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Journal articles on the topic 'Crime, latin america'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 March 2023

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1

Pion-Berlin, David, and Miguel Carreras. "Armed Forces, Police and Crime-fighting in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 3 (December 2017): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900301.

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Over the past two decades, the armed forces have increasingly been asked to take an active role in the fight against the rampant crime in Latin America. Since the militaries in this region are not always trained to conduct themselves with restraint, the possibility of excesses and human rights violations is always latent. Despite that prospect, there is a high level of public support for military counter-crime interventions throughout the region. The key argument in this article is that when the Latin American public supports military interventions to combat crime, it makes a comparative judgment call about the relative efficacy of military vs. police conduct in domestic security roles. Latin American citizens have very low confidence in the capacity of the police to fight crime effectively and to respect human rights. They place more trust in the armed forces as an institution capable of performing effectively and in accordance with human rights standards and the rule of law. This study develops these arguments in greater detail and then turns to recent Americas Barometer surveys that clearly show that Latin American citizens place more trust in the armed forces than the police as an institution capable of effectively and humanely fighting criminal violence.

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2

Liebertz, Scott, and Jaclyn Bunch. "Media, crime, and trust in the police in Latin America." International Journal of Police Science & Management 21, no. 2 (June 2019): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461355719852645.

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This article examines the effect crime is having on support for law enforcement in Latin America. Scholars empirically demonstrate a strong negative effect of crime on support for institutions and satisfaction with democracy. Little empirical work, however, investigates the effect of the media on attitudes toward criminal justice institutions within the Latin American context. We test whether variance in crime salience in the media across countries affects support for the police and the criminal justice system. Analyzing survey data from Latinobarometro and content analysis of newspapers in 14 Latin American countries, we find evidence that increased salience of crime reduces trust in the police across a number of different measures of media coverage.

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3

Joseph, Janice. "Victims of femicide in Latin America: Legal and criminal justice responses." Temida 20, no. 1 (2017): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/tem1701003j.

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Despite the progress that women have made in the fight against gender-based violence, it is still prevalent in various countries in the world. For many women in Latin American countries femicide is a constant reality. This paper critically analyzes femicide in Latin American countries and the legal and criminal responses to this crime. The paper defines femicide and discusses the nature and extent of femicide in Latin America. The analysis of this phenomenon in Latin American countries indicates that although some of these countries have made important strides in addressing the problem, they still face challenges in adequately preventing this crime.

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4

Liebertz, Scott. "Political Elites, Crime, and Trust in the Police in Latin America." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 2 (December 28, 2017): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567717747012.

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This article examines the effect of crime on support for criminal justice systems in Latin America. Scholars empirically demonstrate a strong negative effect of crime on support for institutions and satisfaction with democracy. Others provide thick descriptions of the prevalence of creeping authoritarianism in response to crime—the infamous “mano dura” or “iron fist.” I test the effectiveness of elite political messaging across different countries. In other words, do politicians that promote “iron-fist” policies reassure their intended audience and shore up support for the police and the criminal justice system? Analyzing survey data from the Latin American Public Opinion Project and Wiesehomeier and Benoit’s expert survey of Latin American political party platforms, I find that elite political opinion about insecurity conditions the effect of crime victimization and fear of crime on mass support for the police and the justice system as well as on perceptions of police and justice system effectiveness. When political elites emphasize mano dura (“iron fist”) solutions, fearful citizens and victims are less critical of the police and the justice system in general.

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Cummings, Anthony R., Nakul Markandey, Hannah Das, Celina Arredondo, Aaran Wehenkel, Brittany L. Tiemann, and Giyol Lee. "The Spill Over of Crime from Urban Centers: An Account of the Changing Spatial Distribution of Violent Crime in Guyana." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 8, no. 11 (October 25, 2019): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi8110481.

