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Journal articles on the topic 'Criminology; Public policy; Geography'

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1

de Lint, Willem. "Criminology 9/11." Globalizations 17, no. 7 (2019): 1157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2019.1655933.

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2

Loughran, Thomas A. "Behavioral criminology and public policy." Criminology & Public Policy 18, no. 4 (2019): 737–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12465.

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3

Dixon, David. "Crime, Criminology and Public Policy." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 28, no. 1_suppl (1995): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00048658950280s101.

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4

TONRY, MICHAEL. "CRIMINOLOGY, MANDATORY MINIMUMS, AND PUBLIC POLICY." Criminology Public Policy 5, no. 1 (2006): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2006.00114.x.

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5

Tonry, Michael. "“Public criminology” and evidence-based policy." Criminology & Public Policy 9, no. 4 (2010): 783–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2010.00670.x.

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6

Blomberg, Thomas G. "Continuing to Advance Criminology and Public Policy." Criminology & Public Policy 11, no. 1 (2012): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2012.00783.x.

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7

CLEAR, TODD R., and NATASHA A. FROST. "CRIMINOLOGY & PUBLIC POLICY: A NEW JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CRIMINOLOGY." Criminology Public Policy 1, no. 1 (2001): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2001.tb00074.x.

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8

Useem, Bert. "Criminology and Public Policy: Putting Theory to Work." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 39, no. 5 (2010): 548–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306110380384c.

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9

Loader, Ian, Richard Sparks, Benjamin Goold, et al. "‘Dear Minister…’ Criminology and public policy re-revisited." Criminal Justice Matters 79, no. 1 (2010): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09627250903570070.

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10

Richards, Stephen C., Jeffrey Ian Ross, Greg Newbold, et al. "Convict Criminology, Prisoner Reentry and Public Policy Recommendations *." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 21, no. 1-2 (2012): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v21i1-2.5107.

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11

Weiner, Neil Alan, Michael Tonry, Norval Morris, Timothy F. Hartnagel, and Robert A. Silverman. "Criminology: Research and Policy Analysis." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 7, no. 3 (1988): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323741.

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12

Gilsinan, James F. "Public policy and criminology: An historical and philosophical reassessment." Justice Quarterly 8, no. 2 (1991): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418829100091001.

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13

Quinney, Richard. "A LIFE OF CRIME: CRIMINOLOGY AND PUBLIC POLICY AS PEACEMAKING." Journal of Crime and Justice 16, no. 2 (1993): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0735648x.1993.9721490.

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14

Tieberghien, Julie, and Mark Monaghan. "Public scholarship and the evidence movement: Understanding and learning from Belgian drug policy development." European Journal of Criminology 15, no. 3 (2017): 278–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1477370817731413.

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Debates about public scholarship have gathered momentum in several fields including sociology and criminology. There is much debate over the nature of public scholarship and the forms it can take. In criminology one of the most influential analyses of public scholarship has been developed by Loader and Sparks. For these two thinkers part of the task of scholarship is to contribute to better ‘politics’. In their hands, public criminology is close to another long-running analytical trend – research utilization. The two literatures have for the most part remained separate. This paper puts Loader and Sparks’ framework of public scholarship to the empirical test to see if and how it contributes to understanding the role and nature of evidence use in highly sensitive policy areas. We do this through an analysis of recent changes in Belgian drug policy. We conclude that the framework of Loader and Sparks, although useful in illuminating how publicly engaged scholars can influence and mobilize more open and better-informed public and political debate, is hamstrung by its concentration on the action of individuals in isolation from the complex power structures that underpin the policy process. Synthesizing lessons drawn from the research utilization literature with the work of public criminology provides a potential way forward in understanding the role of evidence in policy and also producing ‘better’ politics in this context.
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15

Ignjatovic, Djordje. "Epidemiological criminology." Sociologija 57, no. 2 (2015): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1502205i.

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Paper deals with one of so-called ?new criminologies? - specific amalgam composed by criminological and epidemiological experiences. First of all, the author points the main characteristics of these two sciences and their connections. After such explanations, he give examples of famous research in the field of ?epidemiological criminology?. They show how many important issues in criminology has been neglected until the end of the twentieth century (evaluation of penal policy from the standpoint of epidemiology, health status of inmates, suicides in penitentiary institutions, as well as corporate victimization of the general public). This may be of particular importance for the development of criminology in Serbia where several topics for are repeated in scientific papers. The author, however, opposes the constitution of a special scientific discipline - ?epidemiological criminology? because he belives that criminology is the unique science with specific subject and methodology.
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16

Lundberg, Kajsa. "Visual criminology and lives lived in public space." City 25, no. 1-2 (2021): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2021.1885915.

