Journal articles on the topic 'Critical feminist economics gender'

Purpose This paper aims to contribute to entrepreneurship theorising by highlighting the salience of feminine caring positions in creating novel entrepreneurial roles and investigating how these roles contribute to community resilience. Using a critical feminist economics lens, alternative conceptualisations of the economy are expanded upon to reveal how an economic externality influences entrepreneurial discourse, gender roles and community resilience. Design/methodology/approach In this interpretive approach, empirical evidence is drawn from six months of intensive ethnographic research with 20 tourism handicraft micro-entrepreneurs in Crete and Epirus, Greece, in 2012 and hence in the context of a macroeconomic crisis. Ethnographic interviewing and participant observation are used as the methods to achieve the research objectives. Findings Thematic analysis is used to investigate how gender roles and entrepreneurial roles interact and how this interaction influences community resilience to an economic crisis. Using the critical theory to critique neoclassical economics interpretations of entrepreneurship, it becomes evident that politico-economic structures perpetuating feminised responsibility for social reproduction configure feminine entrepreneurial roles, and these roles have a positive effect on increasing community resilience. By conceptualising entrepreneurial involvement as being primarily for community gain, participants highlight how feminine entrepreneurial discourse differs from the neoclassical economics entrepreneurial discourse of entrepreneurial involvement being primarily for individual gain. Social implications This paper contributes to theoretical advancements on the role of gender in entrepreneurship and community resilience by investigating the entrepreneurs’ gendered responses to an exogenous shock. Providing insight into the role gender has in entrepreneurial adaptation and sustainable business practices means that new policies to combat social exclusion and promote rural development can be formulated. Originality/value The theoretical interplay between gender and entrepreneurship is investigated from a novel angle, that of critical feminist economics. The relationship between feminised interpretations of entrepreneurship and community resilience is brought to light, providing a unique insight into entrepreneurial resilience.

Author analyses theories of social development and dominant development practice (dominant models of social development) from critical feminist perspective. The key problem of dominant development model is found to be an equation of social development with economic growth. Review of feminist theories of development from WID to GAD approach is given, and the author shows that these theories questioned economic growth theories by developing a concept of gender regimes which mediates distribution of economic benefit. From simple inclusion of women in development process, gender development theories moved to deeper investigation of these processes from gender perspective. In that manner, gender development theories became true critical theories which contribute to better conceptualization and practical planning of more human and sustainable development for society in general.

Abstract This paper asks to what extent does Canada's new Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) represent a more transformational and intersectional approach to gender equality and neoliberal international development? In other words, what is “new” about Canada's international development policy when it comes to gender equality and women's empowerment? Through a critical examination of the discourses of economic development in the FIAP on poverty, trade, market citizenship, and the private sector, I argue that the FIAP embodies both neoliberal feminism as well as feminist neoliberalism, which limit the transformational potential and impact of the FIAP on gender and international development strategies.

Purpose The authors bring diverse feminist perspectives to bear on social entrepreneurship research and practice to challenge existing assumptions and approaches while providing new directions for research at the intersections of gender, social and commercial entrepreneurship. Design/methodology/approach The authors apply liberal feminist, socialist feminist and transnational/post-colonial feminist perspectives to critically examine issues of gender in the field of social entrepreneurship. Findings By way of three distinct feminist lenses, the analyses suggest that the social entrepreneurship field does not recognize gender as an organizing principle in society. Further to this, a focus on women within this field replicates problematic gendered assumptions underlying the field of women’s entrepreneurship research. Practical implications The arguments and suggestions provide a critical gender perspective to inform the strategies and programmes adopted by practitioners and the types of research questions entrepreneurship scholars ask. Social implications The authors redirect the conversation away from limited status quo approaches towards the explicit and implicit aim of social entrepreneurship and women’s entrepreneurship: that is, economic and social equality for women across the globe. Originality/value The authors explicitly adopt a cultural, institutional and transnational analysis to interrogate the intersection of gender and social entrepreneurship.

<div class="bookreview">Heather A. Brown, <em>Marx on Gender and the Family: A Critical Study</em> (Chicago: Haymarket, 2012), 323 pages, $28.00, paperback.</div><div class="bookreview">Silvia Federici, <em>Revolution at Point Zero: Housework, Reproduction, and Feminist Struggle</em> (Oakland: PM Press, 2012), 189 pages, $15.95, paperback.</div>In the face of global economic crisis and the dismantling of social programs under austerity policies, many feminists are re-engaging Marx's critique of capitalism. This return to Marx is necessary if we are effectively to overcome gender oppression, especially since the latest trends in feminism&mdash;or at least those "fit to print" and discussed in the popular press&mdash;place the onus of equal treatment squarely on women's shoulders. Newfound feminists like Sheryl Sandberg advise women to "lean in" and adjust their behavior to suit the aggressively entrepreneurial norms rewarded in the real world that men lead. As Nancy Fraser aptly puts it, these tendencies within feminism serve as "capitalism's handmaiden": such identity-centered, cultural critiques have helped obscure capital's dependency on gendered oppressions.&hellip; Fortunately, recent scholarship by Heather Brown as well as Federici herself provides useful insights for feminists on how to reconsider Marxist theory.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-8" title="Vol. 67, No. 8: January 2016" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>

Identity politics, understood as the analysis of the ways in which social roles are inscribed on the body, affects and behaviour, and in which collective experiences of oppression also produce resistant practices, informed German feminisms and performances during the 1980s and early 1990s. Since then, major feminist playwrights have shifted into literary production, or abandoned gender as their central critical concern in view of other urgent issues that arose after reunification, including historical revisionism, economic restructuring, rising racism and xenophobia, and globalization fears. Younger white artists playfully unbundled gender and sex and supported the postfeminist consensus that feminist identity politics had become obsolete. The work of Bridge Markland, which can be found on YouTube, emblematizes a burgeoning transgender and drag culture that was transnationalized through film, video, photography exhibitions and workshops. In this critical vacuum, immigrant and minority women were saddled with intensifying, ever more essentialist discourses of gender and ethnic difference, and continued to grapple with them through deconstructive and historicizing, as well as essentializing, deployments of identity.

