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1

Miller, Benjamin. "Explaining Great Power Cooperation in Conflict Management." World Politics 45, no. 1 (October 1992): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010517.

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This essay presents a theoretical model for explaining great power cooperation in conflict management. The model refines recent cooperation theory by distinguishing between types and degrees of international cooperation. It also challenges the dominance of decisionmaking analysis in the crisis literature and supplements it with structural factors. In brief, the model suggests that whereas crisis cooperation (crisis management) is conditioned by structural elements, cooperation in normal diplomacy (conflict resolution) depends on state attributes and cognitive factors. Such a model can account for the fact that unintended wars can break out between relatively moderate and similar actors whereas immoderate and dissimilar states can manage crises effectively. At the same time the model explains why some states are able to cooperate in normal diplomacy better than others, even when more actors are cooperating.
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Ackermann, Alice. "Strengthening the OSCE's capacities in conflict prevention, crisis management and conflict resolution." Security and Human Rights 23, no. 1 (2012): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502312800079737.

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AbstractTwenty years after the 1992 Helsinki Document — Challenges of Change, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) agreed at the 2011 Ministerial Council in Vilnius, Lithuania, on a decision intended to strengthen the OSCE's capacities in early warning, early action, dialogue facilitation and mediation-support as well as post-conflict rehabilitation. MC Decision 3/11 is an important one, in particular, as OSCE participating States were required to revisit the Organization's approach to conflict prevention and resolution over the last three years. The outcome was been an impressive document that demands the implementation of concrete action toward the creation of a systematic early warning and mediation-support capacity and the enhancement of early response to emerging crisis and conflict situations.
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Adams, Adeola, and Chux Gervase Iwu. "Conflict resolution: Understanding concepts and issues in conflict prevention, management and transformation." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 4 (2015): 431–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i4c4p1.

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Conflicts are inevitable. They can be prevented on some occasions, managed on others, but resolved only if the term conflict is taken to mean the satisfaction of apparent demands rather than the total eradication of underlying sentiments. Within the context of South Africa and Nigeria, two nations characterised by a mix of reputations, the understanding of the concepts of conflict prevention, conflict management and conflict transformation is pertinent to courting peace and harmony among the different groups of people. For one, conflict resolution opportunities restore our humanness and avowed commitment to the larger society. This is premised against the backdrop that conflict is both an intrinsic and inevitable part of human existence involving the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by parties. This paper attempts the development of a general framework for understanding the different concepts of conflict. The paper concludes by admitting that conflict resolution has less to do with removing conflict per se, but evolving an appropriate option for nipping it in the bud before it degenerates into a crisis. Conflict resolution therefore becomes the harbinger of our social reconstruction and the criterion for measuring the sanity and conformity of social systems
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Helinjiva, Rakotondrasoa. "NON-ARMED CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY AFRICAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 3, no. 01 (July 26, 2018): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v3i01.56.

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Africa is a continent devastated by conflicts and wars of all kinds. After being colonized for more than a century, African countries have sought solutions to solve the problems between them. They thus found their own organization which is the African Union with mixed commissions. The latter, besides dealing with the economic development of African countries, also deal with the management and resolution of armed and non- armed conflicts in the continent. Among these armed conflicts resolved by the African Union is the political crisis in Madagascar in 2009. The resolution of the conflict in Madagascar, despite its very successful appearance conceals some inconveniences for the Malagasy population and the Republic of Madagascar. This paper will demonstrate how the African Union regulates non-weapon conflicts in Africa, including the case of Madagascar, and explain the failures and successes of managing the crisis there. It aims to analyze the problems encountered in the resolution of a conflict, especially internal. Liberalism, more precisely, institutional liberalism is the theoretical framework of this study. To dig deeper into this paper, the research design utilized is the qualitative method with a deductive method. Data collection comes from primary data like books, reviews, reports, newspapers, etc.
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Asmussen, Jan. "International Crisis Management and Human Security in the Framework of ‘Hybrid Wars’ and Unrecognized States." Security and Human Rights 25, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): 287–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02503001.

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This article deals with the impact of the current Ukrainian crisis on international conflict management and human security in the framework of ‘hybrid wars’ and unrecognized states. It analyses the particularities of the international community’s dealings with conflicts that have multi-party actors. Human security issues are difficult to redress when warfare takes hybrid forms and major actors are non-recognized entities that are not members of international organizations. The Ukrainian crisis has seen the resurrection of the osce as a major forum for conflict resolution endeavours. A new European order of peace that guarantees human security can only be achieved with minimum standards of mutual respect.
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Haerani, Dian, Alo Liliweri, and Dewi Widowati. "CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE COMMUNICATION CRISIS (A CASE STUDY OF PT. SABANG GEOTHERMAL ENERGY PROJECT LAND DISPUTE)." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 01 (January 31, 2021): 370–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12309.

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Humans and conflicts are inseparable. Conflict is inevitable. Conflict is inevitable but manageable. In the daily activities of human beings both as individuals, as members of organizations or corporations, and as members of society are always faced with conflict. The same is true with the crisis. Conflict can be caused by crises including communication crises. Wrong communication can lead to great conflict and can threaten the survival of an organization or corporation. This study highlights the conflict that occurs between mining business investors and the community of PT. SGE with the people of Jaboy Sabang Aceh. The conflict raised in this study started from the land dispute between the people as landowners and PT. SGE as an investor. In the beginning, the companys mining business has built communication with elites such as regional leaders, community leaders, religious figures, and related stakeholders, but did not touch the public interest as a party directly related to the companys operational area. From the perspective of intercultural communication, there is a lack of harmonious communication between enterprises and society. This research is conducted to identify and trace the process of intercultural communication to reduce uncertainty between the two parties based on the theory of uncertainty reduction, the theory of intercultural communication, the concept of conflict, conflict management, and conflict resolution. As qualitative research, the data was collected through in-depth interviews with informants from investors and community leaders in Aceh strengthened by observation. From the results of the analysis and discussion, the researchers found the fact that the company did not adhere to the principles in building intercultural communication and did not dive into the characteristics of the people of Aceh. PT. SGE temporarily halted the companys operations to complete licensing and fulfilling its commitment to the community. As a result of the conflict that occurred that once disrupted the operations of companies that carry the mission of the government in realizing information for the people of Aceh can walk back and get support from the community. Conflicts that occur have been resolved with the concept and model of conflict resolution. Thus what is the desire of the community is bridged through open communication, consistent, committed so that mutually beneficial cooperation is established.
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Folarin, George O., and Adewale J. Adelakun. "Multi-Dimensional Approach To Crisis Management In The Church." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 23 (August 29, 2016): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n23p270.