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17

Edwards, Adam, and James Sheptycki. "Third Wave criminology." Criminology & Criminal Justice 9, no. 3 (2009): 379–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895809336698.

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Evidence-based policy-making implies greater clarity in the relationship between science, politics and crime control. This is especially the case with a highly polarizing topic like gun-crime. Specifically, the enrolment of social science by pressure groups, political parties and other political actors raises questions about the possibility and desirability of a scientifically detached appraisal of the problem. One resolution is to reject the feasibility of objective detachment, treat science and politics as synonymous and locate criminology firmly in the domain of politics and morality—to `take sides' as it were. This renders the purpose of academic criminology problematic, for if its practitioners are to be regarded as inevitably partisan, what do they contribute as social scientists to public issues defined as political and moral in content? Why should criminological knowledge claims be especially valued over that of other political and moral actors? More recently, attempts to define concepts about the formative intentions, intrinsic and extrinsic to the politics of scientists' work, suggest ways of demarcating science from politics in this and other criminological disputes. They provide a rationale for the distinctive contribution of social science to public controversies over crime and control.
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18

Laub, John H. "Moving the National Institute of Justice Forward: July 2010 through December 2012." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 37, no. 2 (2021): 166–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986221999857.

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Criminologists are often frustrated by the disconnect between sound empirical research and public policy initiatives. Recently, there have been several attempts to better connect research evidence and public policy. While these new strategies may well bear fruit, I believe the challenge is largely an intellectual one. Ideas and research evidence must guide public policy and practice. In this article, I present highlights from my tenure as the Director of the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), the research, development, and evaluation agency in the Department of Justice. One of the ideas that I emphasized at NIJ was “Translational Criminology.” I believe translational criminology acknowledges NIJ’s unique mission to facilitate rigorous research that is relevant to the practice and policy. I also discuss the challenges I faced in bringing research to bear on public policy and practice. I end with a call for my colleagues in criminology and criminal justice to become more involved in government.
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19

Hoggart, Keith. "Geography and public policy." Progress in Human Geography 19, no. 1 (1995): 142–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913259501900114.

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20

Ward, Kevin. "Geography and Public Policy: Towards Public Geographies." Progress in Human Geography 30, no. 4 (2006): 495–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132506ph621pr.

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21

Pfluger, M. "Economic Geography and Public Policy." Journal of Economic Geography 4, no. 5 (2004): 597–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jnlecg/lbh045.

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22

Doamekpor, Francois K. "Economic Geography and Public Policy." Comparative Economic Studies 49, no. 2 (2007): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ces.8100196.

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23

MATSUEDA, ROSS L. "TOWARD AN ANALYTICAL CRIMINOLOGY: THE MICRO-MACRO PROBLEM, CAUSAL MECHANISMS, AND PUBLIC POLICY." Criminology 55, no. 3 (2017): 493–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12149.

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24

HUFF, C. RONALD. "WRONGFUL CONVICTION AND PUBLIC POLICY: THE AMERICAN SOCIETY OF CRIMINOLOGY 2001 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS." Criminology 40, no. 1 (2002): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9125.2002.tb00947.x.

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25

Shelukhin, Nikolay, and Alexandr Shelukhin. "On the Feasibility of Introducing the Specialty of Criminology and Crime Prevention at Law Schools." Russian Journal of Criminology 13, no. 5 (2019): 707–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2019.13(5).707-717.