Increasingly, corporations are championing the cause of gender equality and women’s empowerment in the Global South. Tapping into notions about women’s role as caregivers, empowerment promotion is simultaneously meant to lead to family and community development, profitability for those who invest in women and girls and economic growth. While emerging feminist scholarship on this kind of ‘transnational business feminism’ (TBF) (Roberts, 2012, 2015) has largely scrutinised gender governance based on visual and textual materials produced by corporations themselves, this article expands the methodological engagement with TBF by reflecting on how we translated the concept into two distinct field-based research projects. The article compares and contrasts our situated fieldwork experiences, focusing in particular on accessing corporate elites and development partners and the epistemological rifts that emerged in conversations with them. It documents how our experiences of blockages, hostile relations and miscommunications have shaped our critical feminist research, and points to some of the power relations at work within TBF.

The world’s increasing feminist activism has grown gender studies, both in real life and literature. Gender studies in several universities in Indonesia provide a lot of essential information about women’s position that are constructed to be marginal and unfortunate in social life. Critical feminist literature has improved better along with the women’s awareness of their rights that are robbed by patriarchy, which is created to marginalize them. Apparently their have important role and contribution in improving life quality.‘Cerita dari Blora’ (A story from Blora), written by Pramudya Ananta Toer, tells stories about women in Blora, Central Java. Economic, social, political, and cultural disorder in the country has increased the abuse of women as reflected in the dry and infertile land of Blora. There is no hope for the people who are humbled by the harsh and complicated life. Several female protagonists in the story are described to suffer in the patriarchal system that dominates the ideology of Blora community. There is only one strong woman in the story, called ‘Ibu’ (mother) who changes and lifts women’s status. The women’s fight will be continued by mothers for the blossoming of the next generation.Key words: feminism, gender, patriarchy, women

Exponential use of ICT has brought colossal opportunities as well as challenges to the present society. In spite of increasing women’s involvement in Information, Communication and Technology (ICT) , gender inequality has yet remained critical across the nations and globe. The uneven access and skills to technology has intensified the degree of digital divide specially for the women. Further the multifaced attribute of ICT and its relation with women is changing discourses among the feminist scholars. This is a conceptual paper which focuses on the deliberations of different feminists based on optimistic and pessimistic perspectives. Some studies show that the gender digital divide is getting intense while some have reported of alleviating gaps with more involvement of women. The concept of digital divide is beyond the access and includes various dimensions such as perception, usage, motivation, participation and skills. The paper deals with the tension between utopian and dystopian views on technology benefits. Through literature review this conceptual paper examines and discusses the diverse standpoints of feminist scholars from west and east which buzzes to redefine the relationship of gender with technology. It recommends that empowerment of women in technological domain is equally important as social, economic and political. Further women should be motivated from within to embrace ICT and get benefitted from its prospects. Resisting modern technology in the digital era would further widen the digital gap and thus make difficult to observe gender equality. More studies are required to explore the strategies for technological empowerment of women.

As feminists who think about war and peacebuilding, we cannot help but encounter the complex, entwined political economic processes that underlie wars’ causes, their courses, and the challenges of postwar reconstruction. For us, then, the increasing academic division between feminist security studies (FSS) and feminist (international) political economy (FPE/FIPE) has been a cause for concern, and we welcomed Politics &amp; Gender’s earlier Critical Perspectives section on efforts to bridge the two (June 2015). We noticed, however, that although violence was addressed in several of the special section's articles, war made only brief and somewhat peripheral appearances, and peacebuilding was all but absent. While three contributions (Hudson 2015; Sjoberg 2015; True 2015) mentioned the importance of political economy in the analysis of armed conflict, the aspects of war on which the articles focused were militarized sexualities (Sjoberg 2015) or conflict-related and postwar sexual and gender-based violence (Hudson 2015; True 2015).

In this paper I analyze the way “globalization” is deployed in U.S. universities as a value-addition. I explore issues of teaching about the global “other,” as well as the “third world” and other unfamiliar, objectified spaces. Through critical discourse analysis of syllabi I outline some representational and pedagogical trends. I also draw from my experience of teaching globalization-focused courses, including courses on transnational feminisms, international literature, social movements, migrations and socio-economic exchanges to undergraduate students. Teaching about "the other" often leads to a multiplier effect of "othering" within the classroom. Using transnational feminist perspectives, I argue that teaching such classes, on "global" "transnational" or "international" women, gender, sexuality and feminisms require de-centering not just dominant paradigms but also of oneself as purveyor of insider/global knowledge. I also argue, like many others before me, that a classroom can serve as a site for epistemic injustices and colonizing acts, and we must attempt to find ways in which such neo-colonial damages can be mitigated. This paper is an exercise in finding some ways to de-center and decolonize dominant discourses on the global "other” and suggest critical and compassionate pedagogical strategies.

The assumption of universal human developmental tasks is central to Erikson’s influential Eight Stages of Man. While grand developmental theories have been strongly critiqued from a feminist perspective, it is necessary for feminists to also consider the implications of Erikson’s theory from a critical disability perspective. Applications of Erikson’s theory have claimed that disabled people experience stagnated development because they are unable to complete the achievements required for full participation in adulthood. However, we argue that the positioning of disabled people as diminished adults is open to question, as it is based on narrowly defined notions of “autonomy”, “industry” and “initiative”. Additionally, constructions of disabled adults as “dependent” or “vulnerable” render invisible the systematic exclusion of disabled people from social and economic opportunities. Human service workers who adopt normative developmental understandings may not realize the potential for “well-intentioned” disability services to cause harm through paternalism and a culture of low expectations. It is essential that universalized models of adulthood are deconstructed from both feminist and critical disability perspectives, in order to locate, understand and celebrate diverse developmental experiences. We offer some ideas about how this deconstruction might be enacted within a university education context.

