Academic literature on the topic 'Critical discourse analysis – Political aspects – Ethiopia'

The article is devoted to formation and development of discourse analysis as an effective method to study functional aspects of political communication in global political space. It reports on main theoretical and methodological approaches to critical analysis of political discourse. Mainly, it deals with theoretical and methodological perspectives of three leading schools of critical discourse analysis: discourse analysis of N. Fairclough, that presents a relational approach to considering social problems in their relation to textual analysis; socio-cognitive theory of T.A. van Dijk, oriented to investigating relations between cognitive structures, discourse and social coordination; discourse analysis of R. Wodak, that uses historical approach to discourse and is aimed at description of powerful language of the elite that helps to maintain dominance in society. The paper characterizes some frameworks of critical analysis of political discourse, including the Duisburg School of Critical Discourse Analysis (S. Jäger, F. Maier), System-Functional and Social-Semiotic Theory (M. Halliday, T. van Leeuwen), and Mediated Discourse Analysis (R. Scollon, S. Scollon). It is stated that within its boundaries critical discourse analysis includes a variety of approaches, analytical tools and methodologies. The author underlines that scientific consideration of critical discourse analysis will demonstrate its potential and prospects for integrating this interdisciplinary qualitative methodology into a set of empirical tools of modern political science.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is an effective method of the discourse analysis. It is aimed at analyzing the special relationship between power and the traditional ideology in implied discourse. Traditional discourse analysis always analyzes the structure and composition of discourse in terms of linguistic features, CDA makes language analysis more creative. It deeply explores the inherent potential of language and systematically interprets the deep meaning of discourse. This paper will take the specific corpus, namely Trump's TV speech, as the language material, Halliday's systematic functional grammar as the theoretical basis, and physicality, modality and personal pronoun as the framework. This paper studies how speakers in political speech use language to shorten the distance between people and win people's affirmation and support from the aspects of transitivity analysis, modality analysis and personal pronoun.

This article is a result of critical discourse analysis (CDA) to the news entitled Gerakan #2019GantiPresiden di Antara Ambiguitas Hukum dan Syahwat Politik at Kompas.com. The approach employed in this research is the three-dimensional CDA developed by Norman Fairclough. The purposes of this research are to describe the micro, mezzo, and macro as well as the social, political and cultural situation from the linguistic aspects in Gerakan #2019GantiPresiden di Antara Ambiguitas Hukum dan Syahwat Politik text. The results show that there are linguistic aspects in the form of diction in the direct sentences that are used by Kompas.com with the theme #2019GantiPresiden. This movement is considered as a constitutional movement indicated as a rebellion because it is supported by political interests towards their current government rival. This is closely related to the background of Kompas.com as a pro-government online mass media. It is also acceptable if Kompas.com creates a positive image of the current government. The main point of information that is conveyed in the news of #2019GantiPresiden is that this movement possibly threats the government of Jokowi Widodo who will run again for the presidential election in 2019.

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) reveals the relationship between power and ideology behind language by analyzing discourse. News as an important channel for people to obtain information in their daily life, its objectivity is self-evident, but the ideology contained in it is often ignored by readers. This paper reviews the development and characteristics of critical discourse analysis, and analyzes the critical discourse from four aspects: transitivity, modality, transformation and classification, to explore the ideological and political positions behind the text.

Political discourse is inarguably deemed an essential tool, impercetably influencing people’s perception within a socio-political zone. The present research revolve around the critical discourse analysis of manifestos of Pakistani political parties, pertaining to the general election of 2013. The theoretical framework for the study triangulates VanDijks (1998) Socio-Cognitive Model, along with the support of Turner and Tajfels (1979) Social identity approach and Budge and Farlies Salience theory (1983). The research revealed that all the political parties under study used the discursive strategies in their party manifestos in order to enhance the positive self-image of party to in-group people, by focusing the negative aspects of the out-group, thereby (re)constructing peoples political identities and ideologies and achieving the desired hegemony for itself.