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The authors raise the issue of training criminologists in the CIS countries. The training of criminologists should be determined by the need for these specialists in public institutions and the state policy of crime counteraction. This policy is manifested through the development, implementation and support of national anti-crime programs in the sphere of crime counteraction. Such programs could be aimed directly at counteracting crime, or at minimizing its causes (economic, social, political and others). They draw attention to the fact that the volume of knowledge needed by specialists in criminology is determined by the inner contents of criminology as a science and by the trends of criminological research. The authors conclude that two main schools of criminology — Western and Eastern — prescribe different inner contents of criminology as a science in the legal and the sociological sense. This results in different approaches to training criminologists. It is stressed that both criminological schools recognize the necessity of studying criminal law disciplines. The task of the authors was to assess the need for a special training for criminologists and the quality of such training. In the CIS universities, the niche of criminology is covered by bachelor’s and master’s programs with criminal law specialization. There are no special criminology training programs. In other foreign countries, criminologists are trained at numerous bachelor’s and master’s programs, whose specialization is dictated by public demand. The programs are of applied nature.
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26

Anderson, Tammy L., Ellen A. Donnelly, Chris Delcher, and Yanning Wang. "Data Science Approaches in Criminal Justice and Public Health Research: Lessons Learned From Opioid Projects." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 37, no. 2 (2021): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986221999858.

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The persistence of the nation’s opioid epidemic has called on criminal justice and public health agencies to collaborate more than ever. This epidemiological criminology framework highlights the surveillance of public health and safety, often using data science approaches, to inform best practices. The purpose of our article is to delineate the main benefits and challenges of adopting data science approaches for epidemiological criminology partnerships, research, and policy. We offer “lessons learned” from our opioid research in Delaware and Florida to advise future researchers, especially those working closely with policymakers and practitioners in translating science into impactful best practices. We begin with a description of our projects, pivot to the challenges we have faced in contributing to science and policy, and close with recommendations for future research, public advocacy, and practice.
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27

Piché, Justin. "“Going Public”: Accessing Data, Contesting Information Blockades." Canadian journal of law and society 26, no. 3 (2011): 635–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.26.3.635.

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Among prison scholars it is well known that access to penal institutions for the purposes of conducting research is not a given. For instance, in the Canadian context, some social researchers have been effectively barred from conducting studies inside prisons or have had to modify their research designs in order to enter the carceral. The ability to obtain unpublished records on imprisonment policies and practices in Canada has also been cited as a cumbersome process that often results in non-disclosure of the documents sought.Beyond data collection, social researchers have also raised concerns about the challenges of communicating their findings to publics outside the academy. In criminology, in particular, scholars have been concerned with the perceived lack of influence academic work has had on public policy and public opinion. These interventions, while not novel, have resulted in calls for a public criminology, renewing a discussion on how to disseminate research to non-academic audiences.Although much of the access to information literature is focused on the techniques used to obtain data as well as the barriers encountered during the process, and the public criminology literature is centred principally around the question of how to reach and influence those outside the halls of the university, few have examined how data collection and dissemination activities shape subsequent information flows. Here, I am not referring to the moments when and sites where the “policing of criminological knowledge” occur that mediate access to data sources and diffusion opportunities based on the epistemological orientations and political agendas of gatekeepers.
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28

Loyd, Jenna M., and Anne Bonds. "Where do Black lives matter? Race, stigma, and place in Milwaukee, Wisconsin." Sociological Review 66, no. 4 (2018): 898–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026118778175.

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This article analyzes how the spatial metaphor of 53206, a zip code within the city of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, connects with crises in the legitimacy of policing and politicians’ claims to care about Black lives. It examines how, in the context of deepening racialized poverty, ongoing mobilizations against police violence, and increasing rates of violent crime, liberal and conservative rhetoric about 53206 largely obscures the roles that decades of deindustrialization and labor assaults, metropolitan racial and wealth segregation, and public school and welfare restructuring play in producing racial and class inequality to instead emphasize racializing tropes about ‘Black-on-Black crime,’ broken homes, and uncaring Black communities. Situating the examination within critical analysis of urban poverty, geographic scholarship on the racialization of space, and critical criminology, the authors consider the salience of the term territorial stigmatization as a means to understand how historical and contemporary processes of racialized capitalism shape Milwaukee’s urban and social divides. They argue that discursive constructions of 53206 and the rhetorical posture of saving Black lives deployed by elected officials have had the effect of entrenching policing power while further rendering neighborhoods like Milwaukee’s Northside as already dead and dying.
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29

Ward, Kevin. "Geography and public policy: activist, participatory, and policy geographies." Progress in Human Geography 31, no. 5 (2007): 695–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132507078955.

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30

Moskovtsev, Aleksandr, and Alexander Sukhodolov. "Methodological Dead Ends of Modern Criminology." Russian Journal of Criminology 14, no. 2 (2020): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2020.14(2).177-192.