Purpose Mechanisms that measure the social impact of work integration social enterprises (WISEs) activate a dialogue between the language and principles of economics and the lived-reality of marginalised groups. This paper aims to critically strengthen social impact measurement as a process by ascertaining epistemic gaps in the methodology of a dominant measure, based on an exploratory case study of a social enterprise supporting immigrant women in Sweden. Design/methodology/approach The author undertook participant observation and informal interviews with managers at Yalla Trappan – a women’s cooperative social enterprise in Malmö, Sweden – for the integration of long-term unemployed, immigrant women into the labour market. Through an interpretivist framework, themes of “social sustainability” and “feminist economics” formed a theoretical inquiry for data collection within the organisation and resulting in a critical discussion of the social return on investment (SROI) method. Findings The case study of women’s cooperative social enterprise is seen to challenge some systemic assumptions made by the SROI metric through its validation of knowledges and economic principles which are congruent with feminist epistemologies. The relationship between social and work life is re-configured by the organisation for the specific features of its beneficiary group (in which gender is a determining factor), with implications for intergenerational cohesion, past trauma resolution and positive postpartum practices that present challenges to a SROI measurement process. Originality/value This study applies a distinctive disciplinary understanding of feminist economics and epistemologies onto the relatively new field of social sustainability and innovation, illustrating its critique through the impact on practical steps that may be taken in the process of a dominant social impact measure (SROI).

This critical commentary considers the significance of Connell’s The Men and the Boys in the development of an affirmative feminist boys studies. In particular, the article asks: How can research on boys contribute to feminist research on childhood and youth, without either establishing a false equivalency with girls studies, or overstating the singularity of “the boy” across diverse cultural and historical contexts? Connell’s four-tiered account of social relations—political, economic, emotional, and symbolic—provides an important corrective to reductionist approaches to both feminism and boyhood, and this article draws on The Men and the Boys to think through contrasting sites of identity formation around boys: online cultures of “incels” (involuntary celibates); transmasculinities and the biological diversity of the category “man”; and the social power excercised within an elite Australian boys school. The article concludes by identifying contemporary challenges emerging from the heuristic model offered in The Men and the Boys.

This critical commentary considers the significance of Connell’s The Men and the Boys in the development of an affirmative feminist boys studies. In particular, the article asks: How can research on boys contribute to feminist research on childhood and youth, without either establishing a false equivalency with girls studies, or overstating the singularity of “the boy” across diverse cultural and historical contexts? Connell’s four-tiered account of social relations—political, economic, emotional, and symbolic—provides an important corrective to reductionist approaches to both feminism and boyhood, and this article draws on The Men and the Boys to think through contrasting sites of identity formation around boys: online cultures of “incels” (involuntary celibates); transmasculinities and the biological diversity of the category “man”; and the social power excercised within an elite Australian boys school. The article concludes by identifying contemporary challenges emerging from the heuristic model offered in The Men and the Boys.

Research examining radical economic subjectivity processes involved in creating alternative economies remains extremely scarce. We address this lacuna by employing qualitative techniques including semi-structured interviews and participant observation to examine advocates who work to provide economic alternatives to economically dislocated communities along the USA/Mexico border. Theoretically we use a poststructural feminist perspective to illuminate the contradictions and complexities involved in how these advocates negotiate and often work against their interests arising from class, race, and geopolitical privileges. Contributions of this study include demonstrating the utility of a poststructural feminist approach to global political economic issues that extend beyond a focus upon gender. This theoretical approach provides insights into the complex relations radical economic subjects have to the state; the importance of critical self-reflection in building solidarity across different social locations; and the complexities related to language barriers and representation of the subaltern.

This article exposes the role of expressive culture in the rise and spread of late twentieth-century Hindu identity politics. I examine how Hindu nationalism is fuelled by an affective attachment to the Indian classical dancer. I analyse the affective logics that have crystallised around the now iconic Indian classical dancer and have situated her gendered and athletic body as a transnational, globally circulating emblem of an authentic Hindu and Indian national identity. This embodied identity is represented by the historical South Indian temple dancer and has, in the postcolonial era, been rebranded as the nationalist classical dancer—an archetype I refer to as the modern courtesan. I connect the modern courtesan to transnational forms of identity politics, heteropatriarchal marriage economies, as well as pathologies of gender violence. In so doing, I examine how the affective politics of ‘Hinduism’ have functionally weaponised the Indian dancing body. I argue that the nationalist and now transnationalist production of the classical dancer-courtesan exposes misogyny and casteism and thus requires a critical feminist dismantling. This article combines ethnographic fieldwork in classical dance studios in India and the United States with film and popular media analysis to contribute to critical transnational feminist studies, as well as South Asian gender, performance and media studies.

The plight of women in Pakistan is terrible in terms of gender-based violence. Every year more than thousand women have been killed in the name of ‘honor’. The aim of this paper is to explain the underlying causes of the incidents of ‘honor’ killings, and find out the reason why many instances of ‘honor’ killings go unreported and the perpetrators usually able to evade punishment. This study found that the prevailing ideology of honor, a stimulus to honor killing, gender-biased, abusive, and corrupt to the core police force along with the weak judicial system and legal loopholes in existing laws are the determining factor of unabated incidents of killing under the pretext of honor. This study asserts that Pakistani government must act quickly and decisively to plug legal loopholes in order to halt the most consistent, abhorrent heinous violence from going unpunished. Furthermore, the gender bias permeates in institutions at all levels, therefore, there must be mandatory sensitivity training for both the police investigating honor crimes and the judges adjudicating over them. The authorities must ensure that police without bowing to any pressure be it political or religious impartially investigate the cases of ‘honor’ killings. This study understands that the incidents of honor killings are the manifestation of the patriarchy, therefore, aforementioned measures are critical elements but not sufficient to deal the issue of ‘honor’ killing. There is the need of transformative change in society which can occur with the reduction of gender inequality. The state of women cannot be improved unless women get economic independence, greater access to education, increase participation in political activities, and get widespread awareness of socio-economic and political issues.