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As the rate of crime decelerates in the developed world, the opposite phenomenon is being observed in the developing world, including Latin America and the Caribbean. Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean has been concentrated in urban settings, but the expertise for studying crime and providing guidance on policing remain heavily rooted in the developed world. A hindrance to studying crime in the developing world is the difficulty in obtaining official data, allowing for generalizations on where crime is concentrated to persist. This paper tackles two challenges facing crime analysis in the developing world: the availability of data and an examination of whether crime is concentrated in urban settings. We utilized newspaper archival data to study the spatial distribution of crime in Guyana, South America, across the landscape, and in relation to rural indigenous villages. Three spatial analysis tools, hotspot analysis, mean center, and standard deviation ellipse were used to examine the changing distribution of crime across 20 years. Based on 3900 reports of violent crime, our analyses suggest that the center of the gravity of crime changed over the years, spilling over to indigenous peoples’ landscapes. An examination of murder, where firearms and bladed weapons were the weapons of choice, suggests that these weapons moved beyond the coastal zone. The movement of weapons away from the coast raises concerns for the security of indigenous peoples and their associated wildlife. Our analysis suggests that policing measures should seek to extend towards Amerindian landscapes, and this is perhaps indicative of Latin American states with demographics similar to Guyana’s.

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6

Müller, Markus-Michael. "Governing crime and violence in Latin America." Global Crime 19, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2018): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2018.1543916.

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7

Henry Millard, George. "Drugs and Organised Crime in Latin America." Journal of Money Laundering Control 1, no. 1 (January 1997): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb027122.

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8

Tella, Rafael Di, Javier Donna, and Robert MacCulloch. "Crime and beliefs: Evidence from Latin America." Economics Letters 99, no. 3 (June 2008): 566–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econlet.2007.10.002.

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9

Armesto, Alejandra. "Corruption, Crime Victimization, and Community Participation in Latin America." Cadernos PROLAM/USP 15, no. 29 (September 21, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1676-6288.prolam.2016.132150.

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Estudos sobre a relação entre a vitimização e capital social sustentam hipóteses contraditórias:a vitimização criminal leva ao isolamento social e maior participação. Sob que condições a vitimização pelo crime induz a participação em associações comunitárias? Este artigo argumenta que essa relação é condicionada pela corrupção do governo. Esta hipótese é testada com dados coletados em 2012 em 18 países da América Latina pelo Barômetro das Américas. Usando regressão linear hierárquica, o estudo mostra que as vítimas de crimes participaram em organizações comunitárias em uma taxa maior do que as não-vítimas, e que essa participação é ainda maior em países com altos níveis de corrupção no governo.

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10

Santalla Vargas, Elizabeth. "An Overview of the Crime of Genocide in Latin American Jurisdictions." International Criminal Law Review 10, no. 4 (2010): 441–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181210x518947.

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AbstractGenocide is included in most Latin American Criminal Codes that were enacted long before the adoption of the Rome Statute. Genocide's criminalization in Latin America has, to a large extent, deviated from the Genocide Convention definition with respect to the actus reus, mainly concerning the protected groups. However, the existing jurisprudence does not shed much light on the reasons or justifications for such a deviation; it is rather inconsistent in some instances. The implementation of the Rome Statute offers mixed signals as to the legal and policy trends in Latin America with regard to the scope of genocide. The fact that the codification of crimes against humanity has gained momentum with the entry into force of the Rome Statute implies an increasing need to reflect on the coherence of the domestic criminalization of core crimes.

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11

Moran, Timothy Patrick. "More Money, More Crime: Prosperity and Rising Crime in Latin America." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 49, no. 2 (February 19, 2020): 139–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306120902418d.

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12

Rivera, Mauricio. "Drugs, Crime, and Nonstate Actors in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 4 (October 12, 2020): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2020.19.

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13

Iturralde, Manuel. "Democracies without Citizenship: Crime and Punishment in Latin America." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 2 (2010): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.309.

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The aim of this article is to show how, despite the political and economic reforms of the last three decades, which have embraced the ideals of free markets and democracy, social and economic exclusion, as well as authoritarianism, are still the main features of most of Latin American societies. For this reason, they may be considered democracies without citizenship. The article focuses on the impact that these features have had on the configuration of Latin American crime control fields, which in most cases are highly punitive. It also discusses how Latin American crime control fields have contributed in turn to the advancement of such reforms.

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Reich, Peter L. "Recent Research on the Legal History of Modern Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 23, no. 1 (2007): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2007.23.1.181.