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The church, like every other society, encounters internal crisis. Theological Seminaries and Universities are well-positioned to help the church in its search for methods of coping with the problem. But because the studies of religion and other disciplines in many Universities are academic, supposedly objective, and comparative, products of the research findings from Universities with interest in religion and social sciences can contribute to the search for multidimensional management of church crisis. Eclectic theory of civil conflict resolution of Keih as modified for religious conflict management by Israel Akanji was applied to the data collected for this work.
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Farero, Adam M., Paul Springer, Cody Hollist, and Richard Bischoff. "Crisis Management and Conflict Resolution: Using Technology to Support Couples Throughout Deployment." Contemporary Family Therapy 37, no. 3 (June 4, 2015): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10591-015-9343-9.

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Orhero, Abraham Ejogba. "CONFLICTS AND CRISES IN NIGERIA: MANAGEMENT AND RESOLUTION FOR PEACE BUILDING." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 361–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3127.

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Conflicts and crises do not imply peace rather they are anti-peace. They stand for or symbolize problems in human society. Historically, Nigeria profiles the highest statistics of violent conflicts in Africa. These conflicts range from land disputes, resource control, and ethnic cleavages to wars of liberation. Unfortunately, the dilemma confronting Nigeria today is not really the occurrence of conflicts and crises in the real sense, but how to resolve them in such a manner as to prevent the past ones from reoccurring and contain the present ones from escalating or degenerating into full-scale war. Therefore, it is against this backdrop that this paper examines the nitty-gritty of conflicts and crises, their antecedents, and their management and resolution in Nigeria. The paper also presents methods for better management and resolution of conflicts and crises in Nigeria. Finally, the paper concludes that the traditional conflict resolution techniques such as mediation, reconciliation, adjudication, and negotiation as well as cross-examination which were employed by Africans in the past, offer great prospects for peaceful co-existence and harmonious relationships in post-conflict periods than the modern method of litigation settlements in law courts. Thus, the paper recommends among others that the Nigeria government, especially the National Assembly should make and implement policies aimed at addressing the root and trigger causes of conflicts and crises in the country.
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Olszewska, Barbara, and Estera Piwoni-Krzeszowska. "Factors Influencing Company Relations with Market Stakeholders, in the Face of Crises in Company Development." Management and Production Engineering Review 5, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mper-2014-0016.

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Abstract Crises in company development are a particular subset of management crises. They emerge on various stages of company development, as a result of gradual depletion of effective management solutions. Crisis situations in companies have varied impact on company stakeholders. The paper presents results of empirical studies of factors influencing company relations with market stakeholders and those that facilitate the process of restoring and maintaining any relations that suffered in the course of crises in company development. The authors’ intention was to identify such factors and evaluate their importance, in relation to various stages of company development and the associated types of crisis situations faced by companies. Empirical studies suggest that certain factors may facilitate conflict resolution in matters concerning company relations with market stakeholders, and that the impact of these factors varies depending on the phase of organizational development and the type of the associated crisis situation. It must be noted, that one of the most important factors to influence problem resolution is the perceived honesty of the exchange participants. Moreover, research suggests that opinions on the significance of organizational dependence of exchange participants in the resolution of problems in relations with market stakeholders are varied.
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11

Butler, Michael J. "Searching for an Exit: The Effects of Context, Process and Structure on Crisis Negotiation." International Negotiation 24, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 371–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24031184.

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Abstract By virtue of their defining criteria, international crises would seem unlikely candidates for conflict management and resolution. However, negotiations among crisis protagonists are not uncommon. Such behavior may reflect a desire to ‘exit’ the crisis dynamic. This article takes up the question of when and in what circumstances actors engaged in crisis situations turn to negotiation. Through an empirical analysis of over 1000 cases of foreign policy crises occurring between 1918 and 2015, this research examines a set of potential contextual, processual and structural correlates of crisis negotiation. The results of this analysis indicate that negotiation is less likely to occur in complex, high stakes, and especially violent crises, suggesting that negotiation is an unlikely and perhaps ill-suited response to more intense and severe crises.
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12

Almghairbi, Dalal Salem, Takawira C. Marufu, and Iain K. Moppett. "Conflict resolution in anaesthesia: systematic review." BMJ Simulation and Technology Enhanced Learning 5, no. 1 (July 21, 2018): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjstel-2017-000264.

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BackgroundConflict is a significant and recurrent problem in most modern healthcare systems. Given its ubiquity, effective techniques to manage or resolve conflict safely are required.ObjectiveThis review focuses on conflict resolution interventions for improvement of patient safety through understanding and applying/teaching conflict resolution skills that critically depend on communication and improvement of staff members’ ability to voice their concerns.MethodsWe used the Population-Intervention-Comparator-Outcome model to outline our methodology. Relevant English language sources for both published and unpublished papers up to February 2018 were sourced across five electronic databases: the Cochrane Library, EMBASE, MEDLINE, SCOPUS and Web of Science.ResultsAfter removal of duplicates, 1485 studies were screened. Six articles met the inclusion criteria with a total sample size of 286 healthcare worker participants. Three training programmes were identified among the included studies: (A) crisis resource management training; (B) the Team Strategies and Tools to Enhance Performance and Patient Safety (TeamSTEPPS) training; and (C) the two-challenge rule (a component of TeamSTEPPS), and two studies manipulating wider team behaviours. Outcomes reported included participant reaction and observer rating of conflict resolution, speaking up or advocacy-inquiry behaviours. Study results were inconsistent in showing benefits of interventions.ConclusionThe evidence for training to improve conflict resolution in the clinical environment is sparse. Novel methods that seek to influence wider team behaviours may complement traditional interventions directed at individuals.
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13

Pratiwi, Eka Auliana. "CAMPUR TANGAN ASING di INDONESIA : CRISIS MANAGEMENT INITIATIVE DALAM PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK ACEH (2005-2012)." Historia: Jurnal Pendidik dan Peneliti Sejarah 2, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/historia.v2i2.15630.