Within academic literature on globalization, economic frameworks are often the dominant paradigm. Consequently, the phenomenon has been often been exclusively understood from a monetary perspective, rather than exploring it’s relationship with culture and geography. This paper presents an argument for the inclusion of critical feminist frameworks when studying globalization, by exposing what has been left out and encouraging what needs to be explored. As a entry point for discussing such a broad global contingency, the global apparel industry is primarily focused on; both for it’s rapid expansion as a result of globalization and it’s obvious gendered nature, as more women than men are employed globally along the chain, and are targeted as consumers. The result, is a closer look at the complex relationship between globalization, gender, race and culture. This paper is meant as a taking off point for further research within these parameters and to reinforce the importance of gender studies and critical feminist frameworks.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore future research agendas in the field of gender and entrepreneurship by outlining a critical overview of the current theorising regarding the influence of gender upon entrepreneurial behaviours and activities. Design/methodology/approach – The discussion reviews the state of existing knowledge and extrapolates future areas for potential research. Findings – Whilst there are a number of robust reviews of gender and entrepreneurship, there is much scope to add to existing knowledge particularly by employing a critical feminist stance. In addition, discrete gender critiques are vital to inform a broader and far-reaching appraisal of the entrepreneurial project dominating the contemporary socio economic context. Research limitations/implications – This article is limited by focusing upon discrete themes. However, these are used as exemplars to indicate the potential for future development. Practical implications – The author suggests future avenues for research development and encourages the development of more sophisticated analyses of interrelation between gender and entrepreneurship. Social implications – The author suggests that a gendered critique has broader implications for exposing the bias embedded within the current theorising. Originality/value – Although a review of existing research, there is a thematic development of new opportunities for research development and a call to use gender as a fulcrum to articulate a more searching and critical approach to theorising entrepreneurship.

The development of feminist jurisprudence in recent years has made a rich and fruitful contribution to legal theory. Few areas of domestic law have avoided the scrutiny of feminist writers, who have exposed the gender bias of apparently neutral systems of rules. A central feature of many western theories about law is that the law is an autonomous entity, distinct from the society it regulates. A legal system is regarded as different from a political or economic system, for example, because it operates on the basis of abstract rationality, and is thus universally applicable and capable of achieving neutrality and objectivity. These attributes are held to give the law its special authority. More radical theories have challenged this abstract rationalism, arguing that legal analysis cannot be separated from the political, economic, historical and cultural context in which people live. Some theorists argue that the law functions as a system of beliefs that make social, political and economic inequalities appear natural. Feminist jurisprudence builds on certain aspects of this critical strain in legal thought. It is much more focused and concrete, however, and derives its theoretical force from immediate experience of the role of the legal system in creating and perpetuating the unequal position of women.

This paper attempts a reading of Rohinton Mistry’s novel A Fine Balance (1997) and Gloria Naylor’s Linden Hills (1985) envision insights from recent developments in eco-criticism and eco-feminism. Through Gender theory eco-feminism substantiates the silence of women in Linden Hills. Eco-criticism is a form of literary criticism based on ecological perspectives. It investigates the relation between human and the natural world in literature, such as the way in which environmental issues, cultural issues concerning the environment and attitudes towards nature are presented and analyzed. One of the main goals of eco-criticism concerns the environment and attitudes towards nature and ecological aspects. This form of criticism has gained a lot of attention during recent years (approximately since 2000) due to greater social emphasis on environmental destruction as a result of increased technology. It is hence a way of analyzing and interpreting literary texts. Eco critics investigate such things as the underlying ecological values, what, precisely, is meant by the word nature, and whether the examination of “Place” should be a distinctive category, gender or race. By examining the eco critical discourse in A Fine Balance, the paper posits that Mistry’s vision of development in India is predicated on the conditions of sustainability. The Ecological Feminism is an interdisciplinary movement which interrogates the new ways of thought process concerning natural world, diplomacy, and mysticism. Eco-feminist speculation has exacting and important association between females and natural world. Eco-feminism understands the suppression of women and their mistreatment in phrases of the subjugation and operation of the environment. Naylor discusses gender conditioned with eco-feminism perspectives. She scrutinizes United States as a “Place”, in relation to race of Linden Hills. The postcolonial feminist theory contends that through novel, A Fine Balance comparing with Linden Hills, Mistry interrogate the difficulties of maintaining natural and human diversity in the contemporary economic and social development in the Indian subcontinent. The aspects of paper are tailoring sustainability, ecology, eco - feminism and environment, urbanization and modernization, creation of ecological imbalance and the use of nature ‘as an end to all means’.

In this article we examine Okin’s ideal of a ‘gender-free society’ and its relations to central educational values and practices. We suggest that this ideal pervades her work on the family, culture and, more recently, her focus on the developing world, and gives her liberal feminist stance its radical bite. We contrast this ideal with the more standard notion of gender-neutrality (non-discrimination) and argue that Okin’s more demanding concept (going beyond equal access to positions, benefits and opportunities as currently defined, to insist on the critical overhauling of the systems that determine them) far better accords with requirements of justice. We then go on to explore the contribution to a ‘gender-free society’ of construing women’s rights as human rights which Okin saw as crucial to countering threats against gender equality from competing claims of both multiculturalists and economic development theorists. We consider implications for education (including schooling) arising from the commitment to bring about a ‘gender-free society’.

Writing in the spirit of feminist psychologists who have historically refused to narrow the gaze of our craft, I want to cast a critical eye on popular calls for ‘evidence-based practice’ and more specifically research epistemologies funded to produce such evidence. Surrounded by sprawling debris reflecting the gendered, raced, classed and sexualized collateral damage of economic and political crisis, I find it most peculiar that psychologists have eagerly answered calls for ‘evidence’ – without a pause for asking: Why now? Whose evidence counts? What kinds of evidence are being privileged? What are we not seeing? As psychologists seek to produce ‘evidence’ of program effectiveness in contexts of huge inequality gaps in which state supports are being cut, funding streams, publication mandates, Impact Factors and high tier journals actively encourage researchers to narrow our focus on a discrete set of standardized indicators, drawn from random assignment of ‘subjects’ to ‘conditions,’ thereby whiting out the non-random cumulative landscape of injustice, resilience and resistance.

This paper argues that human rights-based approaches to human security overlook the importance of caring values, relations of care, and care work in the achievement and long-term maintenance of human security. It outlines an alternative approach to the ethics of human security which combines a feminist ontological and normative position on the centrality of caring values and practices in sustaining life with a feminist account of the gendered political economy of contemporary globalisation. Moreover, it argues that a critical, feminist ethics of care can provide a comprehensive ontological and normative framework for integrating economic exclusion with violence, and thus for understanding and conceptualising human security in a way that is sensitive to the role played by gender identities and other types of power relations. This, I argue, can be achieved through an interrogation of the relationship between neoliberal globalisation and hegemonic forms masculinity in the context of contemporary global governance.

The extreme social and economic crisis affecting most Latin American countries has precipitated the expansion of a vast network of collective social movements as a means to cope with the increasing difficulty of life throughout the region. This paper is an examination of the collective struggle of women informal traders as they challenge, through workplace politics, the Peruvian state to address issues of family survival and social reproduction. Although the hierarchical and patriarchal structure of the street-trader union movement limits women's participation, a ‘critical consciousness’ has developed among women traders both in the rank-and-file and in low-level leadership positions which utilizes both direct and subtle strategies to influence the course of union politics. It is argued that the actions of these ‘grass-roots feminists’ to address their practical gender interests presupposes a commitment to strategic gender interests. Hence, their activism not only recasts Molyneux's gender-interest model but also transcends the artificial bifurcation that falsely characterizes the Latin American feminist movement. The experiences of women traders in Peru suggest that women's agency in social movements, such as informal sector trade unions, is introducing new ways of organizing social relations and political activity as it transforms entrenched and hegemonic meanings of politics, influence, and power.

Beginning by reading a 1992 feminist appropriation of Michelangelo's Creation of Adam – in a cartoon in which the finger of a nude Adamic woman touches a computer keyboard, while the god-like VDT screen shows a disembodied fetus – ‘Virtual Speculum’ argues for a broader conception of ‘new reproductive technologies’ in order to foreground justice and freedom projects for differently situated women in the New World Order. Broadly conceptualized reproductive practices must be central to social theory in general, and to technoscience studies in particular. Tying together the politics of self help and women's health movements in the United States in the 1970s with positions on reproductive freedom articulated within the Legal Defense and Educational Fund of the NAACP in the 1990s, the paper examines recent work in feminist science studies in several disciplinary and activist locations. Statistical analysis and ethnography emerge as critical feminist technologies for producing convincing representations of the reproduction of inequality. Untangling the semiotic and political–economic dialectics of invisibility and hypervisibility, ‘Virtual Speculum’ concludes by linking the well-surveyed amniotic fluid of on-screen fetuses and the off-frame diarrhea of uncounted and underfed infants in regimes of flexible accumulation and structural adjustment.

The Subject of the Study is the models of interaction and intersection of ideologies in media discourse. In contrast to the homogeneous ideological discourse of the Soviet press, the Western Ukrainian of the interwar period was ideologically diverse, in particular, “leftist” ideas were propagated in magazines. There is a noticeable trend in modern media studies: researchers to some extent ignore the “communist segment” of the Western Ukrainian press of the interwar period, this is due to the relevance of our study. Realizing that the communist movement was not widespread in Western Ukraine during the interwar period, let us consider the press of communist organizations both for the sake of objectivity and the need to explore models of the intersection of communist ideology and feminism and this is the novelty of the research. The aim of the article is to investigate the specifics of the interaction of feminism and communism in the Western Ukrainian media discourse of the 1920s and 1930s on the material of communist magazines. The weekly Nasha Zemlya and Sel-Rob, which represented the communist ideological discourse of Western Ukraine, were selected for analysis. The research methodology is a combination of critical discourse analysis with feminist critique. The Results of the Study. Communist magazines were concerned about how to attract Ukrainian women to the party ranks. The key issues covered in Western Ukrainian communist magazines were: women’s unemployment, low-skilled workers, difficult conditions, and low wages. At the same time, only women journalists paid attention to the gender aspect of such problems, for example, the gender disparity in the remuneration of men and women. The political and ideological orientation of Western Ukrainian communist newspapers toward the Soviet Union and Moscow Bolshevism was obvious. Propaganda materials about the Soviet Union’s success in resolving the “women’s issue” regularly appeared in the newspapers of Western Ukrainian communists. Publications on women’s issues were feminist in terms of authorial Intentions, ideological accents, and interpretation of facts. However, discrimination against women was primarily due to an unjust socio-economic system. Despite feminist intentions in the materials of communist magazines, activists of the Ukrainian Women’s Union were criticized as the main ideological competitors in the struggle for the Ukrainian woman.

The apparatus of social reproduction describes the process by which knowledge production contributes to oppressive conditions. This article explains and defines this process through the application of a critical theoretical lens informed the Foucauldian concept of apparatus or dispositif and social reproduction as developed by feminist activists and intellectuals. This process has a notable influence on the political economic conditions of transgender women, conditions that include disproportionate reliance on the use of criminalized economies such as sex work. Social workers inadvertently influence this process through an overreliance on broad categorizations for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer populations, which impede our ability to adequately assess such complex oppressive social relationships. Increasing the profession’s familiarity and competence with critical theory is necessary to reduce our participation in such processes and identify effective interventions for this population. Presenting a review of social work literature and a discussion of the proposed lens, the following seeks to illuminate the apparatus of social reproduction and explain how broad social categorization of transgender women is problematic. The authors recommend the adoption of the proposed lens as a tool social workers can use to better assess their research and practice and better understand the complexities of power and exploitation.

In her recent book published after the election of Donald Trump as the US President in 2016, Cynthia Enloe argues that the patriarchy, similar to our smart phones, has updated itself as a reaction against the achievements of the second and third wave feminisms. The updated patriarchy has this time renewed itself through the beliefs and values about the ways the world works (2017). The competing foreign policies representing the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity of the current world politics and its authoritarian leaders are the outputs of this new updated version of patriarchy. Enloe doubts that having gained sustainability with its updates, the patriarchy could be fought against simply with street demonstrations, as it was before. The patriarchy could be forced to retreat only by incessantly asking “curious” feminist questions that would expose all masculine patterns of life (2017). Continuously asking questions without giving up or giving in would make the patriarchy transparent and vulnerable. In the face of curious, non-stop questions from a gender perspective and the conscious use of the terms supporting gender equality, the patriarchy, albeit updated and sustained, does not stand a chance. Enloe explains the reason why incorporating gender in International Relations has been considered irrelevant by the power- and security dominated character of the discipline. Also, because the heavy majority of the academics associated with International Relations are male, it is them who choose what is important and worthy of ‘serious’ investigation (Enloe, 2004, 96). This masculine attitude, however, has been clearly excluding multiple human experiences and hindering their capacity to create new possibilities for peaceful co-existence in international relations (Youngs, 2004). As a matter of fact, when we look at the emergence of International Relations as a separate discipline, and the political theories that it takes as its first point of reference, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (Déclaration des droits de l'homme et du citoyen) – the human rights document at the time of the French Revolution – Machiavelli’s The Prince; and Man, the State and War, written in 1959 by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of neo-realism, were the mainstream writings that brought liberal (libertarian) and realist perspectives to the discipline of International Relations, respectively. The fundamental aim of these texts was, in fact, to make an analysis based on history and ‘his’ problems. Although these texts put forward a desire for rights and freedoms, as well as the achievement of peace, these values are mostly targeted towards men. Thus, over time, the prominent concepts of International Relations, such as security and hegemony, were defined from a masculine and patriarchal perspective. For instance, from the theoretical view of realists, hegemony is attributed to the order established and led by the most powerful state of the international system– both militarily and economically– while sovereignty evokes the Hobbesian Leviathan (the Devil), with its masculine nature and might. Raewyn Connell responds to these masculine conceptualizations by pointing out that hegemony includes organized social domination in all spheres of life, from religious doctrines to mundane practice, from mass media to taxation (1998: 246). As Connell reminds us, “hegemonic masculinity” expresses the domination of men over women intellectually, culturally, socially, or even politically, thus establishing an unequivocal linkage between gender and power (Connell, 1998). Just as the Western approach to reading and identifying the East and its fiction found an answer in Edward Said’s critique of Orientalism, the theory of political realism put forth by Hans Morgenthau was criticized by Ann Tickner for conceptualizing international politics through the lens of an assumed masculine subject (Tür & Koyuncu, 2010: 9). Critical theory and postmodernism, as alternative approaches in International Relations, drew attention to the otherization of different geographies, civilizations and identities. Yet, on the issue of gender equality, the otherization of women has not been sufficiently recognized; the superiority of man and patriarchy is made possible through the othering of women. From this point of view, it would be beneficial to make a holistic reading of the International Relations literature, and to dismantle these masculine concepts by asking “curious” questions of the discipline. In Terrell Carver’s words, “Gendering IR” is...a project; “gendered” IR is an outcome” (Carver, 2003: 289). In order to achieve such outcome, it bears utmost importance for the gender-equality advocates to insist on, institutionally and practically, gender-based approaches and to not agree with the priority list of the masculine agenda. Security, order, control and retaliation increasingly dominate the discourse shaping the world politics. The gender perspective in International Relations develops to create alternative paradigms that would break this vicious circle of (in)security. Feminist theory in International Relations has demonstrated significant progress since the 1990s and opened pathways in an uncharted territory. Cynthia Enloe, Ann Tickner, Spike V. Peterson and Christine Sylvester, among others, are the most prominent forerunners of this field. Through their works, feminist theory has adopted a perspective critical of the masculinity and the masculine values of international politics by taking not only ‘women’ but a wider category of gender into its centre. These feminist scholars have deconstructed International Relations theories by posing gender-related questions and displayed the masculine prejudice embedded in the definitions of security, power and sovereignty. The feminist theories of International Relations have thus distinguished themselves from the other theories of the discipline by paying a ‘curious’ attention to the power hierarchies and relation structures through inclusiveness and self-reflexivity (True, 2017: 3). As Cynthia Enloe puts it, the gender perspective in International Relations must first be guided by a feminist consciousness (2004: 97). The feminist International Relations, however, although more than a quarter of century has passed since its emergence, are still struggling with the masculine theories to be considered as an equally legitimate way of understanding how the world works. Various epistemological, ontological and ethical debates may have enriched the field (True, 2017: 1), but at the same time, too many as they are, such debates may paradoxically be accusing the spreading-thin of the gender coalition. The capacity of the feminist International Relations’ ethical principles to participate in the global politics has been limited to the United Nations Security Council’s decision number 1325 and the Swedish feminist foreign policy. The feminist attempt to facilitate substantial change and interaction by creating a normative agenda has been called ‘normative feminism’ by Jacqui True (2013: 242). Normative feminism is a project of institutionalising gender in foreign policy by focusing on socio-economic and political changes. The special issue here is our attempt to partake in this project of change in international relations. We have aimed to enhance the visibility of the gender norms of behavior and decision-making with the presupposition that they would pose an alternative to the masculine norms in International Relations by better supporting the human priorities of peace and co-existence. Adopting Judith Butler’s notion of performativity, the feminist existence in international politics has an undeniable connection to engaging in continuous activities. As Rihannan Bury suggests, “what gives a community its substance is the consistent repetition of these ‘various acts’ by a majority of members.” “Being a member of community,” therefore, “is not something one is but something one does” (2005: 14). In Turkey, too, in order to challenge the recognition of the ‘hyper’ version of the hegemonic masculinity as the only viable world view, gender-charged normative discourses, interactions and agendas must be continuously created and multiplied. We hope that the Turkish literature-review and the articles published here will serve this purpose. As is the situation in all disciplines, the feminist International Relations has nurtured many onto-epistemologies, some in competition with one another. Such multitude, though definitely a richness, has been challenging the feminist stance’s capacity to stand united against the hypermasculine hegemonic masculinity. In her latest book, Enloe calls for a continuous struggle of a new and wider feminist coalition against the updated authoritarianism of the patriarchy –inspiring our title “Don’t Give Up! Don’t Give In!.” Such expanded coalition could rise on the common purpose of fighting male dominance and ignore the differences of discourse created by the debate on identity. The gender-guided change and transformation desired in international politics could be achieved more easily in this way (Hemmings, 2012: 148, 155). On this account, in parallel with Enloe’s proposal of establishing a wider consensus simply on peace and co-existence (2017), a new era, in which questions of identity will, for some time, not be asked, may be dawning. A grand coalition of consensus has better chance of resisting the authoritarian leaders of hyper hegemonic masculinity. Our special issue of Gender and International Relations opens with a Turkish literature review with the aim of introducing the topic to Turkish readers. Çiçek Coşkun, against a historical background, presents some of the prominent feminist scholars who have left their footprints in this very masculine area with their fresh gender perspectives. In doing that she offers us a comparative framework in which works by the Turkish and international scholars could be assessed simultaneously. Nezahat Doğan’s article seeks to establish the relation between global peace and gender by using the data obtained from the Global Peace Index, Gender Inequality Index and Social Institutions and Gender Index. In this way, adopting a currently trendy approach, Doğan investigates the interaction between gender and International Relations through a quantitative method. Zehra Yılmaz’s article discusses the temporary position of Syrian women asylum seekers in Turkey from the perspective of the post-colonial feminist concept of subaltern. The article aims to combine feminist migration studies and post-colonial feminist literature within the context of International Relations. Sinem Bal’s article questions whether the EU has designed its gender policies as an aspect of the human-right norms of the European integration or as a way to regulate market economy. Bal pursues such questioning through the reading of the official documents of the EU that prescribes what Europeanization is for Turkey. Thus, all articles constitute a well-rounded understanding of what gendered approaches can achieve in the current practice of international studies. The co-authored article written by Bezen Balamir-Coşkun and Selin Akyüz examined how the images of women leaders in international politics were presented in the international media. The selected images the three most powerful women political leaders list of Forbes in 2017 –Angela Merkel, Theresa May and Federica Mogherini were analysed in the light of the political masculinities literature from a social visual semiotics perspective. It is believed that such an analysis will contribute to the debates about gendered aspect of international relations as well as the current debates on political masculinities. Gizem Bilgin-Aytaç points out that the global policy that emerged after the Cold War and the emergence of the new way of approaching the IR from a feminist perspective have improved the scope of conceptual analysis in peace theories as well. Bilgin-Aytaç discusses global peace conditions with a gender perspective - in particular, referring to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, with a focus on exemplary contemporary issues. Fulden İbrahimhakkıoğlu, in her article, discusses the debate between Ukraine-based feminist group FEMEN staged several protests in support of Amina Tyler, a Tunisian FEMEN activist receiving death threats for posting nude photographs of herself online with social messages written on her body and the Muslim Women Against FEMEN who released an open letter criticizing the discourse FEMEN used in these protests, which they found to be white colonialist and Islamophobic. Thus, İbrahimhakkıoğlu aimes to examines the discursive strategies put forth by the two sides of the very debate, and unveiling the shortcomings of liberalism as drawn on by both positions, the author attempts to rethink what “freedom” might mean for international feminist alliances across differences.