In the present article the biographical portrait of Wladimir Putin is examined in Spiegel Biografie 5/17 as part of a political discourse analysis (PDA), the subdiscipline of critical discourse analysis (CDA).The analysis comprises 31 texts: press comments, interviews, diary excerpts and speeches. The objectives of the analysis are based on two aspects: the use of specific language resources in discourse fragments (texts) and their potential impact on readers in different contexts. The use of various language resources is analyzed at the lexicalsemantic and pragmatic level. The analysis shows that the political biography can be regarded as a model for the discursive profiling of politicians. The use of certain positively and negatively charged key words and phrases, pronouns and verbs creates a discursive model in which the affection of the supporters is opposed to the criticism of the opponents. Keywords: mirror biography; political discourse analysis; critical discourse analysis; discourse fragments; linguistic resources; discursive profile building.

The present paper investigates Anti-terrorism Ideology (ATI) in King Abdullah II of Jordan political discourse following a critical discourse methodology and focusing on three speeches delivered in 2015. The socio-cognitive approach is adopted as an analytical framework to decipher the underlying ideological attitudes and meanings that are encoded in these speeches. The study revealed that semantic aspects including lexical choices, repetition, and presupposition have been employed to construct (ATI) that aimed at creating a negative mental image of terrorists and a positive image of Islam.

Postmodern critiques problematise the import of social psychology into non-western contexts on epistemological and ideological grounds. Yet, British approaches to the discipline remain popular with critical social psychologists in South Africa. One such import product is discourse analysis, which, as a “postmodern” social psychology, seemingly resolves challenges of “intellectual colonialism” by endorsing a constructionist understanding of social psychological phenomena. However, by extending a conception of language into a discursive ontology enables only a partial social psychological understanding of the often insidious nature of experience and social conduct even when discourses change. What is required is an understanding of these aspects of social agency as also pre-reflexively and non-propositionally patterned, making necessary a conception of culture that works, so to speak, directly on the body. This remains impossible in a theoretical system that has to fall back on the notions of reflexivity and ideology in order to explain the social and political determination of experience and meaningful conduct.

Abstract The paper focuses on metaphors based on the image schemas of container and force that were employed by U.S. President Barack Obama in the campaign against ISIL (The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant). Systematic metaphors based on the schemas of container and force illustrate the strategy of the international alliance against ISIL’s activity. The strategy included the isolation of the organization, the restriction of the flow of foreign fighters and financial resources to the area controlled by ISIL as well as planning military operations designed to weaken the influence of the organization. The analysis has been conducted on the corpus of political speeches delivered by the speaker in the period from June 2014 to September 2016. Theoretical framework that is employed in the analysis of primary data is grounded in Critical Metaphor Analysis (CMA) which explores ideological aspects of discourse.

This research aims in analyzing a song entitled “We are the World 25 for Haiti”. This song was first introduced by Michael Jackson in 1985 named “We are the World 1985” when he made collaboration with other musicians for USA for Africa (United Support of Artists for Africa). The single was intended as a charity single to raise funds for famine relief efforts in Ethiopia who have suffered political instability and disaster drought in 1984-1985. Then, this song is chosen to be used for collecting funds in rehabilitating Haiti after the enormous earthquake. This paper focuses on the composer’s attitudes, the social relation among the participants, the context of the situation, and the power relation in the discourse. The lyrics are taken as the object of the research. The data were initially analyzed based on Martin and Rose (2003). The findings showed that the all types of attitude were found, they were expressing feelings, judging people’s character, and appreciating things. But one parts of judging people’s character was not found in the song lyrics. The result of the study is hoped to be beneficial for readers to have a better understanding about the Critical Discourse Analysis

