como fundamento secundário da hipótese de insuficiência substantiva apresentada, pois pretendeu ser fator pedagógico, portanto de aprendizado de ofício, para os operários envolvidos na autogestão. Tal programa estético, tanto quanto a solidariedade, a amizade e a racionalidade substantiva, também mostrou-se insuficiente para a manutenção dos laços comunitários.This study aims to gather elements to explain the crisis that dissolved Unilabor, a workers\' self-management experience in São Paulo that was unique in its time, through the analysis of the company\'s internal documentation, through information provided by some of the participants who were interviewed, as well as by resorting to the hypothesis of prevalence of an instrumental rationality, at one point, in place of the substantive rationality assumed in the fundamentals of the community. The elements for the formulation and analysis of this hypothesis come from Marxist theories of labor, as reformulated and updated by authors such as Robert Kurz, Roberto Schwarz, Moishe Postone, Jürgen Habermas, André Gorz, and Ricardo Antunes, who, albeit not uniformly, have pointed out the current elements of a crisis of the category \'work\' as a central element in the creation of wealth. Additionally, the concepts of community, solidarity, hope, and friendship, as defined and analyzed by Giorgio Agamben, and Terry Eagleton will be used to open the conclusions of this paper up to discussion. The aesthetic aspect, embodied in the industrial design of the furniture produced by Unilabor is present as a background for the substantive insufficiency hypothesis that is presented, since it intends to function as a factor that is pedagogical, thus concerning the learning of one\'s craft by workers involved in the self-management. This aesthetic program, as much as the solidarity, friendship, and substantive rationality, also proved to be insufficient for the maintenance of community ties.
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Aubry, Stephanie. "El Salvador in the Age of Financial Capitalism: Democracy, Biocapitalism and the Reduction to Bare Life." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468870599.
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Martínez, Alfonso Laneydi. "Cambios en la transmisión de shocks desde Estados Unidos hacia América Latina y el Caribe a raíz de la crisis : vulnerabilidades y desafíos." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA089/document.
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Traditionnellement, les mouvements cycliques de l’économie Etats-Unienne ont été déterminants dans la croissance globale, et particulièrement dans l´Amérique Latine et la Caraïbe, étant donné le rôle indiscutable joué par ce pays en tant que moteur de l’économie internationale depuis la fin de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Le début du XXIe siècle et spécialement la récente crise économique (2007-2009) à donné lieu à un intense débat international autour du découplage («decoupling» en anglais). Les épisodes relativement courts de désynchronisation économique dans certains zones géographiques durant la crise a été sans précédent, et a ouvert une fenêtre pour l'étude de l'impact (présent et/ou en devenir) des changements géoéconomiques et géopolitiques récents sur la scène internationale. Cette thèse cherche évaluer les changements dans la transmission de chocs des Etats Unis vers l’Amérique Latine et la Caraïbe, à la lumière de la récente crise économique internationale. Les Etats-Unis maintiennent une double dimension ou une dualité dans son importance économique pour l'Amérique Latine et les Caraïbes: d'abord, en tant que principal acteur de l'hémisphère et le principal partenaire commercial, et d'autre part, pour leur rôle dans l'architecture monétaire et financière internationale. La préservation de son hégémonie économique sur la région repose principalement sur ce dernier pilier, sur lequel la région a peu de capacité d'influence. Cela confirme encore la centralité économique des États-Unis dans la région, en dépit des changements majeurs dans les dynamiques économiques bilatérales, basées sur l´influence, de plus en plus hétérogènes, des chocs originaires de ce paysHistorically, United States has been considered the undisputed engine of the world economy; therefore, the cyclical movements of its economy have been crucial to global growth, particularly to Latin America and the Caribbean. Since the beginning of XXI century, particularly following the recent economic crisis (2007-2009), a number of major changes has emerged, in the global geopolitical and geo-economic context; marked by new dynamics of "North-South” and "South –South” interrelations. These changes in conjunction with the emergence of the international debate on the theory of “decoupling", has opened a window to study the influence of the context of the recent global crisis on the economic synchronization and the transmission of shocks from United States to Latin America and the Caribbean. This research assesses the changes in the transmission of economic shocks from US to the region, in the context of the recent international crisis. Major changes are verified in the relative importance of the trade channel that links United States to Latin America and the Caribbean due to a substantial increase in the commercial ties of the region with China; at the same time, the reinforcement of the monetary and financial channel in the transmission of shocks. The role of the United States in the current international monetary and financial architecture continues to be the essential foundation that preserves its economic centrality to Latin America and the Caribbean, in an increasingly heterogeneous region in its responses to shocks originated in the US economy