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Indíígena y Criminal. Interpretaciones del derecho y la antropologíía en Mééxico, 1871––1921. By Beatriz Uríías Horcasitas. Mexico: Universidad Ibero-americana, 2000. Criminal and Citizen in Modern Mexico. By Robert M. Buffington. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 2000. Crimen y Castigo. Legislacióón penal, interpretaciones de la criminalidad y administracióón de justicia (Ciudad de Mééxico, 1872––1910). By Elisa Speckman Guerra. Mexico: El Colegio de Mééxico, Universidad Nacional Autóónoma de Mééxico, 2002. City of Suspects. Crime in Mexico City, 1900––1931. By Pablo Piccato. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001. Reconstructing Criminality in Latin America. Ed. Carlos A. Aguirre and Robert Buffington. Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 2000. Crime and Punishment in Latin America. Law and Society since Late Colonial Times. Ed. Ricardo D. Salvatore, Carlos Aguirre, and Gilbert M. Joseph. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001.

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15

Motta, Victor. "The impact of crime on the performance of small and medium-sized enterprises." Tourism Economics 23, no. 5 (August 1, 2016): 993–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816616657940.

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Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are in the forefront of economic policy in developing economies, playing critical role in local economic growth and development. SMEs tend to serve local rather than global markets. However, several obstacles prevent greater participation of SMEs in the economy. Among them, crime is a major issue that negatively affects local development in developing countries, as robbery, theft, vandalism and arson increase the cost of doing business. The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between crime and firm performance for Latin American SMEs in both service and hospitality sectors, using labor productivity as a measure of firm performance. Labor productivity is a key concern in Latin America as institution-related issues of corruption, infrastructure, regulations, trade policies, access to finance, and human capital may reduce the efficiency of firms in developing economies. The overall findings suggest that there is a negative relationship between criminal activity and firm performance for SMEs in Latin America.

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16

de Wet, Erika. "Introductory Remarks by Erika de Wet." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 107–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.85.

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In June 2014, the African Union adopted a treaty (referred to as the Malabo Protocol) that would establish the first regional court with jurisdiction over human rights, general matters, and criminal matters. Its substantive jurisdiction included international and transnational crimes, as well as corporate criminal liability. This development sparked a debate as to whether other regions (notably Latin America) should also adopt a regional criminal court to prosecute transnational organized crime in Latin America. Moreover, the adoption of the Malabo Protocol raised questions concerning the relationship between regional criminal courts, national (domestic) courts, and the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the enforcement of international criminal law.

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17

Hernández, Wilson, Lucía Dammert, and Lilian Kanashiro. "Fear of crime examined through diversity of crime, social inequalities, and social capital: An empirical evaluation in Peru." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 53, no. 4 (September 3, 2020): 515–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865820954466.

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Latin America is a violent region where fear of crime is well spread but still not fully understood. Using multilevel methods for a large and subnational representative household survey (N = 271,022), we assess the determinants of fear of crime in Peru, the country with the highest fear of crime and crime victimization in the region. Our results show that body-aimed victimization (physical or sexual abuse from a member of their household, and sexual offenses) is the strongest driver of fear of crime, even higher than armed victimization. Moreover, safety measures based on social capital are negatively related to fear of crime, suggesting that they are palliatives rather than real protections. Finally, our study shows that people in a higher socioeconomic status are more likely to fear more because they have more (resources) to lose. Policy implications address Latin America as a whole and punitive policies against crime are common in the region, while evidence-based decisions are scarce.

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18

Smithey, Shannon I., and Mary Fran T. Malone. "Crime and Public Support for the Rule of Law in Latin America and Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 2-3 (March 21, 2014): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342034.

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Abstract Crime poses a formidable obstacle to democratization in many parts of the developing world. New democracies in Central America and sub-Saharan Africa face some of the highest homicide rates in the world. Politicians, citizens, and policy-makers have raised the alarm about the growing tide of criminality. Public insecurity, coupled with inefficient and often corrupt justice systems, makes democratization uncertain. Even if new democracies do not revert to dictatorship, the quality of democracy may suffer if crime continues to rise. One particularly vulnerable component of democracy is the rule of law, as public insecurity may fuel support for extra-legal justice, and a willingness to disregard the law while aggressively pursuing suspected criminals. To test these relationships, we assess the ways in which criminal victimization, as well as fear of crime, affect citizen support for the rule of law. We utilize public opinion data collected in select countries in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa through two widely used sources – the Latin American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) and the Afrobarometer surveys.

