Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Crimean Tatars'

The aim of this thesis is to define factors that are influential in the ethnic identification process of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea. To better understand the current ethnic situation in Crimea, Soviet nationality policy as well as Soviet ethnos theory are reviewed. The divergence of the definitions in Soviet and Western traditions is shown. Crucial historical events that took place in Crimea are examined from the viewpoints of Russian, Ukrainian, Crimean Tatar, Soviet and Western historiographies. The influence of the historical myths on shaping ethnic boundaries of these ethnic groups in Crimea is shown. Main factors such as the cultural, political, economic, and global ones which are shaping the ethnic self-consciousness of Crimean Tatars, Russians and Ukrainians in Crimea are studied. Therefore the thesis helps us to understand the meaning of being a Russian, an Ukrainian and a Crimean Tatar in Crimea.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Moran, Daniel. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 29, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-121). Also available in print.

This thesis explores the autonomy of the Crimean region in Ukraine in terms of its impact on Ukraine&rsquo
s relations with Russia in the post-Soviet era. Thesis analyzes also the impact of the relations between Ukraine and Russia on the autonomy of the Crimean region. Contrary to the views that consider the Crimean autonomy as a product of the ethno-territorial relations between the Crimea which is populated by mainly ethnic Russians and Kiev, thesis argues that the interstate relations between Ukraine and Russia have played a crucial role in the evolution of the autonomy of the Crimean region within Ukraine. Thesis is composed of six chapters. Following the introductory First Chapter, the Second Chapter examines the origins of the Crimean autonomy. The Third Chapter examines the Crimean Autonomous Region during the post-Soviet period until the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Ukraine and Russia in 1997. The Fourth Chapter explores the period between 1997 and 2004. The Fifth Chapter analyses the period in the aftermath of the Orange revolution in 2004. The Last Chapter is the Conclusion.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze Ukrainian foreign policy and its domestic sources since 1991, with a focus on the post-Orange Revolution era. The thesis argues that contrary to neo-realist approaches to the study of Ukrainian foreign policy, in the final analysis, it is Ukraine'
s domestic factors which determines the direction of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era. This thesis demonstrates that the existing neo-realist studies of Ukrainian foreign policy exaggerates the role of external factors and neglects the crucial role of domestic factors in Ukrainian foreign policy. The thesis begins with an introduction, which is followed by the second chapter on the interaction between domestic and external factors in Ukrainian foreign policy in the pre-Orange Revolution era. The third chapter examines the characteristics of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Orange Revolution era. The following four chapters discuss the impact of political, economic and cultural factors on Ukrainian foreign policy as well as the Crimean question. Finally the last chapter will be the conclusion of this thesis.

On a small contested part of the world, the peninsula of Crimea, once a part of the former Soviet Union, lives a people who have endured genocide and who have struggled to etch out an identity in a land once their own. They are the Crimean Tatar. Even their name, an exonym promoting the Crimeans' “peripheral status” (Powell) and their ensuing “cultural schizophrenia” (Vizenor), bears witness to the otherization they have withstood throughout centuries. However, despite attempts to relegate them to the history books, Crimeans are alive and well in the “motherland,” but not without some difficulty. Having been forced to reframe their identities because of numerous imperialistic, colonialist, and soviet behavior and policies, there have been many who have resisted, first and foremost through rhetorical sovereignty, the ability to reframe Crimean Tatar identity through Crimean Tatar rhetoric. This negotiation of identity through rhetoric has included a fierce defense of their language and culture in what Malea Powell calls a “war with homogeneity,” a struggle for identification based on resistance. This thesis seeks to understand the rhetorical function of naming practices as acts that inscribe material meaning and perform marginalization or resistance within the context of Crimea-L, a Yahoo! Group listserv as well as immediate and remote Crimean history. To analyze the rhetoric of marginalization and resistance in naming practices, I use the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) to Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) within recently archived discourses. Ruth Wodak's DHA strategies will be reappropriated as Naming Practice Strategies, depicting efforts in otherization or rhetorical sovereignty.
M.A.
Masters
Writing and Rhetoric
Arts and Humanities
English; Rhetoric and Composition

Україна є державою з поліетнічним складом населення. За даними Всеукраїнського перепису населення 2001 р. на її території проживають представники понад 130 різних національностей. Проте лише близько 40 з них дійсно виявляють почуття національного самоусвідомлення та спільності між собою (тобто підпадають під визначення національної меншини за українським законодавством). Серед них одними з найбільш активних є кримські татари.