This article takes up the question of how to develop effective strategies for engaging conservative students who feel under attack in feminist classrooms. Every semester I teach a Women’s Studies course that introduces students to the history and breadth of contemporary feminist social movements, with a focus on feminist struggles that center anti-racist, queer, and economic justice analytical frameworks. As a general education course, listed in the university course catalog under the rather generic title of “Introduction to Women’s Movements,” this class attracts students with a range of political perspectives from a variety of academic majors. While the majority of the students tend to enter the class with relatively liberal analyses of gender and racial oppression, a significant minority of students have more conservative views. Dealing with resistant and conservative students in women and gender studies is not a new phenomenon, especially in my position teaching at a regional comprehensive public university in northern California. While the university administration is supportive of students of color and undocumented students, it is also heavily invested in discourses of civility and ‘free speech.’ The recent election cycle and the current Trump presidency have empowered the more conservative students in my classes to mobilize this language to claim that they feel ‘unsafe’ in class and on campus. The appropriation of feminist and queer discourses of ‘safe space’ by students on the right to position themselves as being under attack and vulnerable presents a series of pedagogical challenges. I challenge explicit racist, misogynist, homophobic, and transphobic comments in class and my course readings rigorously challenge these forms of bias. Personally and politically I am committed to making sure that my students who are actually under threat – undocumented students, students of color, queer and trans students – are receiving the support that they need. However, I am also invested in challenging all of my students and trying to make my classrooms into spaces of transformational learning. I explore the question of dissent in feminist classrooms through the problem of conservative students who deploy rhetorics of safety in ways that flatten out power relations and systemic oppression. How to respond to students who proudly proclaim they voted for Trump and consider themselves feminists, or to students who tearfully confess they feel unsafe on campus because of their political views? What pedagogical strategies actively engage conservative students rather than silence and alienate them? How can instructors problematize the notion of ‘safety’ for conservative students to help them develop more critical understandings of structural violence and precarity?