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19

Visconti, Giancarlo. "Policy Preferences after Crime Victimization: Panel and Survey Evidence from Latin America." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 4 (February 12, 2019): 1481–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000297.

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AbstractCan crime victimization increase support for iron-fist crime-reduction policies? It is difficult to assess the political effects of crime, mainly because of the presence of unmeasured confounders. This study uses panel data from Brazil and strategies for reducing sensitivity to hidden biases to study how crime victims update their policy preferences. It also examines survey data from eighteen Latin American countries to improve the external validity of the findings. The results show that crime victims are more likely to support iron-fist or strong-arm measures to reduce crime, such as allowing state repression. Affected citizens are also found to value democracy less, which might explain their willingness to accept the erosion of basic rights in favor of radical measures to combat delinquency. These findings reveal that exposure to crime can change what people think the state should be allowed to do, which can have important political implications.

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20

Singer, Alexa J., Cecilia Chouhy, Peter S. Lehmann, Jessica N. Stevens, and Marc Gertz. "Economic anxieties, fear of crime, and punitive attitudes in Latin America." Punishment & Society 22, no. 2 (September 23, 2019): 181–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474519873659.

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Using data from the 2012 AmericasBarometer survey collected in nine Latin American countries ( n = 14,705), this study examines two theoretically relevant potential sources of punitiveness: economic anxiety and fear of crime. Focusing on these two sources, we explore whether the public opinion dynamics often highlighted by punitiveness scholars also apply to the Latin American context and can thus be of value to explain recent movements towards punitive policies in that region. Generalized Structural Equation Modeling (GSEM) and bootstrapping are used to assess the direct effects of perceived national and personal economic insecurity on punitive sentiments as well as the indirect effects of these attitudes on punitiveness through fear of crime during a time of reduced economic growth, increased economic inequality, and harsh criminal justice policies. Results show that economic anxieties are positively associated with fear of crime, though their effects on support for increased punishments are mixed. Additionally, the effects of economic insecurity on punitiveness are partially mediated by fear of crime, supporting theoretical notions that insecurity produces fear of crime and subsequently influences punitiveness.

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21

Dittmar, Victoria. "Organized Crime Groups in Latin America and TREX-Hybridity." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 3, no. 3 (March 25, 2021): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v3i3.2799.

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On November 27, 2020, Victoria Dittmar presented Organized Crime Groups in Latin America and TREX-Hybridity at the 2020 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a question and answer period with other speakers.

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22

Gledson, John, and Amelia Simpson. "New Tales of Mystery and Crime from Latin America." Bulletin of Latin American Research 12, no. 1 (January 1993): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338835.

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23

Horowitz, Joel. "Corruption, Crime, and Punishment: Recent Scholarship on Latin America." Latin American Research Review 40, no. 1 (2005): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.2005.0010.

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24

Corbacho, Ana, Julia Philipp, and Mauricio Ruiz-Vega. "Crime and Erosion of Trust: Evidence for Latin America." World Development 70 (June 2015): 400–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2014.04.013.

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25

Pansters, Wil G. "Violence and Crime in Latin America: Representations and Politics." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 2 (May 1, 2018): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-4379995.

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26

Bruneau, Thomas C. "The Ambiguity of American Power: Drugs, Crime, and Violence in Latin America." Latin American Research Review 52, no. 5 (2017): 925–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.245.

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27

Badillo, Reynell, and Víctor M. Mijares. "Politicised crime: causes for the discursive politicisation of organised crime in Latin America." Global Crime 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 312–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17440572.2021.2024804.

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28

López García, Ana Isabel, and Barry Maydom. "Migrant Remittances and Violent Responses to Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean." Latin American Politics and Society 63, no. 2 (May 2021): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2021.4.

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ABSTRACTHigh levels of crime are a key driver of emigration from Latin America and the Caribbean. But can emigration change public opinion about how best to respond to crime? Focusing on the political economy of remittances—the money migrants send to their families and communities—this study argues that emigration can increase support for violent responses to crime. Migrants’ families often spend remittances on investment goods, which makes them more vulnerable to crime and more supportive of violence to protect themselves. An analysis of AmericasBarometer data finds that remittance recipients are more likely both to fear crime and to be victims of crime than nonrecipients. They are also more approving of vigilantism, more tolerant of police bending the law to apprehend criminals, and more supportive of deploying the military in crime fighting. These findings contribute to our knowledge of the consequences of international migration for political development in migrant-sending countries.