Internal Colonialism: Questioning the Soviet Union as a Settler Colonial State Through the Deportation of the Crimean Tatars This study examines the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet Union in 1944 and questions whether it was an example of settler colonialism in action. The Soviet Union’s actions throughout its history have often been deemed colonial and imperialist, however settler colonial theory has rarely been applied to Soviet studies. At a surface level, the deportation appears to fit into settler colonial theory, however upon further scrutiny it becomes clear that it fails to satisfy the necessary conditions. The evidence presented in this essay shows that the deportation of the Crimean Tatars was an event, not a lasting structural change in the Soviet Union. Settler colonial theory posits that settler colonialism is not confined to a single event and is impervious to regime change. The deportation of the Crimean Tatars was the project of a single leader, Joseph Stalin, and the majority of its effects were limited to a short period of time during and after his rule. The event had less to do with the ethnicity of the Crimean Tatars and more with securing the Soviet Union’s borders with Turkey and maintaining control over the Black Sea. The study concludes that although the deportation of the Crimean Tatars is not proof of settler colonialism in action in the Soviet Union, the topic is worth further investigation, as it is dangerous to exclude any powerful nation from such examination. Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance in Service of Utopia This essay explores public knowledge of the dangers of radium and uranium in the United States between the 1920s and 1960s. It is often assumed that Americans were not aware that radioactive materials presented a danger to their health. Through the examination of mass media, court cases, and newspapers of the time, it becomes clear that not only did Americans know about the dangers of radiation, but that there was a concerted effort by the government and corporations with business interests in radioactive materials to minimize these fears and convince Americans that the dangers were necessary in order to bring about a utopian future of unlimited energy. Americans consciously chose to remain ignorant and ignore clear evidence that radioactive materials were dangerous and willingly followed the propaganda produced by these actors. The reasons Americans chose this path varied from a desire for profit to patriotism.

L'elaborato finale si propone di analizzare la storia dei Tatari di Crimea. Lo scopo di questo lavoro è quello di analizzare le condizioni in cui questa minoranza abbia vissuto durante l'epoca zarista e successivamente durante l'Unione Sovietica. L'obiettivo è la comprensione dell'atteggiamento adottato nei confronti di questa minoranza dagli zar prima e dai sovietici poi, responsabili di un'ondata migratoria tatara volontaria nel XIX secolo e obbligata nel secolo successivo.