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Tulisan ini memuat peranan Crisis Management Initiative dalam Penyelesaian Konflik antara Gerakan Aceh Merdeka dengan Pemerintah Indonesia (2005-2012)”. Setelah pemerintah Indonesia menggunakan pendekatan militer untuk menyelesaikan konflik yang terjadi di Aceh namun menemui jalan buntu, maka pemerintah Indonesia menggunakan pendekatan baru dengan menggunakan pendekatan dialog dan menghadirkan pihak ketiga sebagai mediator. Pada masa pemerintahan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004- 2009) terdapat perubahan lembaga dalam penyelesaian konflik Aceh, yakni mempercayakan NGO asal Finlandia yaitu “Crisis Management Initatiative” sebagai mediator dalam penyelesaian konflik Aceh. Masalah utama yang dibahas dalam skripsi ini adalah “Bagaimana Peranan Crisis Management Initiative dalam Penyelesaian Konflik antara Gerakan Aceh Merdeka dengan Pemerintah Indonesia 2005-2012?”. Masalah utama tersebut kemudian disusun menjadi tiga pertanyaan penelitian, yaitu (1). Bagaimana pengaruh GAM terhadap konflik Aceh, (2) Apakah latar belakang terpilihnya CMI sebagai mediator, (3) Bagaimana proses perdamaian yang dimediasi oleh CMI, (4) Bagaimana dampak dari hasil perundingan damai dalam aspek sosial, ekonomi dan politik di Aceh. Adapun tujuan penelitian ini yaitu menganalisis latar belakang terbentuknya GAM, menganalisis latar belakang pemilihan CMI sebagai mediator dan proses perdamaian yang dimediasi oleh CMI, serta menjelaskan dampak perundingan bagi masyarakat Aceh. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode historis yaitu meliputi pengumpulan sumber, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah (1) GAM terbentuk karena adanya kekecewaan masyarakat Aceh terhadap kebijakan Pemerintah Indonesia , (2) CMI merupakan NGO yang bergerak di bidang resolusi konflik, (3) Musibah tsunami berpengaruh terhadap proses perdamaian, (4) proses perdamaian dilakukan sebanyak lima putaran, (4) CMI berhasil menyatukan keinginan kedua belah pihak.Kata Kunci : Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, Konflik,Crisis Management Initiative, Pemerintah Indonesia.This article examines the role of "Crisis Management Initiative in Conflict Resolution between the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian Government (2005-2012)". After the Indonesian government used a military approach to resolve the conflict in Aceh but was deadlocked, then Indonesian government used a new approach by using a dialogue approach and presenting third parties as mediators. During the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2009) there was a change in the institution to resolve the Aceh conflict, both sides entrusting a NGO and namely as “Crisis Management Initatiative” as a mediator. The main issue of this thesis is "How was the Role of Crisis Management Initiative in the Conflict Resolution between the Free Aceh Movement and the Indonesian Government 2005-2012?". Then it’s developed into four research questions: (1) How about GAM’s impact in Aceh conflict, (2) What isthe background of CMI's election as a mediator, (3) How was the peace process which is mediated by CMI, (4) What were the impact of the results by peace negotiations on social, economic and political aspects in Aceh. The purpose of this research is to analyze the impact of GAM in Aceh conflict, analyze the reason of CMI’s selection as a mediator and the peace process mediated by CMI, and the last was to find out the impact of negotiations for the Aceh people. The methodology that is used in this research is historical methodology which consists of finding references (heuristic), criticizing the references, interpretating the references and historiography. therefore the results of the research are (1) GAM was formed because of the disappointed Acehnese people towards the policies by Indonesian Government, (2) CMI was a NGO which focuss in conflict resolution, (3) tsunami’s disaster have impact on peace proccess (4) the peace process was carried out in five rounds, (4) CMI succeeded to unite both side’s pretension.Keywords : Free Aceh Movement, Conflict, Crisis Management Initiativ, Indonesian Government.
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Xoliqova, Mohira, and Beknazarova Saida Safibullaevna. "Modern Technology And Competence In Dispute Management And Resolution (In The Context Of Mediationtion In Family)." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 03, no. 05 (May 31, 2021): 421–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume03issue05-74.

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In this article, we will talk about the various principles of conflict resolution, which serve the development of social, economic, interpersonal relations in modern societies and are widely used in all forms of social system (family, economy, production, labor market, state administrative practice), democratic principles that ensure the protection of human rights and freedoms, the introduction of conflict resolution methods into the practice of the neighborhood, the problems of personal development through effective eradication of crises have been investigated.
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Mujiburrahman, Mujiburrahman. "Roles of the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) in Aceh’s Reconciliation to Strengthen Indonesia’s National Integration After Tsunami in 2005." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 2, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v2i2.4218.

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Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) is a National Government Organization that focuses on advocacy for sustainable security and conflict resolution. This organization was founded in 2000 by Martti Ahtisaari. Ge was the former president of Finland in 1994-2000. CMI was asked to facilitate negotiation between the Indonesian government and GAM (Free Aceh Movement), through personal contact between Farid Husain and Juha Christensen. Aceh conflict was a disintegration-oriented-conflict, so it was potential to threaten Indonesia’s sovereignty.This research used the historical method with heuristic, criticism or verification, interpretation, and historiography stages. The primary sources of data on this research were information in the media, both printed and electronic. Besides, this research also examined or reviewed the literary references that were related and relevant to the research topic. The study was to reveal how the background of CMI's involvement in Aceh peace in 2005, and how the strategic roles of CMI in resolving conflicts until the realization of Aceh peace in 2005 for Aceh remained a part of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).The role of CMI as a reputable international institution and getting the trust of both parties, was capable of providing intervention to the conflicting parties so that its role became very strategic in mediating the conflict. The success of CMI was seen from the negotiation held in Helsinki Finland, resulting in the execution of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on August 15, 2005, as a peace agreement. After the signing of the Helsinki MoU, armed conflict stopped, and the social lives were back to normal, and the development process could resume usually.
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Hammed, Hanafi A. "Appraising the Role of African Union: the New Partnership for Africa’s Development in Conflict prevention and Management in Africa." International and Comparative Law Review 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iclr-2016-0036.

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Abstract The New Partnership for Africa’s Development is the latest in a long line of initiatives or framework intended by African leaders to place African continent on a path of growth and sustainable development. The development challenges that face Africa are enormous and varied. Th e crisis of political instability, bad governance, lack of peace and security, poverty and diseases like HIV/AIDs. NEPAD recognized peace and security as condition for good governance and sustainable development. Therefore, in absence of peace and security, democracy and good governance cannot strive and where there is no good governance, we cannot witness sustainable development. This paper argues that peace and security has been elusive in much of Africa. The failure of the Organisation of African Unity to ensure peace and security in Africa and to address Africa’s post-cold war legion of challenges, the successor organisation, the African Union and its attendant development programme, the NEPAD were established. The first issue which is critical to NEPAD is, solving armed conflict and civil unrest on the continent. Currently, twenty percent of the people of Africa are living in condition of conflict. These conditions cause terrible suffering and hold back economic development in the affected countries. The extent of conflict is so great that the whole continent is affected and this creates a major barrier to inward investment. On the resolution, NEPAD is in a position to make considerable progress. It was learnt in Sierra Lone that with concentrated international eff ort, conflict can be successfully ended and institutions of a properly functioning state can begin to be rebuilt. The paper therefore examines the origin of the NEPAD, NEPAD and challenges of peace and security in Africa and involvement of AU/NEPAD in Darfur and Cote D’Ivoire crises. It further discusses the AU/NEPAD conflict mechanisms for conflict prevention, management and resolution and draw conclusion.
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Ivanov, Oleksandr. "The politics of crisis management and conflict resolution in Ukraine: Konstanz University MA students’ field trip to Kyiv." European Historical Studies, no. 14 (2019): 170–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.14.170-175.