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29

BATESON, REGINA. "Crime Victimization and Political Participation." American Political Science Review 106, no. 3 (August 2012): 570–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000299.

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Crime victimization is an important cause of political participation. Analysis of survey data from five continents shows that individuals who report recent crime victimization participate in politics more than comparable nonvictims. Rather than becoming withdrawn or disempowered, crime victims tend to become more engaged in civic and political life. The effect of crime victimization is roughly equivalent to an additional five to ten years of education, meaning that crime victimization ranks among the most influential predictors of political participation. Prior research has shown that exposure to violence during some civil wars can result in increased political participation, but this article demonstrates that the effect of victimization extends to peacetime, to nonviolent as well as violent crimes, and across most of the world. At the same time, however, crime victimization is sometimes associated with dissatisfaction with democracy and support for authoritarianism, vigilantism, and harsh policing tactics, especially in Latin America.

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Godnick, William. "MILITARY RESPONSES TO PRISON VIOLENCE IN LATIN AMERICA: A BIG MISTAKE OR A NECESSARY EVIL?" Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 5, no. 3 (January 31, 2023): 248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v5i3.5209.

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On November 25, 2022, Dr. William Godnick, Professor of Practice at the William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, presented on Military Responses to Prison Violence in Latin America: A Big Mistake or a Necessary Evil? The presentation was followed by a question-and-answer period with questions from the audience and CASIS-Vancouver executives. The key points of discussion included the overpopulation of prisons in Latin America, how this can contribute to the reproduction of crime, a brief overview of prison riots in Latin America, and the interventions implemented to deal with these riots. Received: 2022-12-05Revised: 2022-12-18

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Dammert, Lucia, and Mary Fran T. Malone. "Does It Take a Village? Policing Strategies and Fear of Crime in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 48, no. 4 (2006): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2006.tb00364.x.

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AbstractHow can policymakers reduce public fear of crime in Latin America? This study compares the effectiveness of “zero tolerance” and community-based policing strategies in Argentina, Brazil, and Chile. At the micro level, it assesses the links between fear of crime and social identity characteristics, contextual factors, the media, community participation, and other insecurities. It finds that citizens' economic, political, and social insecurities are the main determinants of their fear of crime. At the macro level, the study compares levels of public insecurity and finds that cities that employ community-based strategies to fight crime register lower levels of public fear of crime.

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Castillo-Paredes, Antonio, Beatriz Iglésias, Claudio Farías-Valenzuela, Irina Kovalskys, Georgina Gómez, Attilio Rigotti, Lilia Yadira Cortés, et al. "Perceived Neighborhood Safety and Active Transportation in Adults from Eight Latin American Countries." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 19 (October 6, 2022): 12811. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph191912811.

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Neighborhood built environment is associated with domain-specific physical activity. However, few studies with representative samples have examined the association between perceived neighborhood safety indicators and domain-specific active transportation in Latin America. This study aimed to examine the associations of perceived neighborhood safety with domain-specific active transportation in adults from eight Latin American countries. Data were obtained from the Latin American Study of Nutrition and Health (n = 8547, aged 18–65). Active transportation (walking and cycling) was assessed using the long form of the International Physical Activity Questionnaire. Specifically, traffic density and speed as well as street lightening, visibility of residents regarding pedestrians and bicyclists, traffic lights and crosswalks, safety of public spaces during the day and at night, crime rate during the day and at night were used to evaluate perceived neighborhood safety. Slow traffic speeds, unsafe public spaces during the day, and crime during the day were associated with ≥10 min/week vs. <10 min/week of walking. Furthermore, drivers exceeding the speed limit and crime rate during the day were associated with reporting ≥10 min/week vs. <10 min/week of cycling. These results indicate a stronger association of the perceived neighborhood safety with walking compared to cycling.

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Pessoa Cavalcanti, Roxana, and Jeff Garmany. "The Politics of Crime and Militarised Policing in Brazil." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 9, no. 2 (May 18, 2020): 102–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v9i2.1157.