El poble tàtar de Crimea va patir una deportació l’any 1944 i va viure a l’exili fins a l’esfondrament de la Unió Soviètica. El cas d’una llengua que s’hagi esvaït del territori històric i no hi hagi tornat fins al cap de mig segle com a llengua minoritzada és únic a Europa i no se’n documenta cap de semblant a banda de l’hebreu, amb la gran diferència que l’hebreu es va reimplantar al seu territori històric com a llengua estatal dominant. Aquest treball aborda la transmissió lingüística intergeneracional del tàtar de Crimea. Per mitjà d’un estudi quantitatiu amb 572 enquestes sociolingüístiques recollides a Crimea la primavera de 2011 i de la pròpia observació de la realitat crimeana, l’estudi analitza els usos lingüístics, les actituds i la dimensió identitària dels tàtars per avaluar-ne el grau d’interrupció de la transmissió lingüística. L’absència de dades demolingüístiques fiables per al tàtar de Crimea i per a bona part de les llengües mitjanes i petites de l’espai postsoviètic fa que resulti imprescindible recórrer a dades quantitatives i qualitatives pròpies si es vol avaluar el grau de substitució lingüística en una zona concreta. A banda d’això, les dades dels censos oficials i de les principals obres de referència en matèria demolingüística presenten un biaix molt marcat que deriva d’una greu confusió terminològica que s’arrossega des de mitjan s. XIX: la interpretació del terme rodnoi iazik (llengua nativa). El fet que aquest concepte s’entengui habitualment en l’àmbit postsoviètic com a llengua materna, amb tots els equívocs que planteja aquest terme, fa que no se sàpiga mai si es fa referència a la llengua inicial, la llengua habitual o la llengua en què es té més competència. Vistes les dades de què disposem i, sobretot, després de confrontar les respostes a la pregunta sobre rodnoi iazik amb les respostes sobre llengua inicial i usos, creiem que la interpretació correcta del concepte és llengua d’identificació. D’aquesta manera, doncs, les dades demolingüístiques de l’espai postsoviètic queden invalidades i cal trobar una nova manera de comptar parlants, sigui quin sigui el concepte de parlant que tinguem al cap. El tàtar de Crimea, doncs, compta amb molts menys parlants dels que se li suposen i se li atribueixen generalment. A banda d’això, una bona part dels parlants joves i urbans mostren un grau elevat de russificació i fan un ús molt restringit del tàtar. Això és així fins i tot en l’àmbit de les escoles nacionals dels tàtars de Crimea, les úniques que teòricament imparteixen l’ensenyament en tàtar. Aquest treball aborda una qüestió que s’havia plantejat en alguns àmbits però que mai no s’havia atacat de manera directa i amb dades empíriques. Confronta les dades declarades de rodnoi iazik amb les dades declarades de llengua inicial i ho completa amb dades d’usos i actituds. Per tant, aconsegueix un quadre prou complet que permet avaluar la situació de la llengua. El fet que els informants vagin dels 12 als 62 anys també dóna una bona perspectiva generacional a l’estudi. Finalment, el treball també planteja la necessitat de casar les dades observades, com a expressió d’una mirada experta i externa, amb les dades declarades, com a manifestació de les percepcions internes de la població que és objecte d’estudi.
The Crimean Tatar people was deported en masse to Central Asia in 1944 and lived in the exile until the collapse of the Soviet Union. There is no other case of a language reintroduced as a minority language after fifty years of absence in its historical territory. This study addresses the intergenerational transmission of the Crimean Tatar language on the basis of the data obtained from a survey (N=572) taken in 2011 amongst the students of 10 out of 15 Crimean Tatar national schools and their relatives, as well as at the light of the first-hand field observation. Despite the language is seldom or never spoken amongst the youngest generations, specially in urban areas, it’s still the main identification element of the Crimean Tatar people. The study also insists on a terminological problem: the misunderstanding of rodnoy yazyk. A legacy from the Soviet times that all across the post-Soviet space is understood either as the language of the speaker’s nationality (a sort of heritage language), or as the first language spoken, or even as the language one commands best. In the case of the Crimean Tatars, rodnoy yazyk is usually understood as the language of one’s nationality. Language has become the main element of the Crimean Tatar identity, even when the vast majority of the Crimean Tatars uses Russian as the main language for everyday communication, sometimes has a limited command of the Crimean Tatar language and has generally adopted Russian even in at-home private interactions with parents and siblings. The Crimean Tatars seem to be in a relatively advanced stage of language shift towards Russian, although the perception they have is that there are doing their best to reverse this shift and maintain their Turkic language.

Необхідність наукового аналізу народної культури та творчості кримських татар в наші дні зумовлена підвищеним інтересом до традиційного народного мистецтва, Досліджено особливості декоративно-ужиткового мистецтва кримських татар, висвітлено еволюцію розвитку форм, орнаменту; визначено найбільш типові та усталені види орнаментів; класифіковано та систематизовано художньо-композиційні особливості, з’ясовано специфіку та визначено напрямки використання художніх засобів при проектуванні оздоблення жіночого одягу.
The need for a scientific analysis of folk culture and the creations of the Crimean Tatars arises from an increased interest in traditional folk art nowadays, which derives from the wish of self-identification in a multinational society. The degree of research of decorative and applied art of the Crimean Tatars is analyzed, the evolution of the development of forms of ornament is highlighted; the specifics of the shaping and development of ornaments are characterised; the most typical and established types of ornaments are defined; artistic and compositional features of ornaments are classified and systematized; The specifics and directions of the use of artistic methods in designing the decoration of women's clothing in modern design have are clarified.