Históricamente, Estados Unidos ha sido considerado el motor indiscutible de la economía mundial, así,los movimientos cíclicos de su economía han sido determinantes en el crecimiento global y, en particular, en América Latina y el Caribe. Desde inicios del siglo XXI y, en particular, a raíz de la recientecrisis económica (2007-2009), han emergido un conjunto de cambios trascendentales en el contexto geopolítico y geoeconómico mundial; a raíz de nuevas dinámicas de interrelación “Norte-Sur” y “Sur-Sur”. Dichos cambios, unidos a la emergencia del debate internacional sobre la teoría del “desacoplamiento”, han abierto una ventana al estudio de la influencia del contexto de la reciente crisis económica internacional sobre la sincronización económica y la transmisión de shocks desde Estados Unidos hacia América Latina y el Caribe. La presente investigación evalúa cambios en la transmisión de shocks desde Estados Unidos hacia la región en el contexto de la reciente crisis económica internacional.Se verifican modificaciones en la relevancia relativa del canal comercial en la transmisión desde Estados Unidos hacia América Latina y el Caribe debido al incremento sustancial de los vínculos comerciales con China; al mismo tiempo y un reforzamiento del canal monetario-financiero en la transmisión de shocks. El rol de Estados Unidos en la actual arquitectura monetario-financiera internacional se erige en el pilar fundamental que continúa privilegiando su centralidad económica en una región cada vez más heterogénea en su respuesta shocks originados en este país
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Corder, Leandro Menegon. "Análise da dinâmica da produção de produtos agrícolas usados como matéria-prima para biocombustíveis e para alimentos na década de 2000 em países selecionados." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/11/11132/tde-19092012-141632/.
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A necessidade atual de uso de fontes limpas e renováveis aumentou amplamente o interesse por biocombustíveis. Com isso, são necessários vários estudos para garantir que essas pressuposições de serem limpas e renováveis sejam verdadeiras. Assim, através da leitura das leis e da utilização de um modelo matemático, foram analisadas as políticas de diversos países na América Latina e Ásia, onde as políticas são muito recentes, e da Europa e Estados Unidos, para verificar os principais pontos positivos e oportunidades para essas políticas. Através do modelo shift-share, analisar-se-á quais os principais efeitos das políticas escolhidas por esses países, e, já com sete anos transcorridos desde o início do Programa Nacional de Produção e Uso de Biodiesel, poder-se-á analisar em quais pontos o programa evoluiu e em quais pontos ele não trouxe o resultado esperado. Ademais, não se pode esquecer de um momento importante ocorrido logo no início do século XXI, que foi a chamada crise dos alimentos, com aumento nos preços de muitas commodities, e que não deve ter seus efeitos ignorados. Isto feito, notam-se algumas tendências gerais para cada continente, como momentos de alta e queda de preços, e também possíveis movimentos causados pelas políticas adotadas. Apesar disso, é difícil captar os efeitos somente causados por um ou outro fator, pois como visto, o momento todo é favorável, com incentivos vindos de várias frentes. Com a percepção das diferenças entre as políticas regionais, busca-se entender, então, como essas políticas reagirão às questões posteriores a esse período favorável, com a crise econômica. Infelizmente, não é possível se concluir pontualmente quanto de uma variação é causada exatamente por aquele tipo de política ou por outro, e apenas é possível elencar países que se destacam dos demais e tentar, analisando as ações tomadas, citar exemplos de sucessos.The current need for clean and renewables energy sources vastly raised the interest in biofuels. Thus, several studies are needed to ensure that these assumptions that they are clean and renewable are true. Therefore, by reading the laws and usingf a mathematical model, the policies of various countries in Latin America and Asia, where policies are very recent, and Europe and the United States, to assess the main strengths and opportunities for these policies have been analyzed. Through the shift-share model, the main effects of the policies chosen by these countries will be analyzed and since there were seven years since the beginning of the National Program for Biodiesel Use and Production, we will be able to analyze in which point the program has evolved and at what points he did not bring the expected result. Moreover, an important moment occurred early in the century can\'t be forgetted: it was called the food crisis, with rising prices of many commodities, and its effects should not be ignored.