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This article queries the effects of international police assistance in the Global South, focusing specifically on Brazil. Utilising recently declassified documents accessed in Washington, DC, this article shows how United States officials sought to intervene in Latin American politics through international police assistance to Brazil during the 1960s–1980s. The article considers the geopolitical motivations behind these programs and highlights the connections between international police assistance, weak democratic institutions in Latin America and legacies of authoritarian policing in the region. The academic objectives are twofold: to foreground debates that emphasise the need for Southern Criminological research perspectives and to explore the broader effects of international police assistance programs in the Global South. By drawing attention to these issues, the article contributes to studies of policing, politics and public security in contexts like Brazil, where extreme levels of everyday violence are a threat to democracy and human rights.

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Currie, Robert J., and Jacob Leon. "copla: A Transnational Criminal Court for Latin America and the Caribbean." Nordic Journal of International Law 88, no. 4 (November 11, 2019): 587–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08804001.

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States in the Latin American and Caribbean regions have long called for the creation of an independent, international court to prosecute members of transnational organised crime gangs. These organisations not only profit from the illicit traffic in drugs, people and cultural property, but are able to corrupt and undermine the domestic legal systems and judiciaries of the affected states. This article examines the current proposal for the creation of the “Latin American and Caribbean Criminal Court against Transnational Organized Crime” (copla). It reviews the rationale for creating such a court, examines the main pillars of the current proposal, and suggests the potential for it to play a normative and regulatory role in the transnational criminal law ecosystem.

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Fernandez, Kenneth E., and Michele Kuenzi. "Crime and Support for Democracy in Africa and Latin America." Political Studies 58, no. 3 (October 27, 2009): 450–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2009.00802.x.

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36

Mazzaro, Kyong. "Crime and the Construction of Political Order in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 60, no. 4 (October 22, 2018): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2018.43.

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37

Schultze-Kraft, Markus, Fernando A. Chinchilla, and Marcelo Moriconi. "New perspectives on crime, violence and insecurity in Latin America." Crime, Law and Social Change 69, no. 4 (December 8, 2017): 465–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9758-3.

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38

Piedrahita Bustamante, Pedro. "Legislative and Jurisprudential Management of Transnational Organized Crime in Latin America." IBEROAMERICA, no. 1 (2020): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.37656/s20768400-2020-1-06.

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39

Jiménez-Bautista, Francisco. "Criminalidad y violencia en América Latina: el caso de las mujeres colombianas en las prisiones de España." Respuestas 20, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.22463/0122820x.357.

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Antecedentes: Este artículo pretende estudiar y analizar la población extranjera de mujeres que cumplen condena en las prisiones españolas. El colectivo de reclusas latinoamericanas es el más numeroso, siendo las colombianas las que presentan el porcentaje más elevado. Objetivo: El objetivo es intentar conectar algunas situaciones de criminalidad de estas mujeres con su relación desde y hacia América Latina, y principalmente con Colombia.Metodología: La metodología utilizada se basa en un enfoque multimétodo donde se han empleado varios instrumentos dentro del Proyecto sobre «Mujeres reclusas drogodependientes» [EDU2009-13408] realizado en toda España a través de cuestionarios y entrevistas. Resultados: Los resultados de esta investigación evidencian las vinculaciones delictivas contra la salud pública que desde la feminización de la pobreza se enlazan con diferentes formas de violencia (directa, estructural y cultural). Conclusiones: Las mujeres colombianas –dentro de las de América Latina- constituyen el grupo principal de mujeres dentro del ámbito penitenciario español. La tipología delictiva es el tráfico de drogas (en especial sustancias como la cocaína y el cannabis), que puede estar relacionada con la feminización de la pobreza y el sostenimiento familiar.Abstract Background: This article aims to study and analyze the foreign population of women serving sentences in Spanish prisons. The group of Latin American inmates is the largest, being Colombian women the highest percentage present. Objective: The objective is to attempt to connect some crime situations of these women with their relationship to and from Latin America, mainly in Colombia. Methodology: The methodology employed is based on a multi-method approach where various instruments have been applied within the project on “Women inmates addicts” [EDU2009-13408] performed throughout Spain by questionnaires and interviews. Results: The results of this research evidence crime against public health linkages that bind to different forms of violence (direct, structural and cultural) from the feminization of poverty. Conclusions: Colombian women – within those of Latin America– are the main group of women within the Spanish prisons. The main type of crime is drug trafficking (particularly substances such as cocaine and cannabis), which may be related to the feminization of poverty and family support.Palabras clave: Colombia, feminización de la pobreza, género, población reclusa, tráfico de drogas

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Altamirano, Melina, Sarah Berens, and Sandra Ley. "The Welfare State amid Crime: How Victimization and Perceptions of Insecurity Affect Social Policy Preferences in Latin America and the Caribbean." Politics & Society 48, no. 3 (August 11, 2020): 389–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220940850.