碩士
國立政治大學
俄羅斯研究所
89
The Crimean Problem: The Issue of Crimean Tatars Self-Determination Ho-Gang Yang Abstract For Russians and Ukrainians, the disintegration of the Soviet Union has been particularly difficult due to the extremely close historical and cultural ties between the two countries. Many Russians still view Kyiv as the birthplace of their nation（Rus’）and do not conceive of Ukraine as an independent country. Rather, they think of it as Kievan Rus’, the land that brought the Orthodox Christian religion and the Russian language to Russia. As relations between Russia and Ukraine reveal, however, problems can arise when two imagined communities, or nations, disagree over the boundaries（cultural or otherwise）that distinguish them. In the case of the Black Sea Fleet dispute, the imagined communities of Russia and Ukraine overlap at Sevastopol. Throughout Crimea’s complicated history, the peninsula’s strategic location on the Black Sea has made it a desirable military outpost and warm-water port, leading to territorial claims by a great variety of political forces. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, the unstable situation in Crimea has threatened to turn the Black Sea region of Russia and Ukraine into a hotbed of tension similar to Nagorno-Karabakh or Abkhazia. While the Crimea still cannot be listed among the numerous areas of violent ethno-political conflict in the Soviet successor states, it has recently become a focus of domestic and international tension, with conflicting self-determination claims voiced against a background of interstate territorial disputes and an unsettled legacy of military-political issues from the Soviet period. Simply put, the conflict over Crimea has its roots in the region’s demographic and geopolitical history. In 1944, accused of collaboration with the Nazi invaders, the entire Crimean Tatar population（by then some 200,000）was deported, mostly to Central Asia. For over forty years, Crimean Tatars were denied basic cultural rights and even an ethic identity; until the 1980s, Crimean Tatars never appeared in Soviet population statistics. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Crimea has been the object of two overlapping rivalries for control: first between the Crimean Republic authorities and the Crimean Tatars, who demand recognition of their historic and territorial rights to the peninsula; and second between pro-Russian leaders of the Crimean Republic, who want either independence or reunification of the peninsula with Russia, and the Ukrainian authorities, who oppose Crimean separatism and insist that Crimea remain an integral part of Ukraine. These movements revolve around the same basic political question: who has sovereignty over the Crimean peninsula? Presently, Crimean Tatar activists regard the Crimean ASSR as a recognition of Crimean Tatar statehood, while their opponents in the Crimea and beyond are convinced that the autonomous formation was purely administrative. The historical controversy is, of course, highly relevant to the present situation in the Crimea. Keywords: imagined communities, self-determination, ethic identity, historic rights, separatism, statehood

The study will focus on how the Crimean Tatars situation from a human security perspective has changed over time. To fully understand the depth of how and why, the thesis will start by introducing some of the issues faced by the Crimean Tatars as a minority group and then providing a historical background. With help from the theoretical framework of “Human Security” (Tadjbakhsh & Chenoy, 2007) the study is comparing how secure the Crimean Tatars are perceived to be under Ukrainian rule 1991-2014 and Russian rule 2014-present day. In the thesis it will be further examined if the Tatars security has in fact been compromised. Concluding that the rules over Crimea, Ukrainian and Russian, has both comprised the security of the Crimean Tatars but in different ways and sometimes more or less within certain categories of the Human Security framework. In the later years there are especially three categories that has been more prominent threats which becomes clear in the findings chapter.