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This report describes the goal, mission, composition of participants, main events and results of the applied research seminar in the format of a field trip under the aforementioned name, which was organized and held during the summer semester 2019 by Jun.-Prof. Dr. Steffen Eckеhard (Ph.D. in Political Science at Konstanz University, Germany) for the MA-students of the International Administration and Conflict Management Program, with assistance from professors and students of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv’s Faculty of History. The seminar consisted of two parts. The first – preparatory-theoretical, was conducted at Konstanz University, Germany. The second – empirically-practical, was held for a week in Kyiv. Aside from Germans, as much as half of the research group consisted of exchange students from other countries: Great Britain, Netherlands, Canada, Lithuania, Italy, Turkey, Ukraine and Sweden. Overall, the students conducted 16 interview meetings with representatives of international, domestic, public and non-profit organizations in just five days. Such interviews were conducted with, among others, the students who took part in the Revolution of Dignity and military conflict in Donbas on Ukraine’s side. Besides, Ukrainian politicians, “NV” radio station’s editor-in-chief, political scientists and employees of international organizations such as the EU, OSCE and UN also helped the participants of the seminar to formulate their own view of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Based on the collected and analyzed information, 6 reports were prepared. They can be accessed in English at the official web-page of the research group: https://www.polver.uni-konstanz.de/eckhard/teaching/applied-teaching
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Zulhilmi and Ady Muzwardi. "ACEH CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDONESIA." JIP (Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan) : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24905/jip.1.1.2016.158-167.

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Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM. The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants. Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue. Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.
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Muzwardi, Ady, and Z. Zulhilmi. "Aceh Conflict Resolution By The Government Of Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan : Kajian Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Politik Daerah 1, no. 1 (June 10, 2016): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.24905/jip.v1i1.439.

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Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM.The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants.Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue.Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.
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Putra, Bama Andika. "China’s Assertiveness in the South China Sea: Have ASEAN’s Endeavors in Establishing Regional Order Truly Failed?" Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p178.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; mso-fareast-font-family: 宋体; mso-font-kerning: 1.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-language: ZH-CN; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;" lang="EN-US">The territorial disputes in the South China Sea have become the major flashpoints of both potential and existing conflicts in Asia. With claimant states from both China and member states of ASEAN, the aggressive military gestures of the claimant states have led to a myriad number of confrontations throughout the years. The inevitability of ASEAN being in the center of the disputes, have led many critics towards the regional organization on its capacity to establish any significant changes towards the dynamics of the South China Sea disputes. This research argues the opposite of the existing academic literatures, which views ASEAN as not an ideal actor in facing the fast paced dynamics of the South China Sea conflicts. It argues of ASEAN’s ability and capacity to persuade China into some forms of compromises into its policy, reflected through its defined position of a conflict management institution throughout the South China Sea crisis. The research thus argues how there is an existing misperception of ASEAN’s conflict management endeavors with the occurrence of China’s recent assertive gestures, ASEAN’s ability in instilling cooperative values and confidence building measures among conflicted states, and relevance of ASEAN’s multilateralism measures despite of China’s historical stance of bilateral means of conflict resolution in regards to the South China Sea conflict.</span></p><div id="_mcePaste" class="mcePaste" style="position: absolute; left: -10000px; top: 0px; width: 1px; height: 1px; overflow: hidden;"><!--EndFragment--></div>
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GRABINSKY, SALO. "CRISIS IN MEXICO: ITS EFFECTS ON FAMILY OWNED BUSINESSES." Journal of Enterprising Culture 04, no. 03 (September 1996): 301–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218495896000174.

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In December 1994, Mexico suffered a deep financial crisis which caused a sustantial devaluation of the peso. The new government as well as millions of entrepreneurs were caught by surprise. This paper will review: 1. An austerity measures, changes in attitude, adaptability and other adjustments forced by this crisis on several representative Mexican family businesses. 2. Conflicts within family members owning to financial, succession and psychological factors. 3. Evolving corporate and family strategies being used by several businesses for survival. 4. Effects of this situation on women entrepreneurs, both in their businesses and in relation to their families. The author will focus on several financial strategies, boards of directors and advisors of family businesses and their effectiveness in conflict resolution and strategic planning. This paper is based on author’s exprience with several dozen firms in Mexico, before and during this still ongoing crisis. Changes in attitudes, family dynamics and management strategies forced by this unexpected “meltdown” will help viable companies survive and grow in the next generation. Moreover, it could mean an important starting point for entrepreneurs and their families everywhere who wish to embark in new ventures in these turbulent times.
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Ogakason, Rasheed Oshoke. "Women as agents of conflict resolution in Femi Osofisan’s Moroutodun." EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 7, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2020): 321–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v7i1-2.21.

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Over the years, there have been incidents of class struggle and secessionist agitations especially in developing nations such as Nigeria. This has drawn the attention of the government, security agencies and the ruling class who deem it a threat to the peace and unity of the nation. Many of such agitations are tackled using different strategies to manage the situations especially when it results to crisis and clash of interests leading to destruction of lives and properties. Nigeria, has recorded several incidents of agitations mostly from minority and separatist groups who see themselves as the oppressed and marginalized in the aspects of leadership, governance, power and unequal distribution of the nation’s abundant wealth and resources. The literary world has contributed severally through the works of contemporary African playwrights such as Ngugi wa Thiongo, J.P Clark and Femi Osofisan, who have successfully woven their themes on issues such as conflict, emancipation, oppression and social struggle. This paper is premised on the theory of conflict resolution techniques and dispute management systems and textual analysis as its method. The paper examines the portrayal of women as agents of conflict resolution in Femi Osofisan’s Moroutodun. It further draws the attention to the integral role of women in bringing about peace, positive change and development in the society. The paper concludes that womenshould be given a chance as men to contribute to peace-building and conflict resolution in the society. Keywords: Women, Agents of conflict resolution, Moroutodun, Femi Osofisan, Nigeria
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PAPOUTSI, VASILIKI. "STRATEGIES OF THE EFFECTIVE CONFLICT MANAGEMENT IN THE EDUCATIONAL ENVIRONMENT." Scientific Issues of Ternopil Volodymyr Hnatiuk National Pedagogical University. Series: pedagogy, no. 2 (April 6, 2021): 204–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25128/2415-3605.20.27.

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The problem of communication among the participants of the educational environment occupies one of the leading places in modern pedagogical science. A natural possibility in an educational organization is the existence of conflict. This article presents the essential role of effective communication in the proper management of conflict within the school environment. It has been proved that dealing with conflicts in educational organizations executives tend to apply different styles of administrative behavior. These mainly include the integration of objectives, concession, enforcement, avoidance and compromise. The choice of conflict management-settlement style depends on organizational communication, the interdependence of individual objectives and the ability of individuals and groups to work together. The article analyses the specific type of communication the educational managers must rely on in order to achieve the collection of information, rational decision making and even the control of the expected results. Organizational communication is an important tool of effective management as executives manage to persuade, motivate and do what their subordinates want. It has been grounded that the crucial factor in effective conflict management through organizational communication is decision making. The article highlights the fact that the value of a conflict is assessed as favorable or not, depending on the participants in the conflict, the means used and the subjective criteria of the participants. The positive causes or constructive actions for the rational management of the conflict phenomenon must arise as a result of the dialectical way of dealing with disagreements, crises and conflicts. Their effective resolution is a positive potential for experience, as it provides an opportunity for stakeholders to get to know the problem, plan and implement positive changes in challenge outdated ways of thinking and develop new ways of working effectively together.
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Smits, Karen, and Robert A. Brownlow. "Collaboration and Crisis in Mega Projects: A Study in Cross Corporate Culture Conflict and its Resolution." Independent Journal of Management & Production 8, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.14807/ijmp.v8i2.556.

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Projects typically involve multiple partners coming together to form a temporary project organization that manages project execution. Partners begin their relationship with soaring aspirations to collaborate but as they move through the project’s various phases and they experience friction, especially those related to cultural clashes, their noble aspirations succumb to creeping, if not full blown, crisis. This, in turn, creates lost relationality and compromised execution. Thus, the question: How can project partners manage the integration of differing corporate cultures and work processes to produce the most effective and efficient outcomes? Using the mega project of the Panama Canal Expansion Program, the authors explore how a multicultural project organization moved from dysfunctional relationality to synergistic, self-reinforcing, collaboration. A “Collabyrinth” (Smits, 2013) model explores how participants learned to collaborate in a holding environment saturated with layers of complex cultural difference. The Collabyrinth is composed of six comingling elements: (1) Conflicting Conditions, (2) Submarining, (3) Seeking Consent, (4) Storytelling, (5) Crafting Reciprocal Relations, (6) Synergizing. Certain aspects of crisis management are employed to explain intra-collabyrinth dynamics. Those aspects are: (1) Coming of the Forerunners, (2) Acuteness in the Now, (3) Resolution Seeking, and (4) Constructing Relationality. Specific examples of the collabyrinth journey are provided and recommendations are made to harness the positive power of cross-corporate culture collaboration.
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Putra, Bama Andika. "Hindrances to Third-Party Interventions in Conflict Resolution: United Nations and Patterns of Constraints in Resolving the Lord’s Resistance Army Conflict Between 2008-2012." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0079.

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Since 1987, the Lord’s Resistance Army has continued systematic human rights violations in the Central African region. Cases of kidnapping, village raids, mass rapes, and murders, have become defining factors to the urgency of resolving the crisis. In an attempt to respond to the conflict, the United Nations Security Council has initiated a number of political and military-based resolutions to control the conflict since 2008, which includes extending UN peacekeeping mandates in Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, and South Sudan, as well as coordinate efforts with relevant African Union bodies. However, its success is far-reached, urging the need to contextualize the forms of hindrances that the UN faced in responding to the crisis. Employing Rourke and Bouyer’s (1996) concept of collective security and measures of response success, with a research limitation set to 2008-2012, a qualitative research utilizing secondary data is implemented, concluding the following hindrances that can be categorized into the following; (1) Implementation of the additional mandate of the UN Peace Forces, (2) Application of the AU Regional Task Force, and (3) Implementation of the Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Resettlement, and Reintegration program. Received: 16 December 2020 / Accepted: 11 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Olaojo, Babajide, Frank Amiriheobu, Ekperi Watts, and Nwata Terry. "CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF FULANI HERDSMEN CRISIS AND ITS IMPACT ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AS PERCEIVED BY LITERATE CITIZENS." International Journal of Innovative Research in Social Sciences and Strategic Management Techniques 7, no. 1 (September 3, 2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijirsssmt.v7.i1.10.

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The study focused on Critical analysis of Fulani herdsmen crisis and its impact on national development has perceived by literate citizens. A descriptive survey design was adopted which enabled the researchers to collect and analyze data from a sample of the entire population without any manipulations. The target population for this study was made up of Universities and College of Education Lecturers in Rivers State. A sample size of one hundred (100) Lecturers was used for the study, which was selected through purposive and random sampling techniques. The Instrument was validated and it was subjected to content reliability using test-reset method with Pearson Product Moment Correlation (PPMC). The reliability coefficient obtained 0.87. Three null hypotheses were tested at 0.05 level of significance. Data were analyzed using t-test. Findings showed that there was a significant difference in the perception of University of College of Education lecturers on the causes, economics effects and impact of Fulani herdsmen and Farmers crisis on national development in Nigeria. It was recommended that Federal government should engage peace and conflict resolution experts in dealing with issues concerning Fulani herdsmen and Farmers crises and that ranching method of cattle rearing location across the country while the herdsmen should be given needed training for effective and efficient management of the ranching.
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Dubin, Ruth, and Cheryl King-VanVlack. "The Trajectory of Chronic Pain: Can a Community-Based Exercise/Education Program Soften the Ride?" Pain Research and Management 15, no. 6 (2010): 361–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2010/617129.

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The entire primary care record of six patients attending a community-based education/exercise self-management program for chronic noncancer pain (YMCA Pain Exercise/Education Program [Y-PEP]) was reviewed. Medical visits, consultations and hospital admissions were coded as related or unrelated to their pain diagnoses. Mood disruption, financial concerns, conflicts with employers/insurers, analgesic doses, medication side effects and major life events were also recorded. The ‘chronic pain trajectory’ resembled a roller coaster with increased health care visits at the time of initial injuries and during ‘crises’ (reinjury, conflict with insurers/employers, failed back-to-work attempts and life events). Visits decreased when conflicts were resolved. Analgesic doses increased during ‘crises’ but did not fall after resolution. After attending Y-PEP, health care use fell for four of six patients and two returned to work. Primary care physicians need to recognize the functional limitations and psychosocial complications experienced by their chronic pain patients. A program such as Y-PEP may promote active self-management strategies resulting in lowered health care use.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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30

Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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31

Daddieh, Cyril Kofie. "The Management of Educational Crises in Côte d'Ivoire." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 4 (December 1988): 639–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015421.

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Since the attainment of formal political independence in the early 1960s, African leaders have been grappling with the problem of how to manage domestic political conflicts in such a way that their resolution will facilitate, rather than undermine, the maintenance of incumbent régimes. This task, never easy in the best of circumstances, has become even more daunting in recent years as the ongoing economic crisis has deprived most African states of the resources necessary for the continued use of co-optation as the most effective technique for dealing with critics who have their own political aspirations. A further complication is that the ‘frustrations of independence’ have eroded the prestige and personal legitimacy that was once enjoyed by the generation of anti- colonial leaders partly as a result of what might be described as the ‘elder tradition’ in African political culture.1
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Syah Putra, Rahmad. "Peran Farid Husain dalam Perdamaian Aceh." Tadabbur: Jurnal Peradaban Islam 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/tadabbur.v2i1.84.

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This study concerns the process of resolving the Aceh’s conflict and the role of one of the leaders in Aceh's peace, Farid Husain. The purpose of this study is to examine and to discuss the history of the resolution of the Aceh’s conflict, and the role of Farid Husain in Aceh peace In collecting the data, this study uses historical and descriptive analytical methods. The method of data collection is through three methods, namely observation, interview and documentation study. The results showed that during the conflict in Aceh, very much effort was made by the Government of the Republic of Indonesia to resolve the Aceh’s conflict, starting from the reigns of President Soekarno, Suharto, BJ, Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Soekarno Putri, to President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's Government and Vice President M. Jusuf Kalla who became the solution to the peaceful conflict in Aceh through intensive direct dialogue between facilitated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI). Farid Husain was one of the people involved in the Aceh peace process who played a role in opening communication with GAM leaders and working behind the scenes to supply information about Aceh and GAM in the interests of the Indonesian peace team in resolving the Aceh conflict through peaceful means. The results of the study also found that the Aceh peace process was collectively carried out by various parties, not involving one actor, one of which was Farid Husain who played the role of To See The Actor, also involving various other figures including the Acehnese leaders themselves.
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33

Lyons, Lizanne, and Anthony D. Vivenzio. "Employee Involvement in Seattle: Reengineering Government in a City Lacking a Financial Crisis." Public Personnel Management 27, no. 1 (March 1998): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102609802700109.

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Without fiscal pressure, but with a clamor for re-engineering and service reform reverberating, the usually progressive Seattle began an improved labor-management relations effort through a series of project teams sponsored by departmental joint-labor management committees. The aim was to save costs and improve service. Unlike the other examples in this issue, Seattle didn't start with bargaining improvement or conflict resolution in mind, nor did it begin with a large and visible project like health care or a civic arena. Seattle started with a simple but ambitious plan, sponsored by labor and management, to create the capacity to set up well-structured ad hoc joint teams to attack potential savings and improvements under the umbrella of joint committees in each department. Cost savings and improvements came from such diverse services as the electric utility, the parks department, fleet maintenance, the municipal court and animal control. The resulting Employee Involvement Committees can discuss any issue, other than wage and benefits, that relates to services improvement. A citywide oversight committee helps to share lessons and to help put issues relevant to bargaining into play in the proper forum. With the help of a U.S. Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service (FMCS) grant, Seattle and the coalition of unions jointly built training and administrative capacity to ensure success. The grant and the city support expanded the number of management and union leaders involved with constructive problem solving. Over two dozen involvement committees were launched and made progress within a year, and many departmental joint committees were started or revitalized. The results of the EICs and related arrangements led to and created enthusiasm for expansive changes in the labor-management relationship. These innovative arrangements were also expected to affect the bargaining climate and a broader range of workplace, service and cost items. In a dramatic broadening of these early efforts, the city formed a city-level Labor Management Leadership Committee with key representatives from the city council, the mayor's office and cabinet department. The Seattle example, partly an alternative to managed competition, shows the possibilities in starting small, building capacity, focusing on service through joint efforts, and seeing the expanded trust moving to other aspects of the relationship and creating greater opportunities for improvement. This jointly authored perspective brings insight to understanding how the EICs became a successful event and an effective catalyst for broader change.
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Butler, Michael J. "Negotiation and Mediation in the Hard(est) Cases." International Negotiation 24, no. 3 (August 6, 2019): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24031189.

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Abstract In seeking a fuller understanding of the provision and effectiveness of negotiation and mediation, salient lessons can be gleaned from instances in which these processes seem unlikely to succeed or unlikely to be tried at all. Contributions to this special issue of International Negotiation purposefully avoid mining examples of success stories for correlates. The contributors have instead consciously identified and examined applications of negotiation and mediation in the hard(est) cases, with the objective of teasing out what shortcomings and even failures can tell us about the prospects of negotiation and mediation as practices of conflict management and resolution. Using the criteria discussed in this introductory article, this collection examines negotiation and mediation in international crises, intractable conflicts, civil wars, and other cases defined by complex contextual environments, actor configurations, and disputes – with the goal of revealing insights that can improve the effectiveness of negotiation and mediation in application.
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Senatore, Vincenzo. "Financial Consumers and Applicable Provisions a European and Italian Perspective." International Review of Financial Consumers 2, No. 1 Apr 2017 (April 1, 2017): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.36544/irfc.2017.1-3.

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In Europe, general legislation requires protection of the economic interests of consumers. This includes, for instance, the consumer protection from financial services, misleading advertising and unfair contract terms. However, only after the global financial crisis, the European Union (EU) has become aware of the lack of transparency, poor handling of conflicts of interest, over-indebtedness, and low awareness of risks of the consumers in dealing with financial services. This paper aims to investigate the financial knowledge and overconfidence in Europe, and to provide an overview of consumer protection policy in EU. Here, it will be analyzed the EU regulatory framework, whose aim is to ensure the stability of the financial markets and to establish specific and common rules for banks and investments companies among the Member States. Furthermore, it deals with protections of financial consumers in the Italian legislation and within a European context. It concludes providing the Italian financial system as best example of crisis management and resolution, by providing out-of-court settlements, collective redress and crisis management procedures, with the aims to establish a systemic stability and financial consumers’ confidence in the bank system.
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VEGIČ, VINKO. "POSREDOVANJE NATA V KRIZAH – IZKUŠNJE IN IZZIVI OPERACIJE V LIBIJI." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2013/ ISSUE 15/1 (May 30, 2013): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179//bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.1.1.