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: China‘s rise as an economic superpower has had important consequences for its relations with African countries over the past 10-15 years. Not only were these relations thoroughly reviewed and significantly increased, but China also adopted a new cooperation policy that its administration describes as being based on mutual benefits and win-win economic collaboration. However, there is a sceptical public opinion in Africa and also in some developed countries about China‘s current engagement with African countries, and in particular with countries from the sub-Saharan region. In fact, China is frequently accused of acting as a new colonizing power and of increasing its relations with African countries simply as a strategy to achieve higher power-politics status and to structure a new global economic order. The present study addresses the question of whether China‘s official discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries from 2000 to 2010 contains any grounds for the sceptical public opinion mentioned above. In more concrete terms, the main objective of the study is to determine from a linguistic perspective, and more specifically from a critical discourse analysis point of view, whether there are any overt or covert messages of power and ideology in China‘s discourse to sub-Saharan African countries which could justify the sceptical public opinion about China‘s current engagement in this part of the continent . The texts representing China‘s discourse about its relations with sub-Saharan African countries that are examined for this study comprise official speeches, statements, and other related official documents delivered by Chinese officials in the period 2000-2010, and published in English on the websites of various institutions, including China‘s official websites. These texts are examined from within the framework of the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) as set out by, specifically, Wodak (2001a). The texts are analysed using the DHA three-dimensional procedure consisting of (i) identifying the Content(s) and Topic(s) of the specific discourse, (ii) investigating the discursive strategies used in the specific texts, and (iii) analysing the linguistic means and the specific context-dependent linguistic realizations. On the one hand, the analysis of the Discourse Topics indicates that the relations between China and sub-Saharan African countries are grounded in China‘s pluralist approach to international affairs. From this perspective, then, it could be argued that China‘s current engagement in sub-Saharan Africa does not warrant the sceptical public opinion mentioned earlier. On the other hand, however, the analysis of the discursive strategies used to represent China and sub-Saharan African countries, indicates that such sceptisism is likely warranted. The relations between China and African countries have predominantly been investigated from economic and political perspectives. However, the manner in which these relations are expressed, implied, negotiated, interpreted, distributed, etc. in discourse has not yet received any systematic attention. The present study was therefore undertaken to contribute, from a linguistic perspective, to the knowledge of and the debate about China‘s current engagement in Africa.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: China se opgang as ‘n ekonomiese supermoondheid het belangrike gevolge gehad vir sy betrekkinge met Afrikalande oor die afgelope 10-15 jaar. China het hierdie betrekkinge deeglik hersien en beduidend uitgebrei, en het daarby ook ‘n nuwe samewerkingsbeleid aanvaar wat volgens sy administrasie gegrond is op wedersydse voordele en wen-wen ekonomiese samewerking. Daar is nietemin ‘n skeptiese openbare mening in Afrika en ook in sommige ontwikkelde lande oor China se huidige verbintenis met Afrikalande, en in die besonder met lande van die sub-Sahara streek. Trouens, China word gereeld daarvan beskuldig dat hy optree soos ‘n nuwe koloniale moondheid, en dat sy verhoogde betrekkinge met Afrikalande bloot ‘n strategie is om groter magspolitieke status te bekom en om ‘n nuwe globale ekonomiese struktuur daar te stel. Die huidige studie fokus op die vraag of China se amptelike diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande vanaf 2000 tot 2010 enige gronde bied vir die genoemde skeptiese openbare mening. In meer konkrete terme, is die hoofoogmerk van die studie om vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, en meer spesifiek vanuit die oogpunt van kritiese diskoersanalise, vas te stel of China se diskoers met sub-Sahara Afrika enige overte of koverte boodskappe van mag en ideologie bevat wat kan dien as regverdiging vir die skeptiese openbare mening oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in hierdie deel van die kontinent. In die studie word ‘n verskeidenheid tekste ontleed wat verteenwoordigend is van China se diskoers oor sy betrekkinge met sub-Sahara Afrikalande. Dié tekste sluit amptelike toesprake, verklarings en verwante dokumente van Chinese amptenare in wat gelewer is in die tydperk 2000-2010, en wat in Engels gepubliseer is op die webwerwe van verskeie instellings, insluitend China se amptelike webwerwe. Die tekste word ondersoek binne die raamwerk van die Diskoers-Historiese Benadering (DHB) soos uiteengesit in, spesifiek, Wodak (2001a). Die analise van die tekste volg die DHB se drie-dimensionele prosedure, wat die volgende inhou: (i) identifisering van die Inhoud(e) en Onderwerp(e) van die spesifieke diskoers, (ii) analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat gebruik word in die spesifieke tekste, en (iii) analise van die talige middele en die spesifieke konteks-afhanklike talige realiserings. Aan die een kant dui die analise van die Diskoers Onderwerpe daarop dat die betrekkinge tussen China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande gebaseer is op China se pluralistiese benadering tot internasionale sake. Vanuit hierdie perspektief kan daar dus geargumenteer word dat China se huidige betrokkenheid in sub-Sahara Afrika nie gronde bied vir die skeptiese openbare mening wat hierbo genoem is nie. Aan die ander kant, egter, dui die analise van die diskursiewe strategieë wat aangewend word in die voorstelling van China en sub-Sahara Afrikalande daarop dat daar waarskynlik wel gronde is vir sulke skeptisisme. Die betrekkinge tussen China en Afrikalande is tot dusver merendeels vanuit ekonomiese en politieke perspektiewe ondersoek. Die wyse waarop sulke betrekkinge uitgedruk, geïmpliseer, onderhandel, geïnterpreteer, versprei, ens. word in diskoers, is egter nog nie sistematies ondersoek nie. Die huidige studie is gevolglik onderneem om, vanuit ‘n taalwetenskaplike perspektief, ‘n bydrae te lewer tot die kennis van en die debat oor China se huidige betrokkenheid in Afrika.