Doctoral Thesis. Crimea is a unique, ethnically diverse region of Ukraine where the Crimean Tatars, live within compact vicinity among the Slavic majority. In 1944 this ethnic group has undergone deportation by the Soviet regime and since the late 1980s started to return en masse to Crimea. Crimean Tatars constitute 14% of the Crimean population, and they are a politically active ethnic group. Research objectives. Current study seeks to explore the ways in which media discourse reflects and shapes the popular image of the Crimean Tatars in the Ukrainian society. The research is aimed to discuss the key discursive strategies utilized by the media to construct the identity of the group, reflecting the power inequality between the Crimean Tatars and dominant ethnic groups of Ukraine and Crimea. Methods. The dissertation provides an analysis of the media representation of the Crimean Tatars in the Ukrainian media discourse by theoretical and methodological means of the critical discourse analysis. The study shares the idea of the discursive nature of the social reality and the statement that the collective identities are constructed and constantly (re)negotiated in discursive interactions. In addition, 11 Crimean journalists and media experts were interviewed to contextualize the textual analysis. Chapter outline. The study comprises of the introduction, four chapters and the conclusion. Chapter two outlines the features of the Ukrainian media landscape and discusses the literature on the Crimean Tatars. Chapter three provides a detailed account of the structure and features of the Crimean Tatars' representations by the national and Crimean mainstream media during the 2010-2012. An additional sample of media texts from 2007-2012 covering the Crimean Tatars' deportation is analyzed in chapter four. The total number of media texts in both samples is 1429. Research findings and conclusions. The research findings demonstrated that the agency of the Crimean Tatars is mostly suppressed or passivated, they are represented in the less powerful position, as recipients of the state concessions. But in the news about conflicts or street confrontations, the Crimean Tatars are often positioned as an active subject, which “demands” and “criticizes”, rather than “seeks dialogue”. One of the dominant ideological frames of the media representation of the Crimean Tatars is a frame showing the group “as a problem and burden” for the majority and a sourse of a potential threat and disorder. The key argument of the study is that the mentioned strategy used by the Ukrainian and Crimean media is part of the larger discursive strategy of the 'positive-self' and 'negative-other' presentation, typical for the discriminatory rhetoric of ethnicism, widely used in the European media against minority groups and studied by the Western scholars (T. van Djik, N. Fairclough, S. Riggins). On the other hand, research demonstrated features of the Crimean Tatars' media representation directly related to the post-Soviet political and cultural legacy, which influences the Crimean public and media discourses. The Russian dominance is manifested in the media representation of the commemoration of the Crimean Tatars' deportation of 1944 (mostly by the indirect and subtle forms) and the Crimean politics of memory remained under ideological influence of the Soviet historical meta-narrative. The Crimean Tatars in turn constructed and promoted their own version of memory of deportation in order to justify their return from exile and reestablish their historical and cultural ties with their land. The research has revealed the elements of the counter-discourse, which aims to undermine the dominant power relations. In this regard, the Crimean Tatar national media put emphasis on publication of the personal narratives of the deportation survivors in order to promote their alternative meaning of deportation.
Дисертація. Крим – мультиетнічний регіон України, де поміж слов'янської більшості (етнічних росіян та українців) компактно проживають кримські татари, які здебільшого є мусульманами. У 1944 році сталінський режим депортував цю національну групу з Криму, і лише після 1989 року кримські татари отримали можливість повернутись на рідну землю. Зараз кримські татари складають близько 14% населення Криму та є однією з найбільш політично активних національних груп України. Мета і дослідницькі завдання. Дане дослідження має на меті вивчити механізми, за допомогою яких медійний дискурс відображає та формує публічні уявлення про кримськотатарський народ. Серед завдань дослідження є вивчення дискурсивних стратегій, застосованих медіями для конструювання ідентичностей та реалізації владних стосунків у медійному дискурсі щодо кримських татар на національному рівні, а також у Криму. Методи. Дослідження пропонує системний аналіз медійних представлень кримських татар в національних, кримських та кримськотатарських медіях, застосовуючи теоретичну та методологічну парадигму критичного дискурс- аналізу. В основі дослідження лежить твердження про дискурсивну природу соціальної реальності, у якій ідентичності (ре)конструюються у ході дискурсивних інтеракцій. Також, з метою контекстуалізації та дослідження процесу творення текстів було проінтерв'юйовано 11 кримських журналістів та медійних експертів. Структура розділів. Дослідження складається зі вступу, чотирьох розділів та висновків. Перший розділ присвячено теоретичній та методологічній базі дослідження, другий містить огляд українського медійного ландшафту та аналіз джерел про кримських татар. Детальний аналіз структури та рис медійного представлення кримських татар за 2010-2012 роки та аналіз основних ідеологічних рамкок цих представлень, вміщені до третього розділу дослідження. Четвертий розділ присвячений аналізу медійного представлення депортації кримськотатарського народу 1944 року. Для цього сформована окрема вибірка медійних текстів за період 2007-2012 роки. Загальна кількість текстів в обох вибірках – 1429. Висновки. Аналіз продемонстрував несистемний характер медійного представлення та переважання політичної тематики у структурі висвітлення. Результати дослідження продемонстрували, що кримські татари в українському медійному дискурсі загалом представлені у менш владному статусі, тоді як у новинах про конфлікти вони найчастіше представлені в активній владній позиції: як суб'єкт, що “вимагає”, а не “шукає діалогу”. Серед домінуючих ідеологічних рамок переважає фрейм “кримські татари як проблема та загроза”, представлений за допомогою явних та прихованих дискурсивних форм. Ключовим аргументом аналізу є твердження, що виявлені стратегії є частиною ширшої дискурсивної стратегії “позитивного-себе” та “негативного-їх” представлення, та є типовим виявом дискримінаційної риторики етніцизму, вивченої західними дослідниками (Т. Ван Дайком, Н.Фейрклафом, С. Ріггінсом). З іншого боку, дослідження продемонструвало вплив пост-радянської культурної та політичної спадщини, яка продовжує домінувати в Криму, на характер медійного представлення кримських татар. Дослідження продемонструвало, що офіційна кримська політика пам'яті накидає історичні наративи радянського періоду, хоча здебільшого і проявляється у непрямих та прихованих формах. Кримські татари у свою чергу, створюють свою версію колективної пам'яті депортації 1944 для виправдання свого повернення із вигнання та відновлення історичної справедливості щодо свого народу. Були виявлені елементи контр-дискурсу, який має на меті протистояти домінуючим конвенціям представлення депортації та просувати власні практики її поминання. У цьому контекті проаналізовано жанрові та мовні засоби преставлення пам'яті про депортацію кримськотатарських національних медій, що конструюють альтернативні смисли, публікуючи особисті спогади жертв депортації кримськотатарського народу.