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Criminal violence is one of the most pressing problems in Latin America and the Caribbean, with profound political consequences. Its effects on social policy preferences, however, remain largely unexplored. This article argues that to understand such effects it is crucial to analyze victimization experiences and perceptions of insecurity as separate phenomena with distinct attitudinal consequences. Heightened perceptions of insecurity are associated with a reduced demand for public welfare provision, as such perceptions reflect a sense of the state’s failure to provide public security. At the same time, acknowledging the mounting costs and needs that direct experience with crime entails, victimization is expected to increase support for social policies, particularly for health services. Survey data from twenty-four Latin American and Caribbean countries for the period 2008–12 show that perceptions of insecurity indeed reduce support for the state’s role in welfare provision, whereas crime victimization strongly increases such preferences.

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Berens, Sarah, and Mirko Dallendörfer. "Apathy or Anger? How Crime Experience Affects Individual Vote Intention in Latin America and the Caribbean." Political Studies 67, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 1010–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718819106.

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Does the experience of crime lead to individual disenchantment from politics or can it even stir political activism? We study how crime victimization affects the intention to vote with survey data from Latin America and the Caribbean. Research on non-electoral political behavior reveals that crime victims become politically more engaged. In contrast, findings from psychological research suggest that victimization increases apathy due to loss of self-esteem and social cohesion. Building a cognitive foundation of political activism, we propose that it is the level of distress which increases—in the case of non-violent crime—or decreases—in the case of violent crime experience—the likelihood of voting. The results support the hypothesis on victims of non-violent crime. The probability of turnout does, however, not change for victims of criminal violence. We subsequently test for a possible anti-right-wing incumbent effect, to explain the mobilization of victims of non-violent crime, but only find evidence for an anti-center incumbent tendency.

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CASIS. "The Conflation of Organized Crime and Terrorism in Venezuela." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i3.1187.

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On November 22, 2019, Victoria Dittmar presented on the “Conflation of Organized Crime and Terrorism in Venezuela” at the 2019 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a group panel for questions & answers. Main discussion topics included organized crime and possible solutions for the aforementioned issue in Caribbean Latin America.

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Peirce, Jennifer. "Comentario a Marcelo Bergman: More Money More Crime: Prosperity and Rising Crime in Latin America." Delito y Sociedad, no. 49 (June 11, 2020): e0008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14409/dys.2020.49.e0008.

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O. M., Zvenyhorodskyi. "VIOLENT PENITENTIARY CRIME AND ITS PREVENTION IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific journal Criminal and Executive System: Yesterday. Today. Tomorrow 2020, no. 1 (December 22, 2020): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjcriminal.2020.01.007.

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The article analyzes the manifestations of violent crime in places of imprisonment in some foreign countries (USA, Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands, Latin American countries). The violent penitentiary crime is a concentrated expression of the qualitative and quantitative state of all crime in the state and a manifestation of systemic problems that do not allow the effective prevention of crime in places of imprisonment. The mass riots of group disobedience occur in prisons in the United States, a number of Latin American countries (whose prison systems are in crisis), most of which are accompanied by hostage-taking and destruction of property. Different approaches to the prevention and elimination of mass riots in penitentiary institutions are considered. The experience of countries such as the United States, Brazil, Venezuela, El Salvador, and the Philippines has shown that the cessation of mass riots at any cost causes the death of both convicts and prison personnel. It is found that in the United States and Latin America, more important problem is the violent suppression of riots. Another approach is demonstrated by the penitentiary systems of European countries, where the emphasis is on the prevention of mass riots and other manifestations of violent penitentiary crime with the help of technical innovations. In particular, the penitentiary institutions of Great Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany have taken an approach according to which the convict`s behavior is directly dependent on the conditions of serving the sentence. In the penitentiary institutions of the Netherlands, one of the ways to prevent violent crime is the use of various technical innovations (video surveillance system, audio control, no bars, installation of armored windows, the possibility for convicts to use the Internet, etc.). It is the one of the directions of combating crime of convicts in places of imprisonment is the study of the positive experience of foreign countries in the field of prevention of violent crime, its critical analysis with the aim of introducing the penitentiary system. Key words: penitentiary system, violent crime, penitentiary crime, mass riots in penitentiary institutions, prevention of violent penitentiary crime.