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The main source of methodological dead ends in science is the rigidity of its key theoretical construct determined by the accepted methodology. Such rigidity hinders the natural development of science that spreads it competencies to new unknown spheres of reality. Any attempts to apply a common concept to reality invariably come across its variety. The science resolves contradictions between the general and the specific by finding intermediary links between them. In all situations when a common concept is problematic, methodology plays the part of a high point that makes it possible to observe all shifts in the contradiction between the essence and the phenomenon. Criminology is based on the hypothesis of a society that generates crime. The contents of this society include the whole aggregate of public circumstances that have a criminological significance. Russian criminological mainstream views criminogenic circumstances as those in the sphere of socially negative public relations. The use of the criterion of socially negative relations to identify criminologically relevant public circumstances is the key obstacle for the criminological research in many directions. A true challenge for such research is explaining the nature of economic, corruption and information crimes. Their basics form public relations that are, for the most part, in the realm of the criminological unknown. Hence, it is problematic to produce well-founded recommendations on the development and implementation of a crime suppression policy. In the process of research, the authors determined that criminologically relevant circumstances may, in principle, belong to any of the possible aspects of analyzing the social environment. To prevent the general scheme aimed at identifying criminogenic circumstances from being stuck in the close and the immediate, it is necessary, first of all, to take into consideration a growing significance of independent actions of the community in its interaction with the state when determining the boundaries of the socially negative phenomena. Secondly, it is suggested that local social systems should be used as an intermediary link between the general scheme and specific local social interactions for representing the process of forming criminogenic circumstances in it entirety, in the interconnection of positive, negative and «grey» interactions.
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31

ZAJAC, GARY. "KNOWLEDGE CREATION, UTILIZATION AND PUBLIC POLICY: HOW DO WE KNOW WHAT WE KNOW IN CRIMINOLOGY?" Criminology Public Policy 1, no. 2 (2002): 251–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2002.tb00089.x.

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32

Koehler, Johann, and Tobias Smith. "Experimental Criminology and the Free-Rider Dilemma." British Journal of Criminology 61, no. 1 (2020): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azaa057.

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Abstract Experimental criminology promises a public good: when experiments generate findings about criminal justice interventions, everyone benefits from that knowledge. However, experimental criminology also produces a free-rider problem: when experiments test interventions on the units where problems concentrate, only the sample assumes the risk of backfire. This mismatch between who pays for criminological knowledge and who rides on it persists even after traditional critiques of experimental social science are addressed. We draw from medicine and economics to define experimental criminology’s free-rider problem and expose a dilemma. Either we distribute the costs of producing policy-actionable knowledge to the entire beneficiary population or we justify isolating the risk of experimental harm on that class of the population where ethical concerns are most acute.
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33

Blumstein, Alfred. "Engineer to Operations Research to Criminology: Quite a Trajectory." Annual Review of Criminology 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-criminol-011419-041534.

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In reflecting on my career trajectory, I find it very intriguing: from high school science to Cornell's first class in engineering physics and then on to early involvement in the new field of operations research on military and air transportation, which led to significant leadership roles there. I was then a naïve recruit in criminology in a role that involved quantitative analysis and concern for the total criminal justice system with an emphasis on dimensions of criminal careers and their use in analysis for sentencing, incarceration, and related policies. The analytic issues emphasized included racial disproportionality in prison, drug policy, and facilitating redemption from the long-term punitive effects of crime involvement. In the process, I had the opportunity to provide leadership to the Heinz College of Carnegie Mellon University, an important academic institution concerned with facilitating rational public policy; the National Consortium on Violence Research (NCOVR), a multi-university research and education program; and the Pennsylvania Commission on Crime and Delinquency, an important state-level criminal justice policy and funding agency.
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34

Stratford, Elaine. "Editorial: musings on geography and public policy." Geographical Research 56, no. 4 (2018): 341–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1745-5871.12320.

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35

Peck, Jamie. "Geography and public policy: constructions of neoliberalism." Progress in Human Geography 28, no. 3 (2004): 392–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132504ph492pr.

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36

Jordaan, Jacob A. "Book Review: Economic geography and public policy." Progress in Human Geography 29, no. 3 (2005): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913250502900319.

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37

Ward, Kevin. "Geography and public policy: a recent history of `policy relevance'." Progress in Human Geography 29, no. 3 (2005): 310–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132505ph551pr.