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Macaulay, Fiona. "Cycles of Police Reform in Latin America." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/7162.
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yesOver the last quarter century post-conflict and post-authoritarian transitions in Latin America have been accompanied by a surge in social violence, acquisitive crime, and insecurity. These phenomena have been driven by an expanding international narcotics trade, by the long-term effects of civil war and counter-insurgency (resulting in, inter alia, an increased availability of small arms and a pervasive grammar of violence), and by structural stresses on society (unemployment, hyper-inflation, widening income inequality). Local police forces proved to be generally ineffective in preventing, resolving, or detecting such crime and forms of “new violence”3 due to corruption, frequent complicity in criminal networks, poor training and low pay, and the routine use of excessive force without due sanction. Why, then, have governments been slow to prioritize police reform and why have reform efforts borne largely “limited or nonexistent” long-term results? This chapter highlights a number of lessons suggested by various efforts to reform the police in Latin America over the period 1995-2010 . It focuses on two clusters of countries in Latin America. One is Brazil and the Southern Cone countries (Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay), which made the transition to democracy from prolonged military authoritarian rule in the mid- to late 1980s. The other is Central America and the Andean region (principally El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru, and Colombia), which emerged/have been emerging from armed conflict since the mid- 1990s. The chapter examines first the long history of international involvement in police and security sector reform in order to identify long-run tropes and path dependencies. It then focuses on a number of recurring themes: cycles of de- and re-militarization of the policing function; the “security gap” and “democratization dilemmas” involved in structural reforms; the opportunities offered by decentralization for more community-oriented police; and police capacity to resist reform and undermine accountability mechanisms.
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Uang, Randy Sunwin. "Careful crackdowns : human rights and campaigning on public security in Latin America." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5647.
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Crime and violence are regularly seen as being ripe for politicians to turn into campaign issues and win votes. This study argues, in contrast, that success on public security is not so automatic: human rights values constrain the use of security and the winning of votes on it. Even in Latin American countries, where voters' concerns about rampant crime and violence are among the highest in the world, considerations of human rights combine with low trust in security forces to restrict the viability of the issue in key ways. Examination of presidential campaigns in Colombia in 1994, 1998, 2002, and 2010 supports this claim. Success on security is a two-step process: invoking the issue and then gaining voter support on the topic. Usability depends on the absence of recent repression and the degree of organization of security threats. Then, winning votes on it depends on having a civilian background, a campaign that balances security with other issues, and messages of careful enforcement. These messages of careful enforcement promise targeted, deliberate use of security forces' enforcement activities in a way that pays attention to human rights, rather than promising unbridled enforcement, increased punishment, or programs of long-term prevention. This study therefore shows how candidates are forced to walk a fine line between promising to establish order and promising to protect basic rights and liberties. These findings are powerful, providing an understanding of public security in electoral campaigns that maintains a much closer fit with empirical reality than existing research. The results also provide a critique of the sociological school of vote choice and points to ways in which ownership of the issue of security may be leased away. Furthermore, because the results are driven by the spread of human rights values, the results demonstrate the importance of quick shifts in political culture as a factor that explains changes in political patterns.text
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Schuberth, Moritz. "The Impact of Drug Trafficking on Informal Security Actors in Kenya." 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/9913.
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The Kenyan state is currently under pressure from two sides:
First, numerous non-state armed groups have taken over the provision of
security in areas where the state is practically absent. Second, drug-trafficking
organizations are gaining ground as the country is increasingly
being used as a major transit hub for narcotics. This article investigates
the relationship between drug trafficking and informal security provision
in Kenya and draws analogies from comparable experiences in Latin
America and West Africa. Field research in Kenya has demonstrated that
profit-oriented, informal security actors in Mombasa work for drug lords,
while their counterparts in Nairobi are more likely to be hired by politicians.