This dissertation presents case studies of two distinct Ukrainian borderland groups: the Crimean Tatars of Crimea, and the Hutsuls of the Carpathian Mountains – two human collectivities that are both, today, Ukrainian by citizenship. Both of these groups also embody dominant stereotypes of otherness in Ukraine – Hutsuls as the ideal Herderian romantic folk, and Crimean Tatars as the menacing, mysterious, “oriental” other. This dissertation traces how historical stereotypes of both of these groups as “wild” have shaped and defined their contemporary expressive cultures, specifically addressing how stereotypes of wildness—or hegemonic conceptions of “otherness”—manifest on the ground within the communities who bear the stigma of such entrenched histories of exoticism. This ethnographic project focuses on music as a medium for challenging and reinforcing ideologies of exoticism, demonstrating how insiders and outsiders in both cases draw upon indigenous musical tropes to express or subvert stereotypes of “wildness.” By analyzing how music energizes social and political agendas for borderland groups such as the Hutsuls and Crimean Tatars, this project emphasizes the copresence of alternate subalterities within the nation-state, demonstrating the degrees to which a post-socialist, diverse and fractured state such as Ukraine is constructed through imaginings of its internal, peripheral Others.

The Crimean Tatars and Meskhetian Turks are former-Soviet ethnic groups who were deported en masse by the Stalinist regime in 1944, from present-day Ukraine and Georgia to Central Asia. Even after Stalin's death and the official acknowledgement of the harm caused by their deportation, neither group was allowed to return to its homeland. Today, both groups are struggling to repatriate to regions of independent post-Soviet states, the Crimean Tatars to the Crimean peninsula in Ukraine, and the Meskhetian Turks to the Meskheti-Javakheti or Samtskhe-Javakheti region of Georgia. Both regions contain a regional majority, a minority at the state level - Russians in the Crimea, and Armenians in Javakheti - which is hostile to the return of the deported group. Despite remarkable parallels between the experiences of the two groups, the Crimean Tatars have been relatively successful in returning to their homeland, whereas the Meskhetian Turks' repatriation movement has largely failed. Using a constructivist (or social constructionist) approach, this paper examines the role played by ethnic identity construction in the repatriation movements of the two groups. Ethnic identity construction is examined with respect to the deported groups and the regional majorities, as well as the state-level identities of Ukraine and Georgia, and is shown to account for the differential results experienced by the Crimean Tatars and Meskhetian Turks. The nature of ethnic identity is revealed as a dialogue between internal and external factors, with the role of the state emerging as a significant external factor in both cases.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate