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Journal articles on the topic 'Cristero Rebellion'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Naranjo Tamayo, Omayda. "La mujer mexicana de la primera rebelión de los cristeros (1926-1929): una mirada historiográfica / The Mexican Woman in the First Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929): A Historiographic Gaze." Historiografías, no. 8 (December 28, 2017): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.201482420.

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This article analyses the participation of the Mexican women in the first Cristero rebellion (1926-1929), by offering an overview of its different studies by national and foreign historians put in chronological order. Through this historiographic examination the work intends to shed light on the acute and repeated female invisibility in an episode which, as part of a complex revolutionary process, shook up the Mexican nation during the early twentieth centuryKey WordsWoman, rebellion, cristero, MexicoResumenEste artículo examina la participación de la mujer mexicana en la primera rebelión de los cristeros (1926-1929), ofreciendo una visión general de los diferentes estudios realizados por historiadores nacionales y extranjeros siguiendo el orden cronológico de sus publicaciones. A través de este análisis historiográfico, el trabajo pretende arrojar luz sobre la acentuada y reiterada invisibilidad femenina en un episodio que, como parte de un complejo proceso revolucionario, conmocionó a la nación mexicana en los inicios de siglo XX.Palabras claveMujer, rebelión, cristera, México.

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2

BUTLER, MATTHEW. "The ‘Liberal’ Cristero: Ladislao Molina and the Cristero Rebellion in Michoacán, 1927–9." Journal of Latin American Studies 31, no. 3 (October 1999): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005416.

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This article studies the Mexican cristero rebellion of 1926–9. While scholars assert that the rebellion was the product of a clash between ‘modern’ liberal and ‘traditional’ Catholic mentalities, it is argued here that Ladislao Molina was an astute political actor who embraced a liberal ideology in order to establish a cacicazgo in his home region of Michoacán. When Molina was threatened by state encroachments and agrarian demands, he, like other members of the middling rural strata, promoted a Catholic rebellion not because of religious piety but in order to protect his sphere of influence.

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3

Catton, John. "¡Viva Cristo Rey!: Militant Catholic Devotion and the Creation of the National Votive Sanctuary of Christ the King in Revolutionary Guanajuato, 1914–1928." Latin Americanist 68, no. 1 (March 2024): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tla.2024.a923799.

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Abstract: This article examines the role of the Catholic ideology of Cristo Rey during the Cristero Conflict, which lasted from 1926 to 1929. This conflict was an armed rebellion led by militant Catholics who opposed the Mexican government's enforcement of anti-clerical provisions in the Mexican Constitution of 1917. This article argues that the creation of the Cristo Rey devotion in Guanajuato, Mexico as well as the statue dedicated to that devotion in 1923 demonstrate the early role the Mexican clergy played in escalating tensions between the Church and the Mexican State in the years before the armed phase of the Cristero rebellion. Additionally, this examination provides an important insight into the unification of lay Catholic organizations surrounding the expulsion of the Papal Nuncio, Eugenio Filippi in 1923. This article further demonstrates that the militant Catholic interpretation of Cristo Rey was impactful outside of Mexico, especially through the official Papal adoption of Christ the King as Catholic doctrine in 1925.

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4

Jrade, Ramón. "Inquiries Into the Cristero Insurrection Against the Mexican Revolution." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 2 (1985): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034488.

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Interest in the Cristero insurrection against the Mexican Revolution has continued unabated since the 1960s. Until now all the major published studies have viewed the rebellion as the climactic outcome of the long-standing conflict between church and state in Mexico. By adopting this perspective, these works have deepened knowledge of church-state relations and sharply delineated the composition and development of Catholic and revolutionary factions. At the same time, these studies have offered a wide range of interpretations of the Cristero movement, interpretations that are incompatible with one another.

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5

Piña, Ulices. "The Different Roads to Rebellion: Socialist Education and the Second Cristero Rebellion in Jalisco, 1934-1939." Letras Históricas 16 (March 1, 2017): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31836/at.16.6562.

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6

Piña, Ulices. "The Different Roads to Rebellion: Socialist Education and the Second Cristero Rebellion in Jalisco, 1934-1939." Letras Históricas 16 (February 22, 2017): 165–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31836/lh.16.6562.

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7

Butler, Matthew, and Kevin D. Powell. "Father, Where Art Thou? Catholic Priests and Mexico's 1929 Relación de Sacerdotes." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (November 1, 2018): 635–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7160347.

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Abstract This article studies an ecclesiastical census, the Relación de sacerdotes, that was compiled by the Secretariat of the Interior during Mexico's Cristero War in 1929. We propose that this statistical device ultimately helped the Catholic Church and the Portes Gil government to plot a way out of the religious crisis. It did so by providing a mutually acceptable means for priests to register with the postrevolutionary state and by providing a discursive mechanism for the Catholic clergy to present itself to the regime as a national, less Rome-oriented body. The Relación can therefore give historians insights into the contingent and bureaucratic ways that revolutionary and ecclesiastical elites renegotiated the contours of Mexico's secular order. The second half of the article contains an analysis of the Relación. There we argue that the Relación offers a kind of prosopographical and political snapshot of the Mexican clergy during the Cristero Rebellion.

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8

Brescia, Michael M. "Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacan, 1927–29." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 1 (January 2005): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526722.

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9

Butler, Matthew. "Mexican Nicodemus: The Apostleship of Refugio Padilla, Cristero, on the Islas Maríías." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, no. 2 (2009): 271–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.2.271.

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This article explores lay responses to religious persecution during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926––1929), using devotional testimonies produced by Catholic deportees to the Islas Maríías penal colony, Nayarit. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues that Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative religious model premised on a revitalized lay apostolate; the article then considers how lay actors enacted this identity in practice, through white masses, lay sermons, and clandestine communions. The article concludes that religious persecution, if intended to promote a secular revolutionary culture, also opened new spaces for popular religious participation. Este artíículo explora respuestas a la persecucióón religiosa durante la rebelióón cristera de Mééxico (1926––1929), usando testimonios devotos producidos por deportados catóólicos a la colonia penal de las Islas Maríías, Nayarit. Frente al anticlericalismo del réégimen de Calles, el artíículo sostiene que el episcopado de Mééxico desarrollóó un modelo religioso alternativo a travéés de un apostolado revitalizado, pero no profesional; el artíículo entonces considera cóómo se adoptóó esta identidad en la prááctica, a travéés de misas blancas, sermones de no expertos, y comuniones clandestinas. El artíículo concluye que la persecucióón religiosa, al haber intentado promover una cultura revolucionaria secular, tambiéén abrióó nuevos espacios para la participacióón religiosa popular.

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10

Bantjes, Adrian A. "Review: Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–29." English Historical Review 120, no. 487 (June 1, 2005): 861–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei316.

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11

BUTLER, MATTHEW. "Revolution and the Ritual Year: Religious Conflict and Innovation in Cristero Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06001131.

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This article analyses Catholic responses to persecution of the Church by the Mexican state during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926–9) and seeks to make a new contribution to the revolt's religious history. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues, Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative cultic model premised on a revitalised lay religion. The article then focuses on changes and continuities in lay – clerical relations, and on the new religious powers of the faithful, now empowered to celebrate ‘white’ masses and certain sacraments by themselves. The article concludes that persecution created new spaces for lay religious participation, showing the 1910–40 Revolution to be a period of religious, as well as social, upheaval.

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Heilman, Jaymie. "The Demon Inside: Madre Conchita, Gender, and the Assassination of Obregóón." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 18, no. 1 (2002): 23–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2002.18.1.23.

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This article considers the role of gender in the conviction and subsequent exoneration of Madre Conchita, a Mexican abbess accused of being the intellectual author of the 1928 assassination of President-elect Alvaro Obregóón. By examining the discourse of state prosecutors, the essay demonstrates that the Mexican state mobilized arguments about gender to avoid the politically charged topic of religion during the final phases of the Cristero Rebellion. Conchita, in turn, used her own gendered discourse to assert her innocence in the years following her conviction. Conchita's case shows that gender was a useful and tremendously flexible political tool. En este artíículo se seññala el papel del géénero en la condenacióón y exoneracióón de la Madre Conchita, una abadesa mexicana acusada de ser la autora intelectual del asesinato del Presidente-electo Alvaro Obregóón en 1928. A travéés de un anáálisis del discurso de los fiscales del gobierno, en el ensayo se demuestra que el estado mexicano utilizóó argumentos sobre el géénero para evitar el uso políítico de la religióón durante las úúltimas fases de la rebelióón cristera. Conchita, por otro lado, usóó su propio discurso del géénero para declarar su inocencia en los añños posteriores a su condenacióón. Al final, el géénero fue una herramienta políítica sumamente maleable y eficaz.

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Osorio, Javier, Livia Isabella Schubiger, and Michael Weintraub. "Legacies of Resistance: Mobilization Against Organized Crime in Mexico." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 9 (February 14, 2021): 1565–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414021989761.

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What are the legacies of armed resistance? Why do some communities engage in armed mobilization in response to violence, disorder, and insecurity, while others under very similar conditions do not? Focusing on mobilization against organized crime in contemporary Mexico, we argue that historical experiences of armed resistance can have lasting effects on local preferences, networks, and capacities, which can facilitate armed collective action under conditions of rampant insecurity in the long run. Empirically, we study the Cristero rebellion in the early 20th century and grassroots anti-crime mobilization in Mexico during recent years. Using an instrumental variables approach, we show that communities that pushed back against state incursions almost a century earlier were more likely to rise up against organized crime in contemporary times.

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14

Vaca, Agustín. "Reseña del libro: Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico’s Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927-29, Butler, Matthew." Secuencia, no. 63 (January 1, 2005): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i63.943.

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15

Boyer, Christopher R. ":Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion: Michoacán, 1927–29.(A British Academy Posdoctoral Fellowship Monograph.)." American Historical Review 110, no. 3 (June 2005): 837–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.3.837.

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16

Hensel, Silke. "People Love Their Religion: Political Conflict on Religion in Early Independent Mexico." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 16, 2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010060.

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Global histories commonly attribute the secularization of the state exclusively to Europe. However, the church state conflict over these issues has been an important thread in much of Latin America. In Mexico, questions about the role of religion and the church in society became a major political conflict after independence. Best known for the Mexican case are the disputes over the constitution of 1857, which laid down the freedom of religion, and the Cristero Revolt in the 1920s. However, the history of struggles over secularization goes back further. In 1835, the First Republic ultimately failed, because of the massive protests against the anticlerical laws of the government. In the paper, this failure is understood as a genuine religious conflict over the question of the proper social and political order, in which large sections of the population were involved. Beginning with the anticlerical laws of 1833, political and religious reaction in Mexico often began with a pronunciamiento (a mixture of rebellion and petitioning the authorities) and evolved into conflicts over federalism vs. centralism.

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17

Delgado Solórzano, Edma. ""Todo lo que dicen los libros son puras mentiras:" Rescuing the legacy of the Cristero Rebellion (1926-1929) through popular narratives." Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 23, no. 1 (2019): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcs.2019.0008.

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18

Campos, Cinthia, Jose Punzo-Díaz, Veronica Delgado, Avto Goguitchaichvili, and Juan Morales. "An interpretation of Cueva de la Huachizca, Santa Clara del Cobre, Michoacan, Mexico." Journal of Cave and Karst Studies 83, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 133–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4311/20182ss0134.

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Cueva de la Huachizca is located in the humid forests of the Municipio of Santa Clara del Cobre, Michoacán. During the Postclassic period (1300−1520 ad), Santa Clara del Cobre was a part of the Tarascan Señorio. Ethnographic accounts describe the use of Cueva de la Huachizca as a place of refuge during the Cristero Rebellion (1921−1926). Recent investigations suggest a long history of use including graffiti and inscriptions from the 1800s–1900s and a rock art panel. The panel consists of pecked petroglyphs depicting a man facing an eagle, above a spiral motif. Stylistic analysis of the panel suggests that the rock art was created during pre-Hispanic times, likely by the Postclassic Tarascans. As observed in several regions of Mesoamerica, for the Tarascans, caves were also liminal spaces and had an important role in Postclassic Tarascan cosmology. A ceramic resinera, a pine resin pot, an eagle’s feather, and charcoal were also recovered. The resinera age was estimated by researchers at Archaeomagnetic Services, Geophysics Institute at the National Autonomous University of México-Campus Morelia, Michoacán to between 1921 and 1980. Ethnographic and ethnohistoric accounts describe caves as houses of fertility and rain deities, an idea that while slightly transformed, has survived over 500 years of colonization, and remains in the communities’ social memories. These findings demonstrate the cave’s significance among the descendent communities and Cueva de la Huachizca as an important sacred site.

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19

Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0064.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society.By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 04 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500069856.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society. By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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21

BOYLAN, KRISTINA A. "Popular piety and political identity in Mexico's Cristero rebellion. Michoacán, 1927–29. By Matthew Butler. Pp. xx+251 incl. map and 12 ills. Oxford: Oxford University Press (for the British Academy), 2004. £40. 0 19 726298 8." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 4 (August 25, 2006): 797–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906748862.

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SMITH, BENJAMIN THOMAS. "Matthew Butler, Popular Piety and Political Identity in Mexico's Cristero Rebellion, Michoacán, 1927–1929 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. xx+251, £40.00, hb. Christopher R. Boyer, Becoming Campesinos: Politics, Identity, and Agrarian Struggle in Postrevolutionary Michoacán, 1920–1935 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. xii+319, £46.95, £20.50 pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 173–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04218946.

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23

Birch, Edmund. "Alexandre Dumas's Odyssey: Race, Slavery, Narrative." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 137, no. 5 (October 2022): 809–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812922000517.

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AbstractAlexandre Dumas père left behind few explicit reflections on race and slavery in the modern world, but he was not silent on these subjects. Before the tireless deeds of the musketeers, or the vengeful fantasies of the Count of Monte-Cristo, there was Georges, an 1843 novel of race and slave rebellion set on the island of Mauritius. This essay explores questions of homecoming, homelessness, and recognition in the novel. It argues that the text incorporates a series of references to the Homeric Odyssey and that these come to illuminate the complexities of a problem faced by metropolitan French novelists of the nineteenth century: What manner of plot might grasp, or fail to grasp, the interlocking injustices of racism and slavery? After all, Georges does not conclude with homecoming and recognition, as the model of the Odyssey might imply, but with homelessness.

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Béligand, Nadine. "Rebellious Christs the King, virgins and believers in the Mexican highlands (1765-1770)." Relaciones Estudios de Historia y Sociedad 36, no. 142 (April 11, 2015): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24901/rehs.v36i142.76.

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En los años 1765-1770, una serie de rebeliones estallan en los territorios de los márgenes del reino de Nueva España. Las motivaciones son de naturaleza religiosa –obtener un clero indígena que se encargue de la práctica religiosa– y también políticala aversión respecto a los españoles–. Los jefes de esos movimientos se apropian veleidades colectivas de revancha; creen firmemente en el advenimiento de un mundo nuevo donde los indios ya no serían vencidos, sino vencedores, porque Dios en persona bajaría a la Tierra para establecer la justicia divina en provecho suyo. Los caracteres de esos movimientos revelan las influencias recíprocas entre tradición autóctona (chamanismo, absorción de plantas psicotrópicas, alucinaciones, cultos alrededor de las personas mágicas) y teología cristiana (misas, administración de los sacramentos, creencia en un solo Dios verdadero, adopción de los nombres de Cristo y de Juan Diego). Los visionarios, figuras más íntimas de la subversión, se comportan como espejos del cristianismo indígena. Su aventura mística revela también una identidad colectiva donde la diferencia cultural está a medio camino entre imitación de santidad e indigenización de la práctica católica. Así, el cristianismo indígena, tal como se practica en los territorios de frontera, sufrió un conjunto de transformaciones estructurales cuyo resultado es su confiscación con la finalidad de obtener la autonomía política y religiosa.