Moreover, faith-based vigilante groups in both cities appear to be
less susceptible to external manipulation by drug traffickers. The article
concludes by considering the potential consequences of an expansion of
the drug trade in Kenya.© 2014 GIGA. Reproduced in accordance with the publisher's self-archiving policy. Africa Spectrum is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License.
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Špinderová, Zuzana. "Obchodování s lidmi v Latinské Americe." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404246.
Full textAbstract:
This diploma thesis examined human trafficking in Latin America focusing on child trafficking in chosen countries and showed the importance of prevention. One major key point is to develop more strategies helping youngsters avoid being trapped in human trafficking. Major role is played by parents and teachers who are in daily contact with young people and can help them to develop their critical thinking. Method used in our research include case study approach, more precisely instrumental case study. Using this method, we try to illustrate the phenomena occurring in selected Latin American countries, namely the problem of child soldiers in Colombia, the criadazgo system in Paraguay, Brazil Baby Affair and the problem of illegal adoptions in Brazil, and last but not least, the issue of child sexual exploitation in Venezuela. Since these countries have different experiences and also their will to deal with the issue is distinct, it is not possible to compare their approaches to the problem. Therefore, based on our observations, we have created common factors that may contribute to increasing human trafficking in the region, as well as focusing on the characteristics of society that lead to the primary use of children and women as the main victims of this criminal activity. The aim of the thesis is to...
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"Assassination in Yucatan: Crime and society, 1792-1812." Tulane University, 2009.
Find full textAbstract:
The late eighteenth century brought profound social and demographic changes to all of Latin America and Yucatan in particular. Voluminous records of the trials that followed the 1792 assassination of the province's first intendant-governor, don Lucas de Galvez, highlight the effects of geographic, economic, and social mobility on Yucatan's inhabitants. The increasing permeability of racial categories, movement to and from cities, upward social mobility for some Mayas and many Afro-Yucatecans, and downward mobility for some Spaniards left many subjects outside of the legal framework formulated by Spanish jurists during the early colonial period. The ambiguous status that resulted from greater mobility and independence brought more exposure to punishment and prosecution from law enforcement agents and court magistrates. Individuals in vulnerable positions sought protection through official means, such as the immunities granted to soldiers and militiamen, or through extralegal methods such as the patronage of influential figures from the quarreling factions of the upper class The 1792 assassination led to a protracted trial involving hundreds of witnesses and suspects from every conceivable background, giving a comprehensive view of how Yucatecans dealt with the law. Records from separate trials unconnected with the assassination, which were overseen by military tribunals, local Maya justices, and Indian Court magistrates, add to our understanding of the operation and reach of Yucatan's judicial system and the jurisdictional controversies that resulted from competing claims to authority. Militia rosters, guild rolls, and prisoner lists also provide important background materialacase@tulane.edu
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Carter, Jon Horne. "Splendor of Ruins: Gang, State, and Crime in Honduras." Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8S47023.
Full textAbstract:
Splendor of Ruins examines the growth of street gangs in Honduras in the aftermath of the Cold War, as a flourishing criminal economy and the devastation of Hurricane Mitch destabilized life in the capital, Tegucigalpa. I examine the displacement of smaller gangs in the city by the broad community of international gangs with ties to Los Angeles, California, called the maras, and campaigns against them by the Honduran state and United States Homeland Security. I emphasize the ways in which Mano Dura, or Strong Hand policing, along with Anti-Gang legislation, undermined the immediate distinction between anomic violence and sovereign power across the country. Splendor of Ruins focuses on the transformation of gang aesthetics during this same period, as gang members began tattooing their bodies, particularly the face, with detailed arrangements of Satanic and chthonic imagery. I ask how the appearance of the devil and other motifs of transgression can be understood politically, both within the context of state power reaching beyond the limits of its own laws, as well as within the easy lucre of the criminal economy in which many young Hondurans were choosing to live.
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"Examining the Effect of Cultural Assimilation and Family Environments on Crime: A Comparison of Second Generation Mexican and Second Generation Cuban Immigrant Young Adults." Master's thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.14787.