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Faculty of Human Sciences, Department of Linguistics, 2009.<br>Bibliography: p. 210-223.<br>General introduction -- A multimodal analysis of the 2006 Mexican presidential campaign billboards -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO: a multimodal analysis -- General conculsions.<br>This is a thesis composed of three studies linked by a common critical multimodal approach to the analysis of the data. Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional framework was drawn on in order to explore the social practice, discursive practice and text dimensions of the discourses in question. The first two studies focus on printed texts in Mexican Spanish, whereas the third study addresses spoken interaction in English with occasional code switching to Spanish. -- Study 1: A Multimodal Analysis of the 2006 Mexican Presidential Campaign Billboards - This is a joint study (with my colleague Michael Witten and approved by my supervisor and the Department of Linguistics at Macquarie) which analyzes the political discourse of the multimodal and multisemiotic texts that the three major political parties involved in the 2006 Mexican presidential elections produced and extensively distributed through the medium of public billboards. We investigate how these parties express their particular ideologies, construct and convey social identities and relationships, and construct relations of power between themselves and the readers/viewers of these texts, through the medium of billboards. As indicated in the preamble, the methodological framework addresses these issues drawing on Fairclough's (1992, 1995) three-dimensional model of analysis while employing a variety of qualitative techniques, tools, and approaches. -- Study 2: Discourses of obligation and prohibition within an institutional setting - Following the theme of multimodal critical discourse analysis, this study examines the institutionalized discourses of obligation and prohibition at the Library of the Language Faculty (LEMO)*of a public university in Mexico. Six different texts pertaining to various genres ranging from a protocol to notices were examined. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools such as those drawn from ethnography, critical discourse analysis, and systemic functional linguistics are utilized in the analysis of the data. Power relations between the institution and the library users are examined as well as the conditions of text production and reception, the latter through an ethnographic component. An emphasis is placed on the linguistic text. -- Study 3: Gatekeeping practices at the LEMO - This study investigates one of the gatekeeping practices at the Language Faculty of a public university in Mexico (see above). The particular practice concerned consists of the professional examinations (vivas) that students have to take in order to obtain their degrees of 'Licenciatura en Lenguas Modernas' (BEd in Modern Languages) in the English Teaching section of the university. This study focuses on the professional discourse(s) utilized by both candidates and examiners by means of analyzing the texts of four recorded professional examinations. This study chiefly draws on Goffman's (1959) dramaturgical concepts of 'frontstage' and 'backstage', where the analysis of the frontstage work addresses the Question-and-Answer section of the examinations, and the analysis of the backstage work addresses the subsequent deliberations among the examiners concerning the performance of the candidates. Multiple qualitative methodologies and tools are again drawn upon, such as ethnographic analysis, interactional sociolinguistics and critical discourse analysis. (* Facultad de Lenguas)<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.<br>xii, 233 p. : ill. (some col.)

This interdisciplinary cultural studies research uses critical discourse analysis to review the four political declarations on HIV & AIDS adopted by the United Nations in 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. Religion is implicated in the tensions and conflicts around issues of HIV and sexual and reproductive health and rights in the negotiations that hinders consensus, resulting in compromises and omissions in the texts. The research identifies four dominant discourses in the declarations and an additional two in the wider HIV response of relevance to these tensions; a public health, biomedical discourse; a human rights, gender equality and community engagement discourse; political discourses of leadership and national sovereignty; and a traditional religio-cultural discourse. In the wider HIV response a broader religious discourse and secularist discourse are evident but missing from the text of the declarations. This critical discourse analysis of the declarations investigates how the discourses interact in the text; how the traditional religio-cultural discourse influences the text; what is missing from the final text; and reasons for the gaps. Close textual analysis of the declarations identifies tension between the public health, human rights/gender equality discourses and the traditional religio-cultural and national sovereignty discourses. The traditional religio-cultural discourse operates to limit public health and rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and frames women and girls as passive victims, without agency to exercise their rights. When compared against UNAIDS strategies as a standard, the declarations are missing commitments to address the risks of key populations to HIV. Missing also is reference to any contributions the faith community brings to the epidemic. The broad religious discourse includes supportive approaches to public health, human rights and gender equality, with the potential to bridge gaps in the negotiations. The traditional religious discourse is implicated in gaps in the text on key populations and rights. The dominance of secularism at the UN is implicated in exclusion of the broad religious discourse. While obstacles around rights-based approaches to HIV prevention and key populations persist, common ground and synergies between the discourses exist. Recommendations include: to ask new questions at the UN about the role secularism plays that may increase space for conservative voices to operate; seeking new ways of working to bridge some of the gaps; and including different perspectives that have the potential to bridge the gaps and open up new ways to achieve consensus.

Thesis (MA (General Linguistics))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.<br>This study investigates the ways in which former South African Police (SAP) perpetrators of human rights violations justify their criminal actions in testifying before the Amnesty Committee (AC) of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). In particular, attention goes to the testimonies of former Commissioner of Police Johan van der Merwe, and former member of the Security Branch section of the SAP, Jeffrey Benzien. A key assumption in the study is that the justification of human rights violations is a discursive practice that is largely language dependent (Reisigl & Wodak 200: xi). The research draws on the theoretical aims and methods of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). It refers largely to Benke and Wodak’s (2003) discourse–historical study on the justificatory discourse of ex-Wehrmacht officers of the Austrian army. This study therefore takes a discourse-historical approach to discourse and the data, an approach which takes into consideration the surrounding political and historical context of the selected texts, which are, in this case, the testimonies of perpetrators at the AC hearings. Besides an analysis of the justificatory discourses produced by two former police officers, the study reflects on how the discursive strategies of the apartheid perpetrators compare with one another and with the ex- Wehrmacht officers. CDA and the discourse-historical approach provide interdisciplinary angles on linguistic analysis of a text. For this reason, a review is given of literature which relates the study to political, historical and philosophical insights. The analysis particularly makes use of Foster et al.’s (2005) socio-political study of apartheid perpetrator narratives. The study reveals that perpetrators used a fixed set of justificatory discursive strategies to talk about human rights violations, and their role in such violations. These linguistic strategies are used for a number of different reasons, including reducing personal responsibility, avoiding talking about past atrocities, saving face where personal malicious and degenerate behaviour is made public and diverting feelings of personal guilt. On a discourse theoretical level the study eventually convinces that there are generic strategies typically used in justificatory discourse, whether it be in response to Wehrmacht atrocities of the Second World War or to security force excesses in repressing aspirations of disenfranchised citizens during the last thirty years of the Nationalist government in South Africa. Some stories don’t want to be told. They walk away, carrying their suitcases held together with grey string. Look at their disappearing curved spines. Hunch-backs. Harmed ones. Hold alls. Some stories refuse to be danced or mimed, drop their scuffed canes and clattering tap-shoes, erase their traces in nursery rhymes or ancient games like blind man’s bluff. Excerpt from “Parts of Speech” by Ingrid de Kok