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38

Griffin, Timothy, Amy Pason, Filip Wiecko, and Brittany Brace. "Comparing Criminologists’ Views on Crime and Justice Issues With Those of the General Public." Criminal Justice Policy Review 29, no. 5 (2016): 443–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0887403416638412.

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We report the results of a survey of criminology and criminal justice (CCJ) scholars asking their responses to the same questions posed annually to the general public in Gallup public opinion polls. We found CCJ scholars to be more likely to hold more liberal positions on these issues than the general public. The findings indicate a disconnect between popular crime and justice perspectives (and resultant crime policy formation) and the “experts” presumably best trained and informed on how to go about crime policy. We argue for a renewed discussion among CCJ scholars regarding the relevance and role of academic expertise in crime policy formation and offer suggestions for how CCJ scholars might “go public” in influencing policy decisions.
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39

Robinson, Peter. "Priorities for public policy." New Economy 9, no. 1 (2002): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0041.00229.

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40

MARVELL, THOMAS B., and CARLISLE E. MOODY. "CAN AND SHOULD CRIMINOLOGY RESEARCH INFLUENCE POLICY? SUGGESTIONS FOR TIME-SERIES CROSS-SECTION STUDIES*." Criminology & Public Policy 7, no. 3 (2008): 359–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-9133.2008.00514.x.

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41

Akers, Ronald L. "Sociological Theory and Practice: The Case of Criminology." Journal of Applied Sociology os-22, no. 1 (2005): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19367244052200104.

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Issues in the application of sociological theory to practice in the control, prevention, and treatment of criminal and delinquent behavior are reviewed. The validity of the distinction between applied and pure sociology in the case of criminology is questioned. Application of theory occurs not only in the formal criminal justice system but also in the informal system of private and public practice directed toward criminal and deviant behavior. Moral and ethical values are necessarily implicated in any policy or practice, as illustrated in a hypothetical program for segregation and insulation of youth for delinquency prevention. An outline, with some examples, of what would be involved in reviewing the application of theory to the control, prevention, and treatment of criminal or delinquent behavior and the implications of practice for theory is given.
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42

Donegan, James J., and Michele W. Ganon. "Strain, Differential Association, and Coercion: Insights from the Criminology Literature on Causes of Accountant's Misconduct." Accounting and the Public Interest 8, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/api.2008.8.1.1.

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This paper introduces to the accounting literature two prominent criminology theories, strain and differential association, as possible explanations for criminal behavior by accountants and applies a recent integration of the two, coercion theory, to three recent financial statement frauds. We argue that understanding and preventing fraudulent accounting can be furthered by placing the phenomenon within the context of criminology research, which supports both individual and group-level explanations for white-collar crime. We also suggest that the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants (AICPA) moved too quickly in adopting Cressey's fraud triangle as the explanatory model for financial fraud in Statement on Auditing Standards (SAS) No. 99. Our analysis, although exploratory in nature, suggests that examining financial statement fraud through the lens provided by criminology theory may provide new insights into its causes as well as tools for detection and prevention. We conclude with a discussion of policy implications.
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43

Pyle, Lizbeth A., and Rutherford H. Platt. "Land Use Control: Geography, Law, and Public Policy." Geographical Review 83, no. 1 (1993): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/215385.

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44

James, Al, Mia Gray, and Ron Martin. "(Expanding) the Role of Geography in Public Policy." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 36, no. 11 (2004): 1901–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37211.

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45

Dummer, T. J. B. "Health geography: supporting public health policy and planning." Canadian Medical Association Journal 178, no. 9 (2008): 1177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.071783.

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46

Peck, Jamie. "Geography and public policy: mapping the penal state." Progress in Human Geography 27, no. 2 (2003): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132503ph424pr.

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47

Wilbanks, Thomas J. "Geography and Public Policy at the National Scale." Annals of the Association of American Geographers 75, no. 1 (1985): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8306.1985.tb00053.x.

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48

Jackson, Richard H. "Land use control: Geography, law and public policy." Land Use Policy 9, no. 4 (1992): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0264-8377(92)90010-t.

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49

Mertes, James D. "Land use control geography, law and public policy." Landscape and Urban Planning 23, no. 1 (1992): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0169-2046(92)90066-9.

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50

Jodoin, Sébastien. "Green Criminology - Edited by Nigel South and Piers Beirne." Review of European Community & International Environmental Law 17, no. 3 (2008): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9388.2008.592_6.x.

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