Full textAbstract:
abstract: Contemporary criminological literature seldom studies important ethnic subgroup differences in crime and delinquency among Hispanic/Latino youth. Therefore, their risk for crime and delinquency is poorly understood in light of the enormous ethnic and generational mixture experiences within of experiences within the Hispanic/Latino population in the United States. Using social control theory and cultural evaluations of familism, this thesis examines dissimilarities in the risk for crime and delinquency, in addition to its relations with family unity, parental engagement, youth independence, and family structure among second generation Mexicans (n = 876) and second generation Cubans (n = 525) using data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS) 1991-2006 (Portes and Rumbaut). The results concluded that second generation Cubans who obtained government assistance were more likely to engage in crime than second generation Mexicans. Consistent with social control theory, a major finding in this thesis is that presence of a family member who is involved in criminal activity increased crime within the sample of second generation Mexicans and second generation Cubans. Furthermore, in households less than five, second generation Cubans who have a delinquent family member were more likely than second generation Mexicans who have a delinquent family member to report criminal involvement, while in households greater than five, second generation Mexicans who have a delinquent family member were more likely than second generation Cubans who have a delinquent family member to report criminal involvement.Dissertation/Thesis
M.S. Criminology and Criminal Justice 2012
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Valente, Mafalda Ruivo. "MERCOSUL: Uma revisão do seu desenvolvimento, dos seus resultados e a crise do final dos anos 90." Master's thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/22021.
Full textAbstract:
Mestrado em Economia InternacionalO Mercosul é mais uma experiência de alguns países latino-americanos de conseguir uma melhor inserção internacional através do desenvolvimento de relações regionais que promovam e apoiem o desenvolvimento económico, político e social das economias nacionais. O projecto nasceu num momento de dificuldades internas dos seus países membros e quando a economia mundial também não era muito favorável. O Mercosul teve nos anos iniciais, resultados positivos e muito favoráveis tanto para os seus integrantes como para o bloco, principalmente, no que diz respeito às relações comerciais intra e extra-regionais. As primeiras fases deste processo de integração, até a criação e consolidação da União Alfandegária, foram vividas sem grandes dificuldades de adaptação, até porque o que aconteceu foi praticamente um "despertar" de relações comerciais entre países vizinhos, que praticamente não se relacionavam. Agora, passada a fase inicial e quando caminha-se para um aprofundamento do processo de integração - o Mercado Comum - começam a surgir (ou a tomar-se mais evidentes) os problemas de ajuste inerentes a qualquer processo integracionista. Os países membros encontram-se num momento crucial em que a evolução do bloco depende de ajustes profundos das suas economias. Os últimos anos têm mostrado que a busca da convergência não é tão simples como foram os anos iniciais, em que a preocupação maior foi com a política comercial e a estabilização das economias nacionais. A crise que se instalou na região, nomeadamente após a desvalorização da moeda brasileira em Janeiro de 1999, só veio a mostrar mais uma vez que a continuidade desse processo de integração precisa de um mínimo de coordenação entre as economias do Brasil e da Argentina. É chegado o momento de avaliar-se o que já foi feito e optar pelas medidas e políticas adequadas para que não se perca o que já foi conseguido.