This thesis explores the manner in which the conflict in the oil-rich Niger Delta in Nigeria is represented in western Anglophone media. Large oil reserves in the Niger Delta have contributed millions of dollars towards the growth of Nigeria's export economy. Despite this, the Niger Delta is the least developed region in the country and is characterised by high rates of inequality. Residents of the Niger Delta have been outraged by the lack of action on the part of the Nigerian government and multinational oil corporations. Their discontent over the inequalities in the region has resulted in the proliferation of armed groups and militants who often use violent and criminal tactics to communicate their disgruntlement. This thesis closely examines the representations of the violent insurgency in the Niger Delta by conducting a Critical Discourse Analysis of 145 news texts selected from four western Anglophone newspapers from 2007 to 2011. The depiction of the conflict as it appears in the four newspapers is discussed in relation to an overview of scholarly literature which explores the portrayal of Africa not only in western media, but also in other forms of western scholarship and writing. The research undertaken in this study reveals that to a significant extent representations of the Niger Delta conflict echo and reflect some of the stereotypical and age-old negative imagery that informs meanings constructed about the African continent. However, the analysis of the news texts also shows that there are certainly efforts amongst some newspapers to move beyond simplistic representations of the conflict. The disadvantage however, is that these notable attempts tend to be marred by the use of pejorative language which typically invokes negative images associated with Africa. This study argues that the implications of these representations are highly significant as these representations not only affect the way in which the conflict is understood, but also the manner in which the international community responds to it.

National Geographic is a magazine that inspires people to care about the planet through its articles of exploration, education, and conservation. Magazines are a significant source of knowledge and compete with a variety of other media, constantly rethinking where they can improve in comparison to other media. Research in this dissertation shows that some magazines offer high quality imagery for artwork, photos and advertisements, which remains critical for industries and readers. They often offer greater depth than radio, TV, or even newspapers, so that people interested in an analysis of news and events still depend on magazines for informative and general news. People often turn to media—such as television, newspapers, magazines, radio, and Internet—to help them make sense of the many complexities relating to environmental science and governance that (un)consciously shape our lives. Global warming, as a subject, demands both political and personal responses in all parts of the world, and effective decision making at both scales depends on timely, accurate information, according to Shanahan (2009:145). The quality and quantity of journalism about climate change will therefore be key in the coming years. National Geographic comprises a variety of themes, such as environment, science, wildlife, travel and photography. This study is an analysis of the writing and photography related to one theme - global warming. It provides a critical analysis of the coverage of the global warming discourse in one magazine, examined over an eleven-year period from 2000 to 2010. This theme is powerful in that it represents ethical responsibility and concern for nature and our world and the analysis attempts to define the objects of discourse within the coverage, thus, evaluating if the format of the coverage informs and educates the audience about global warming.

Countries around the world are increasingly making use of public diplomacy methods in order to advance their interests and garner favour with foreign publics, with the aim of creating 'soft power'. One of the most direct methods of doing such is through state-sponsored media outlets, which serve as government mouthpieces with the ability to speak directly to foreign populations. Such practices have recently gained more attention from Western practitioners and academics due to their increased use by countries like Russia and China, and especially in regards to their increasing media presence around the globe. However, this ignores the fact that countries like the United States have been using such outlets since the mid-1900s in openly propagandistic attempts to 'win hearts and minds. In order to understand the practices and ideologies used by such media outlets in their quest to influence foreign publics and create soft power, this research combines a content analysis with a Discourse-Historical Approach to critical discourse studies of two state-sponsored radio programmes, China Radio International and Voice of America, broadcast in March 2016. Of particular interest is the ideology and tactics used to portray countries such as China, the United States, and other countries into which these programmes are broadcast. The results demonstrate that cultural and media values feature subtly but significantly in these programmes, offering justification for their respective governments' actions, while also being used to condemn actions of other countries. Furthermore, the results reveal a hierarchical approach to coverage of countries, with many countries being reduced to inactive bystanders in global affairs.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.