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Imoberdorf, Sebastian. "Beyond the Margins: Human Rights Against Undocumented Persons, Homosexuals, And Women in Inter-American Narrative." Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses, no. 81 (2020): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.recaesin.2020.81.07.

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This study is greatly based on article 7 of the “Universal Declaration of Human Rights” that states: “All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law.” Latin America is viewed as a place where injustices and atrocities tend to be the order of the day: violent processes of conquest and colonization, military dictatorships, drug trafficking, kidnappings, the increase in crime and insecurity, etc. Such violations have generated frequent waves of emigration (often irregular) to the United States where they seek protection and freedom but, too often, they find neither, thus producing a vicious cycle in the inter-American literature of US Latino authors. The focus is to examine three distinct groups: immigrants, homosexuals and women.

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Ceobanu, A. M., C. H. Wood, and L. Ribeiro. "Crime Victimization and Public Support for Democracy: Evidence from Latin America." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 23, no. 1 (December 20, 2010): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edq040.

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Jaitman, Laura, and Victoria Anauati. "The Dark Figure of Crime in Latin America and the Caribbean." Journal of Economics, Race, and Policy 3, no. 1 (August 26, 2019): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41996-019-00042-0.

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Zaitch, Damián, and Georgios A. Antonopoulos. "Organised crime in Latin America: an introduction to the special issue." Trends in Organized Crime 22, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12117-019-09364-9.

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Hirst, Monica. "Latin American armed humanitarianism in Haiti and beyond." Relaciones Internacionales 27, no. 55 (December 18, 2018): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23142766e048.

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MINUSTAH represents a benchmark in the link between global securitization and humanitarian practices in Latin America and the Caribbean. Regional military responsibilities in Haiti turned useful to improve and expand capabilities employed in international humanitarian crisis. Engagement in natural disaster has been the dominating terrain in which military humanitarian action takes place in Latin America and the Caribbean. Military presence in Haiti has also contributed for experimentation in the fight against organized crime and gangs, a growing concern on the radar of international humanitarian organizations and actors. Armed humanitarianism in the region has benefitted from ties with the US, particularly the South Command, and with the UN System, particularly the DPKO. Domestic and international involvement in humanitarian assistance has become major topic in regional intra-military initiatives, stimulated by exchange of new expertise and the expansion of teamwork programs. Simultaneously, armed humanitarianism has amplified the spectrum of civil-military relations by broadening interaction with local population and organizations in different parts of Latin America and the Caribbean. Yet, armed humanitarian is controversial in the region in face of its implication for human rights protection and the strength of democratic institutions. This text intends to trace a middle ground around military and humanitarian studies conceptualization by interlacing the concepts of postmodern military and armed humanitarianism. It parts from the assumption that both concepts, while focusing on different objects, may knit well to explain post-MINUSTAH Latin American military developments.

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Saldaña, Magdalena, and Rachel R. Mourão. "Reporting in Latin America: Issues and Perspectives on Investigative Journalism in the Region." International Journal of Press/Politics 23, no. 3 (June 25, 2018): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161218782397.

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This study investigates challenges faced by investigative journalists in Latin America, one of the most dangerous places in the world for reporters. Guided by the hierarchy of influences model, we analyzed answers from 1,543 journalists, journalism educators, and journalism students in the region. We identified both single and multilevel constraints impeding investigative reporting in Latin America. Single-level influences are those that are better analyzed by focusing on one level of the hierarchical model. These included individual (lack of training), routine (relationships with sources), organizational (media ownership), and institutional influences (censorship). However, results also suggest there are certain types of influences that are better suited for analysis combining all levels. Despite two decades of media liberalization, crime and corruption, state violence against the press, and the lack of a free-speech culture cut across all layers, posing severe constraints to investigative reporting in Latin America.

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