Mercosul is one more attempt of a latin-american countries group to obtain a better intemational insertion. They are trying to reach this with the development of the regional relations between them that will promote the economic, politic and social development of their economies. This project bomed during a criticai moment of the national and intemational economies. The initial years of Mercosul were very positive and produtive for the members and for the bloc, specially for the intra and extra-regionals comercial relationships. The first phase ofthis integration process, that was the creation and consolidation of the custom union, had no relevant dificult in the adaptation. Probably, this happen because this was like a "wake up" ofthe comercial relations between neighbour countries that almost didn't have any trade. After this initial phase, when they are going in the direction of a Common Market, the problems begin to appear. The member countries are in a crucial moment, where the evolution of Mercosul depends on deeply adjustments of their economies. The last two years shown that reach the convergency is not so easy as it was the comercial politic and the stabilization of the national economies of the initial years. After BraziTs desvalorization, in January 1999, it turned clear that the integration process needs a minimum levei of convergency between Argentina and Brazifs economies. lt's time to examine what already has been done and make a choice for the adequate politics and actions. It's importam try to not lose what already have been done.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion
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Bramatti, Ana Laura Calvo. "Desafios da crise dos refugiados no âmbito europeu e latino-americano: uma perspectiva constitucional e internacional frente aos venezuelanos no Brasil." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/90346.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de DireitoO presente estudo tem por escopo abordar o tema dos desafios hodiernamente enfrentados em relação à crise dos refugiados, em especial quanto aos venezuelanos que a cada dia são forçados a sair de seu país de origem. Uma das regiões procuradas pela população em refúgio é o Brasil, em razão de ser país fronteiriço com a Venezuela, por meio do estado de Roraima. A proteção dos refugiados gira em torno dos direitos humanos, principalmente na dignidade humana do indivíduo, que, no caso dos venezuelanos, está a ser violada. Tal fato clama pelo amparo e efetividade dos instrumentos internacionais e princípios constitucionais já existentes no Direito Internacional dos Refugiados e na legislação brasileira, a qual além de possuir fundamentos jurídicos na atual Constituição da República de 1988, celebra Pactos e Convenções que clamam por soluções e merecem ser percebidos. Discute-se também a nova Lei de Migração, proposta no ano de 2017, e a atribuição do “visto humanitário”. Analisar-se-á a Ação Civil Originária nº 3121 contra a União, que atualmente tramita no Supremo Tribunal Federal, bem como o Caso República Eslovaca e Hungria vs. Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia, que versam sobre consequências da crise dos refugiados no cenário latino americano e europeu. Assim sendo, a finalidade deste estudo é a pretensão clara e objetiva sobre um conteúdo atual que merece ser debatido e compreendido na medida em que a proteção dos refugiados seja de igualdade e soliedariedade. Ressalta-se a perspectiva internacional e constitucional.
: The present study aims to discuss about the challenges faced today in relation to the refugee crisis, especially regarding Venezuelans who are forced to leave their country every day. One of the regions seek by the population in refuge is Brazil, because of its bordering with Venezuela, through the state of Roraima. The protection of refugees revolves around human rights, especially in the human dignity of the individual, which, in the case of the Venezuelans, is being violated. This fact calls for the protection and effectiveness of international instruments and constitutional principles already existing in International Refugee Law and Brazilian legislation, which, in addition to legal bases in the current Constitution of the Republic of 1988, celebrates Covenants and Conventions that call for solutions and deserve to be understood. It also discusses the new Migration Law, proposed in 2017, and the granting of a “humanitarian visa”. Will also be analyzed the Original Civil Action nº 3121 against the Union, which is currently underway in the Federal Supreme Court, in addition, the Case Slovak Republic and Hungary vs. Court of Justice of European Union, which deal with the consequences of the refugee crisis in the Latin-American and European scenario. Therefore, the purpose of this study is the clear and objective pretension of a current content that deserves to be debated and understood insofar as the protection of refugees is of equality and solidarity. The international and constitutional perspective is emphasized.
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Drouin, Marc. "La guerre contre-insurrectionnelle guatémaltèque : sa généalogie, le déni des responsables et les sources historiques." Thèse, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9696.