This study investigates the Daily Nation and Standard’s news coverage of Kenya’s 2007/2008 general election and the unprecedented eruptions of violence which followed. This research responds to the question which came about as Kenyan print journalists and editors considered their role in possibly contributing to the violence, which took on an ethnic dimension. Vernacular radio has been fingered for having escalated longstanding ethnic tensions, but the role of the press has not been fully understood. In the aftermath of the violence, print journalists and editors met over a series of Round Table events in Nairobi to consider whether their conduct during the election could have encouraged violence. Although ten years have passed since this incidence, much of what happened within the Kenyan print media during and after the 2007/2008 general election remains unexplored and, largely, unexplained today. Although the pre- and post-election phases spanned months, my research is confined to purposive samples from a four-week period from 3 December 2007 to 4 January 2008. These four weeks were selected as they are roughly representative of the three phases of the national election which are considered significant to this study, namely the pre-election phase, the election, and the post-election violence. The research is concerned with analysing and understanding the coverage in the two dailies, the Daily Nation and Standard, and comparing the discursive work of the two, particularly in relation to identity and ethnicity. This study draws on cultural studies, critical discourse analysis and normative theories of the media to inform the research project. The critical discourse analysis explores the discourses articulated during and after the election, with a particular focus on issues of identity, ethnicity and incitement. Through this process the study found that both publications avoided references to ethnicity, despite this being an important factor in Kenyan politics and voter behaviour. In analysing these issues the study found that while the publications might claim to attempt to avoid fuelling tensions by not reporting on ethnicity, the disavowal comprised a silence which positioned the press in a collaborative role, in which it colluded with a powerful Kenyan state. Although a significant amount of time has gone by since the 2007/2008 elections, this study still considers the event significant in understanding the conduct of journalists during times of violence, and specifically for the future of journalism in Kenya.

The article analyzes the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallachi and her journalistic work during 2017-2020. The actual media image of the figure of Fallachi is highlighted, examples of positive and negative statements are given. It is substantiated why her journalism should be researched in various ways, taking into account other aspects of her work that are not related to Islamophobia. The subject of the study is critical texts in modern foreign media dedicated to the author’s work. The objective of the study is to outline the media discourse around the figure of Oriana Fallaci and her journalism during 2017-2020. The methodology. The following methods have been used in the process of scientific research: historical, comparative, systems analysis, content synthesis, and others. The main results. In total, we have analyzed eight materials in foreign publications, published over the past 3 years, as well as the two most famous biographies of Oriana Fallaci. Some of the most recent reviewed texts have been published in the last few months, reflecting the interest in the author’s journalism, her writing, and reporting. Therefore, we see the need for further tracking and analysis of this body of texts. Conclusions. Critics of Fallaci express polar views that are not all negative. Authors re­commend quite cautiously her texts for reading, emphasizing their positive aspects. Both Fallaci’s biographies are also not entirely complementary: some aspects of her work are glorified, others are condemned. We managed to find general tendencies in the criticism of Oriana Fallaci’s journalism. These include accusations of xenophobia and Islamophobia, uncompromisingness, lack of political correctness, and moral value. The authors emphasize, at the same time, the openness and directness that bribe the reader, patriotism and honesty, strength of spirit and firmness of position. Significance of the research. The analysis of the latest criticism reveals what kind of media image Fallachi’s figure has today, and gives the possibility to research it for demonization and one-sided coverage. This is important not only for thorough research of the author’s work but also for understanding how the modern world perceives journalism, which is contrary to the generally accepted principles of political correctness, journalistic ethics, and humanity.