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Po izbruhu nemirov v Libiji v začetku leta 2011 so v Varnostnem svetu ZN sprejeli resolucijo, ki je zagotovila mandat za mednarodno posredovanje v Libiji. Dva dni po sprejetju resolucije so ameriške, britanske in francoske sile začele operacije za vzpostavitev embarga in območja prepovedi letenja nad Libijo. Konec marca je po- veljevanje in nadzor nad operacijo Združeni zaščitnik prevzel Nato, v njej so sodelo- vale vojaške sile 14 držav članic Nata in 4 partnerskih držav. Operacija je prispevala k zmanjšanju civilnih žrtev spopadov in pomagala opoziciji pri odstranitvi režima Moamerja Gadafija. Operacija Združeni zaščitnik je primer učinkovitega posredovanja Nata v krizi, vendar je tudi opozorila na več težav in pomanjkljivosti glede strategije in glede vojaških zmogljivosti Nata pri izvajanju kriznega menedžmenta. V Natu so se pri obravnavi libijske krize pokazala različna stališča zaveznic, ki so privedla do resnih političnih razprav v zavezništvu. Vendar je bila kljub tem razlikam izvedba operacije mogoča. Operacija je opozorila na znatne pomanjkljivosti na področju vojaških zmogljivosti in na odvisnost evropskih zaveznic od vojaških zmogljivosti ZDA na nekaterih pomembnih področjih. Izkušnje operacije opozarjajo tudi na politična in vojaška vprašanja, s katerimi se bo Nato verjetno srečal ob podobnih operacijah v pri- hodnosti. Med zaveznicami je mogoče pričakovati različna stališča in pristope glede vloge Nata v prihodnjih krizah, kot tudi različno pripravljenost vojaško prispevati k operacijam. Za učinkovit krizni menedžment pa bo potrebno tudi več fleksibilnosti. After the outbreak of civil unrest in Libya at the beginning of 2011, UN Security Council adopted resolution which authorized international intervention in Libya. Two days after the authorization, U.S., British and French forces launched operations to enforce embargo and no-fly zone over Libya. By the end of March NATO, took over command and control of the operation “Unified Protector”, which was conducted by the armed forces of 14 NATO countries and 4 partner countries. The operation reduced the number of civilian casualties in conflict and supported the opposition to overthrow Muammar al-Qaddafi. Operation “Allied Protector” is an example of NATO’s effective intervention in crisis; however it also revealed shortcomings and impediments concerning NATO’s crisis management strategy and military capabilities. NATO’s approach to Libyan crisis demonstrated different positions among allies which resulted in serious political debates. Despite these differences NATO was able to launch the operation. The operation revealed serious deficiencies in military capabilities and European NATO members’ dependency on the U.S. in some key military capabilities. Lessons from operation also point to political and military questions which NATO will probably face in the case of similar operations in the future. Concerning NATO’s role in future crisis, different positions and approaches among allies could be expected as well as different levels of willingness to contribute military to operations. Effective crisis management will also require more flexibility.
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37

Trunov, F. "Relations between Germany and the Countries of North Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 8 (2021): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-61-71.

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The article examines the process of the growing German political and military activity in North Africa during the second half of the 2010s. The first key reason of this process was the new awareness of the regional role in the ensuring of Germany’s and the EU security. During and after the “Arab Spring”, the interstate “corridor of instability” arose. It went from Mali further to Niger and Libya which has been facing permanent instability after the intervention of the group of Western countries (2011, without German participation). The full-fledged functioning of the “corridor of instability” could cause the worse version of the refugee crisis and growing terrorist activity than it was in the EU in 2015–2016. The second reason was the necessity to ensure Berlin`s strong political-military positions in North Africa for the realization of Germany`s ambitions as a future world power. The research examines the features and “narrow places” of interstate cooperation in the security sphere between Germany and Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria. Germany became a senior partner for Tunisia in 2015–2017, and positioned these relations as exemplary. Since 2015–2016, Germany and Egypt have been supporting the realization of each other’s leadership ambitions. The key elements of this tactic have been the cooperation in Syrian and Libyan armed conflicts regulation and launch of the EU–LAS negotiation format (2019). The article also shows the dynamics of partnership between Germany and Algeria, paying special attention to bilateral cooperation in the sphere of the Mali, Libyan and Western Sahara conflicts regulation. The transition of Germany’s bilateral relations with Egypt and Algeria to the level of advanced cooperation in the second half of 2010s caused a powerful growth of the FRG`s arms export to these countries. At the beginning of 2020, Germany launched the multilateral Berlin conference for resolution of the Libyan conflict. Germany’s late but rather successful involvement in the Libyan conflict management should ensure its efforts to become the external participant of the North African regional security system. The paper concludes about the perspectives of the FRG`s political-military line in the region considering the factor of COVID 19 pandemic.
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38

Shvetz’, V., and E. Mykhalska. "Standadization and harmonization of management accounting and economic analysis in a transition economy." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Economics, no. 213 (2020): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2667.2020/213-6/6.

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Globalization and integration processes require further improvement of accounting and analysis of each country in order to form common standards and principles of accounting and financial reporting. Avoidance of discrepancies and inconsistencies can be achieved through the transition and implementation of common accounting principles and interpretation of information for users to make effective management decisions. Standardization and harmonization of management accounting and economic analysis is a prerequisite for reforming the economy and governance system. In the context of the transition of economic entities to international principles and standards of accounting and financial reporting, it is necessary to create their own national culture and accounting traditions through a system of accounting and analytical knowledge of all professionals who manage businesses. Is it possible to deny the fact that the head of the business entity signs the quarterly and annual financial statements, thereby confirming its reliability and completeness? Unfortunately, experience shows that not every manager is particularly immersed in the content of the financial statements he signs. It is known that reporting accounting and analytical information is an important investment and innovation resource that can create the most significant competitive advantages in terms of dynamism, variability, and uncertainty, both internal and external. As world practice shows, the reform of accounting and financial reporting systems of economic entities in countries with economies in transition and / or crisis should delay three important areas: a) revision of relevant regulations (adoption of new and / or improvement of existing ones, filling gaps, conflict resolution, etc.); b) creation and development of professional organizations of accountants and auditors; c) improvement of their vocational education systems. In the long run, the state has all the necessary prerequisites to use accounting as a means of regulating the economy. However, this requires ensuring that the primary purpose of accounting is to provide reliable information to users, which in turn will ensure the comparability of the information contained in the financial statements.
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Anfertiev, Ivan A. "Methodological Frameworks and Methods of Studying the Role and Scope of Political Factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) Activities in State Management of Social and Economic Process in 1920s – 1930s." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-84-97.

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The article uses modern methods to substantiate the theory of role and scope of political factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) activities in state management of social and economic process in 1920s-1930s. The study concludes that after the Civil War’s end, the RCP (B) leaders ruled out any possibility of civilizational development in the worldwide trend and turned the nation on its special path. There were no more reforms, but a fixation of nationalization of all property and non-economic methods of the national economy management. Thus, resolution of conflict of interests could be only forceful, which clinched the self-isolation of the nation in all spheres of life, cultural, scientific, educational, and strengthened the repressive policy. The origination and overcoming of the 1920s-1930s Russian crisis came from the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B). Bolshevik social experiment in initiation of the communism failed, and power framework staggered. The old statehood that numbered several centuries and attained by 1917 the trappings of civilized state structure had its merits and disadvantages. In new social and political reality of early 1920, the basic elements of that state structure reappeared in a more implacable form due to the efforts of the ruling (A)-RCP (B). In 1920s the new institutions were in their nascent stage, and their personnel, lacking administrative experience necessary for successful social and economic transformations, found support in power structures. The situation required a tough authoritarian leader. Thus J. V. Stalin’s rose to individual power in the circumstances of V. I. Lenin’s illness and death. The author identifies main stages of the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) attaining leadership in Russia in post-revolutionary 1920s and 1930s; clarifies the circumstances of the Bolshevik leaders renunciation of the War Communism; studies causes of protest sentiments within and without the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) and increasing authoritative powers of the party apparatus; outlines the problems inherent in political and administrative resources of the ruling party. He focuses on work to overcome crises in the USSR, describes power struggles at the highest levels of party power and strengthening of intra-party repressions and disciplinary sanctions.
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40

Thio, Li-ann. "Irreducible Plurality, Indivisible Unity: Singapore Relational Constitutionalism and Cultivating Harmony Through Constructing a Constitutional Civil Religion." German Law Journal 20, no. 7 (October 2019): 1007–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2019.75.