Full textAbstract:
L’Amérique centrale, théâtre des dernières batailles rangées de la guerre froide, est aujourd’hui la région la plus violente au monde, selon les Nations unies. Notre étude s’intéresse à la forme de guerre irrégulière livrée par l’État guatémaltèque contre sa propre population pendant la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle. À la lumière de rares témoignages d’exécutants et d’archives militaires et policières, nous examinons un mécanisme clandestin de répression dont les trois principales composantes – les enlèvements, la torture et les exécutions sommaires – pouvaient s’abattre sur toute personne soupçonnée, à tort ou à raison, de conspirer contre un statu quo d’exclusion. Au moment de leur articulation, ces moyens répressifs ont constitué un dispositif qui, à partir de 1966, s’est avéré d’une redoutable efficacité. Arme de prédilection des adeptes de la guerre antisubversive pendant plus de vingt ans, le dispositif permettait, telle une chaîne de production, l’accumulation des renseignements jugés indispensables à cette forme de guerre, ainsi que les cadavres dont l’absence éternelle ou la présence outrageuse sur la place publique servaient d’avertissement funeste à l’ensemble du corps social. Où chercher les origines d’un tel dispositif? À partir des ouvrages de référence cités dans le manuel de guerre contre-subversive de l’armée guatémaltèque, la réponse à cette question nous fera découvrir des parachutistes français pour qui la défaite militaire en Indochine et en Algérie pendant les années 1950 n’était pas une option et pour qui la victoire justifiait absolument tous les moyens. Le penchant de ces pionniers de la guerre hors-norme pour les cours magistraux, les entrevues et les articles, nous a permis d’étudier les méthodes qu’ils préconisaient et de repérer leurs traces au Guatemala. Alors que la guerre qui avait servi de prétexte au maintien du dispositif est terminée, sa très réputée efficacité assure encore aujourd’hui sa pérennité auprès de ceux qui peuvent s’offrir le service. En ce sens, la contre-insurrection se poursuit, et ce, malgré l’absence depuis une quinzaine d’années d’un conflit armé. Cette thèse aborde l’histoire de la guerre irrégulière et son déroulement au Guatemala. Les archives et les témoignages à notre disposition contredisent le déni des crimes commis dans les villes et les campagnes guatémaltèques, dont le génocide de 1982. Finalement, certains signes avant-coureurs indiquent que la violence et l’impunité actuelles au pays pourraient mener à la répétition de tels crimes à l’avenir.Central America, said to have harboured the Cold War’s last pitched battles, is the world’s most violent place today, according to the United Nations. This dissertation studies the form of irregular warfare that the Guatemalan state waged against its own population during the second half of the twentieth century. Through an analysis of a few extant perpetrator accounts as well as military and police sources, this study sheds light on the three main modes by which the Guatemalan government acted against individuals justly or falsely suspected of conspiring against an exclusionary status quo: kidnapping, torture and summary executions. Combined, these three separate acts constituted a covert apparatus of repression which, beginning in 1966, proved immensely efficient. As the weapon of choice for the practitioners of counterinsurgency warfare for over twenty years, the apparatus, not unlike a production line, allowed for the accumulation of intelligence that was essential for the prosecution of this kind of war, as well as the bodies that, in their perpetual absence or desecrated presence in the public domain, served as a deadly warning to the entire social body. Yet, what are the origins and history of this apparatus of state terror? Starting with the cited references in the Guatemalan military’s counter-insurgency field manual, the answer to this question led to French paratroopers for whom military defeat in Indochina and Algeria in the 1950s was not an option, and for whom victory justified all means necessary. The penchant of the pioneers of this form of no-holds-barred warfare for lectures, interviews and articles allowed us to study the methods they encouraged and to identify their tell-tale signs in Guatemala. While the war that justified the existence of this apparatus has ended, its reputable efficiency has allowed it to persevere among those who can afford to pay for its services today. In this sense, if the war has been formally over in Guatemala for over fifteen years, the counter-insurgency continues. This dissertation traces the roots of irregular warfare and how it played out in Guatemala. Historical sources, including state records and perpetrator accounts, make denial of the crimes committed in urban and rural settings, including genocide in 1982, ring hollow. Finally, present warning signs indicate that on-going violence and impunity in the country could lead to the repetition of such crimes in the future.
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Chantal, Roromme. "«L’émergence des grandes puissances : pouvoir symbolique et nouveau rôle de la Chine dans le monde après la Guerre froide»." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18515.