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Andrade, Gibton Pereira de. "Rebeliões e crimes bárbaros na penitenciária agrícola do Monte Cristo (PAMC): a crise no sistema prisional de Roraima / Rebellions and barbaric crimes in the Monte Cristo (PAMC) agricultural penitentiary: the crisis in the Roraima prison system." Brazilian Applied Science Review 4, no. 5 (2020): 2966–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.34115/basrv4n5-017.

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Díaz Domínguez, Alejandro. "Mexico’s Supreme Court Decisions During the Cristero Rebellion." Journal of Church and State, February 3, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csad001.

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"Popular piety and political identity in Mexico's Cristero rebellion: Michoacan, 1927-29." Choice Reviews Online 42, no. 08 (April 1, 2005): 42–4809. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.42-4809.

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Sánchez Gavi, José Luis. "La fuerza de lo religioso y su expresión violenta. La rebelión cristera en el estado de Puebla, 1926-1940." ULÚA. REVISTA DE HISTORIA, SOCIEDAD Y CULTURA, no. 14 (January 17, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/urhsc.v0i14.1312.

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El conflicto Iglesia-Estado que se suscitó en México entre las décadas de 1920 a 1940, encontró su expresión más álgida en la revuelta campesina. El grado de tensión entre ambas instituciones orilló a que grupos de campesinos tomaran las armas con o sin el beneplácito de la Iglesia y mantuvieran una serie de guerrillas en varias entidades del país. La revuelta constituyó un movimiento socioreligioso, pero a la vez un hecho sociopolítico. El estado de Puebla fue escenario de la expresión de los católicos en armas durante los periodos de 1926-1929 y 1934-1940, en que surgieron innumerables grupos, principalmente en la sierra norte y en la región sur de la entidad. Éstos defendieron, desde su perspectiva, sus valores religiosos, pero también sus formas de cultura y, a la vez, se resistieron al avance hegemónico del nuevo Estado posrevolucionario. The Force of Religion and its Violent Expresion. The Cristero Rebellion in the State of Puebla, 1926-1940 In Mexico during the decades from 1920 to 1940, the conflict between church and the state was most pronounced in the form of peasant uprising. The high tension among both institutions led to peasant organisations that took up arms with or without the approval of the church leading to guerrilla warfare in many states of the country. This uprising constituted a social religious movement that was at the same time a social political event. The state of Puebla was one of the main scenarios of the catholic expressions during two different periods: 1926-1929 and 1934-1940. Many organised groups entered the arena of conflict, mainly in the Sierra Norte and the south of the state. Their main objective revolved around their own perspective, with emphasis on religious values; with imbedded forms of culture and traditions that resisted the hegemonic advances of the post revolutionary state.

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Pereira, Ney Brasil. "A revolta de Coré e o manifesto de Lutero." Revista Encontros Teológicos 31, no. 2 (October 20, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.46525/ret.v31i2.60.

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Resumo: Como uma contribuição para as comemorações do 5º centenário dareforma luterana, o artigo apresenta um paralelo entre a revolta de Coré, descritano livro dos Números, revolta rejeitada e logo abortada, e o “manifesto” deLutero, a sua mensagem “à nobreza cristã da nação alemã, acerca da melhoriado estamento cristão”, documento publicado em 1520, com tão duradourosdesdobramentos. São dois momentos significativos de conflito entre o povoe o poder, entre o status quo e a mudança, conflito que atingiu seu ápice noconfronto entre Jesus e os chefes religiosos do seu tempo.Palavras-chave: Coré. Revolta. Lutero. Manifesto. Reforma. Igreja.Abstract: As a contribution to the commemorations of the 5th centennial of theLutheran reformation, the paper presents a parallel between Korah’s rebellion,described in the book of Numbers, rebellion rejected and immediately aborted,and Luther’s “manifesto”, his message “to the Christian nobility of the Germannation, about the betterment of the Christian state”, document published in 1520,with so lasting developments. These are two meaningful moments of conflictbetween people and power, between the status quo and change, conflict thatreached its apex in the confronting between Jesus and the religious leaders ofhis time.Keywords: Korah. Rebellion. Luther. Manifesto. Reformation. Church.

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