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AbstractThis Article seeks to explore the nature, function, source, and content of a constitutional civil religion (CCR) within Singapore’s constitutional experiment in managing the diversity of race and religion and promoting solidarity. CCR is constructed as a strategy to secure social harmony within the world’s most religiously diverse polity, through recognizing an irreducible plurality in ethnic and religious terms, while maintaining an indivisible unity through nurturing bonds of citizen solidarity. This dovetails with the function of the constitution as an instrument of social integration, involving the articulation and regular affirmation of shared community values and aspirations, as well as process and practices—or public rituals—which regulate dispute resolution or conflict management during instances or crises where racial and religious harmony is threatened. A functional approach is taken towards the idea of a civil religion, and the tasks of integration, legitimation, and inspiration it may play within a constitutional order. The nature of civil religion in general, and the sources of CCR in Singapore, as well as its expression as a public ritual in managing religious disharmony disputes is discussed.
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41

Shcherbak, Igor. "Strategic Autonomy of the EU and Problems of Formation of the Foreign Policy Agenda in the Time of the Pandemic." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620202940.

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The article explores the evolution of the EU Strategic Autonomy concept in the context of COVID-19 and the search by the EU for its global role in the modern system of changing international relations. The author underlines that the coronavirus pandemic accelerated transformation of Strategic Autonomy into a complex and flexible instrument, which covers practically all the EU foreign and internal policy priorities, starting from overcoming negative socio-economic impact of COVID-19 and securing the EU “health sovereignty”, achieving autonomy in development of a new generation of IT technologies and artificial intelligence to effective defence, resolution of ecological and migration issues, modern crisis management in global and regional aspects. It is argued that the Strategic Autonomy is used by the EU as a powerful driver for strengthening political unity and solidarity of the EU, increasing effectiveness of political decision-making process and harmonization of coordination management inside the EU. Special attention is paid to the priorities and goals of the EU foreign policy’s agenda for short-term and long-term perspectives. Some for cast is given concerning the strategic relations of the EU with China, Russia, USA and the UN system. Key aspects of the EU strategy on crisis regulation and international security are also described. The author envisages that in the long-term perspectives the EU continues to deepen strategic partnership with the UN in order to increase its influence on the UN system's institutional reforms in the spheres of international security, prevention of conflicts, economic resilience, development of democracy and human rights, protection of environment. The article also outlines the issue of the EU’s international partner selection in light of the Strategic Autonomy and the volatile conditions of the modern system of international relations and rising competition for global influence among key world powers.
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42

Ryan, Stephen. "Conflict management and conflict resolution." Terrorism and Political Violence 2, no. 1 (March 1990): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559008427050.

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43

Djerejian, Edward P. "From Conflict Management to Conflict Resolution." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 6 (2006): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20032142.

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44

Harolds, Jay, and Beverly P. Wood. "Conflict Management and Resolution." Journal of the American College of Radiology 3, no. 3 (March 2006): 200–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jacr.2005.10.005.

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45

Rosenstein, Alan H., Steven P. Dinklin, and James Munro. "Conflict resolution." Nursing Management (Springhouse) 45, no. 10 (October 2014): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.numa.0000454027.46483.4f.

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46

Braverman, Ariel. "Conflict resolution." Nursing Management 52, no. 9 (September 2021): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.numa.0000771740.79361.1c.

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47

LEATHERMAN, JANIE, and RAIMO VÄYRYNEN. "Conflict Theory and Conflict Resolution." Cooperation and Conflict 30, no. 1 (March 1995): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836795030001003.

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48

Abboud, Samer, Warren Haffar, Steven F. Harter, Allyson M. McCreery, and Hannah Simon-Girard*. "Crisis as Impetus Toward Conflict Resolution in Cyprus." Peace Review 24, no. 4 (October 2012): 446–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2012.732426.

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49

Underwood, Rachael. "Conflict resolution and behaviour management." Early Years Educator 9, no. 9 (December 2007): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/eyed.2007.9.9.28550.

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50

REPOUSIS, SPYRIDON. "Regulatory framework and deposit – investment guarantee fund in Greece." Journal of Financial Regulation and Compliance 23, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfrc-07-2013-0023.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the current regulatory framework of Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund, trying to show solutions for strengthening it. Design/methodology/approach – This paper aims to investigate the deposit and investment guarantee fund in Greece by identifying new problems and developing solutions. Findings – The main finding is that the deposit and investment guarantee fund contributes to the stability of the Greek banking sector and also offers practical solutions to strengthen it. Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund has an important feature, which is the speed of a decision about a bank failure resolution (in five working days), but needs immediately strengthening and increasing its funds to cope with the resolution of non-viable banks and undertaking for costs. There should be an appropriate ratio between the size of total assets (especially cash and cash equivalents) of Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund and the amount of total guaranteed deposits, which is now below 2 per cent. Regulatory framework needs revising and fees must be increased if its funds fall below a certain level of coverage of guaranteed deposits. Also, a guarantee premium, not only a flat rate premium, should be implemented for all banks. An additional risk-adjusted premium varying according to Greek banks’ risks of their portfolios would be better to increase funds of deposit guarantee fund and reduce moral hazard of bank manager by increasing costs. They must ensure an adequate diversification of re-deposits of Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund funds and must limit and avoid a conflict of interest of its board membership for individuals who are actively involved in Greek commercial banks by implementing framework and rules about it. Also, as a consequence of obeying the regulatory framework, it is necessary to include as board members of Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund only those banks that are subject to strong prudential supervision and regulation. Practical implications – As a result of research, changes are necessary to immediately be made to cope with current financial crises and problems of Greek banking sector. Originality/value – The originality of this paper is that it is the first description of the Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund and its results are important for economists, politicians and international community, who evaluate the regulatory framework of Greek Deposit and Investment Guarantee Fund, especially at the current time when the Greek economy and the Greek banking sector are in a very weak fiscal position.
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