Full textAbstract:
L’émergence de la Chine dans le système international post-guerre froide pose un défi pour la position hégémonique des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral. Lorsqu’ils tentent d’expliquer ce défi, les spécialistes tendent à se concentrer uniquement soit sur le hard power chinois (en particulier, sa puissance militaire) soit sur son soft power (l’attrait de sa culture et idéologie). Cette thèse développe un cadre d’analyse alternatif inspiré de la sociologie de Pierre Bourdieu, articulé autour de la notion de pouvoir symbolique. Elle conçoit la politique internationale en termes d’une lutte symbolique (entre, par exemple, une orthodoxie et une hétérodoxie) dont l’issue est déterminée par au moins trois facteurs cruciaux : contexte, capital et lieux communs. Ce cadre est appliqué à l’analyse du nouveau rôle de la Chine dans le monde depuis la fin de la guerre froide, lequel est indiscutablement l’un des développements les plus remarquables des relations internationales des temps modernes. La thèse démontre que la Chine ne défie pas l’hégémonie des États-Unis et l’ordre mondial libéral au sens conventionnel de la puissance matérielle ou de l’idéologie, mais plutôt au niveau symbolique. La thèse soutient que la conjonction des trois facteurs susmentionnés a été nécessaire à l’influence mondiale de la Chine : (1) la crise de légitimation des États-Unis (sur les plan économique, politique et idéologique), couplée à l’extraordinaire ascension de nouvelles puissances dans le système international comme la Chine, ont créé un contexte historique favorable ou « condition de possibilité »; (2) l’énorme capital symbolique accumulé par la Chine, en raison non seulement de son nouveau statut de grande puissance, mais aussi de son approche pragmatique des questions nationales et internationales, en a fait une source d’inspiration convoitée mondialement ; (3) la mobilisation stratégique par la Chine de son capital symbolique, sous la forme d’un ensemble de lieux communs ‘rhétoriques’, a grandement contribué à légitimer sa puissance, en particulier aux yeux des élites dirigeantes dans le monde en développement, dissimulant ainsi le caractère asymétrique et arbitraire de ses relations. Ensemble, ces trois éléments –contexte, capital, lieux communs– expliquent le pouvoir symbolique de la Chine, c’est-à-dire la perception selon laquelle, contrairement aux États-Unis, elle propose des réponses pertinentes et cohérentes aux problèmes d’organisation sociale, économique et politique de ce monde. L’ascension de la Chine remet ainsi en question le « méta-capital » des États-Unis, c’est-à-dire son monopole sur la production du capital économique, social, culturel et symbolique. L’accent mis sur cette dimension symbolique de la lutte pour définir et imposer la « vision légitime du monde social et ses divisions » révèle une rupture avec la pratique conventionnelle de la politique des grandes puissances, au profit d’une transformation pacifique du système international et d’une diplomatie symbolique. Cet accent sur le pouvoir symbolique ouvre des avenues prometteuses pour l’étude du changement et des sources d’autorité sur la scène politique mondiale, traditionnellement définie comme « anarchique ».China’s rise within the international system in the post-Cold War era challenges the hegemonic position of the United States and the Western liberal order. In trying to explain this challenge, scholars tend to either focus on Chinese hard power (in particular, its military power) or on its soft power (the attractiveness of its culture and ideology). This thesis develops an alternative Bourdieu-inspired framework addressing symbolic power. It conceptualizes international politics in terms of a symbolic struggle (such as that between orthodoxy and heterodoxy) whose outcome is determined by at least three crucial factors: context, capital and commonplaces. The framework is applied to the analysis of China’s new world role, which is arguably one of the most remarkable developments in modern international relations. The thesis shows that China does not challenge U.S. hegemonic position and the Western liberal order in the conventional sense of material power or ideology, but rather at the symbolic level. The thesis argues that the combination of the three above-mentioned factors has been necessary to China’s worldwide influence : (1) the legitimation crisis of the United States (economically, politically and ideologically), paired with the extraordinary rise of new illiberal powers on the world scene such as China, created a favourable historical context or “condition of possibility”; (2) the huge amount of symbolic capital accumulated by China, not only because of its new status as a great power, but also because of the success of its pragmatic approach to national and international issues, made it become a source of inspiration for countries across the world; (3) the strategic mobilization by China of its symbolic capital, in the form of ‘rhetorical’ commonplaces, greatly contributed to legitimize its power, especially in the eyes of ruling elites in the developing world, thereby dissimulating the asymmetric and arbitrary nature of the Chinese power and relations. Together, these three components -context, capital, and commonplaces- explain the emergence of China as a symbolic power, i.e. the perception that, unlike the United States, China now has the authority to speak the truth and to define causes of and remedies for certain problems and crises. China’s rise challenges the Unites States’ ‘meta-capital’, that is, its monopoly on the production of economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital. The focus on this symbolic dimension as a ‘weapon’ in the struggle to define and impose the “legitimate vision of the social world and its divisions” reveals a rupture in the conventional practice of great powers politics, pointing to a peaceful transformation of the international system and symbolic diplomacy. It shows that a focus on symbolic power opens promising avenues for the study of change and sources of authority in world politics, traditionally defined as “anarchic”.