For this piece we were provoked by an anti-trans moment that took place during the School of Politics and Critique in September 2020. Instead of engaging in a mere “rebuttal” of anti-trans discourse and its reductive, exclusionary claims, with this text we aim to open up a space of exchange and learning that takes the form of a feminist conversation. We discuss the historical and political entrenchment of colonial, capitalist and anti-trans projects to emphasise why a solid trans politics will always hold an anti-colonial agenda to the fore. Critically appraising some unfortunate intellectual and political impasses—as the capturing of feminist politics in schemata of biological determinism or the complicity of white bourgeois feminism in anti-Blackness and colonial exploitation—we shed light on the emancipatory potential of radical transfeminism. The conversation draws on lessons from the writings and practice of many engaged in formulating the stakes of black feminist, anti-colonial and trans politics of solidarity, thus actualizing the insight that we never think or act in isolation from one another. Author(s): Neda Genova and Mijke van der Drift Title (English): Neda Genova in Conversation with Mijke van der Drift: A Conversation on Transfeminism as Anti-Colonial Politics Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities - Skopje Page Range: 102-108 Page Count: 7 Citation (English): Neda Genova and Mijke van der Drift, “Neda Genova in Conversation with Mijke van der Drift: A Conversation on Transfeminism as Anti-Colonial Politics,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 17, No. 2-3 (Winter 2020): 102-108. Author Biographies Mijke van der Drift, Royal College of Art/University of Cambridge Philosopher and educator Mijke van der Drift works on ethics as a focal point in a multi-disciplinary research about social transformation. Van der Drift is tutor at the Royal College of Art, London and the Royal Academy of Art, the Hague. They are a Research Associate at the University of Cambridge in 2020-21, as part of the Revolutionary Papers project, in collaboration with the London School of Economics and the University of the Western Cape. In addition, van der Drift is currently working on their book Non normative Ethics: The Dynamics of Trans Formation. They obtained a Ph.D. from Goldsmiths, University of London. Their current project focuses on multilogical ethics and generosity, and is provisionally titled The Logic of Loss in Bonding. The book chapter “Radical Transfeminism: Trans as Anti-Static Ethics Escaping Neoliberal Encapsulation” co-written with Nat Raha is recently published in New Feminist Studies: Twenty-first-century Critical Interventions, ed. Jennifer Cooke, with Cambridge University Press. Neda Genova, London Bank University/Goldsmiths Neda Genova teaches at Goldsmiths University of London and London South Bank University and holds a Ph.D. in Cultural Studies from Goldsmiths. Her research is situated at the intersection of post-communist studies and media and cultural theory. She is interested in feminist and postcolonial theory, the politics of humour and laughter and post-communist digital culture. She is a member of the editorial collective of the Bulgarian-language activist-academic magazine dVERSIA (dВЕРСИЯ)

Penelitian tentang Pendekatan Feminist Communication Theory pada Cybercommunity “Wacana Cerdas Menonton Televisi” di internet berasal dari pengamatan tentang fenomena aktivitas percakapan para perempuan di e-forum Cerdas Nonton Televisi di internet yang memuat kondisi pertelevisian Indonesia di mana di tuang ini ditemukan masalah bahwa internet dengan facebook nya telah membangun suatu hubungan dan wacana para anggotanya secara terbuka, lugas, dan kritis, tanpa melihat status, gender, ekonomi, sosial, agama, dan gaya hidup tentang krisis televisi tanah air yang masih memiliki banyak masalah, baik pada penyiar, produser maupun berita atau program-programnya. Teori yang digunakan adalah paradigma kritis dengan salah satu variannya yaitu feminist communication theory yang bertujuan untuk melihat representasi perempuan di ruang publik yang menyuarakan atau mengkomunikasikan semua aspirasi, rasa keadilan, dan keberadaan mereka. Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk menganalisis cybercommunity perempuan di e-forum ”Cerdas Nonton Televisi” yang menyuarakan atau mewacanakan permasalahan pertelevisian Indonesia. Secara metodologis, penelitian ini menggunakan metode netnografi untuk melihat aktivitas budaya komunitas maya perempuan dalam bentuk percakapan di internet. Hasil pengamatan ini memberikan deskripsi bahwa para perempuan dalam e-forum Cerdas Nonton Televisi (CNT) ini telah berupaya mengoptimalisasikan ruang CNT untuk berkomunikasi atau bersuara kritis bagi terciptanya reformasi pertelevisian untuk lebih prokhalayak dan mencerdaskan bangsa. Namun, suara kritis perempuan masih lebih sedikit dibanding suara laki-laki dalam berwacana dalam ruang CNT ini. Selain, itu suara perempuan yang muncul lebih banyak pada hanya mengikuti status laki-laki, dibanding membuat status sendiri. Pada sisi substansi kritisisme perempuan pun cenderung menyiratkan keprihatinan secara emosioanal dibanding pada pengupayaan ke arah tranformasi secara nyata. Research on Feminist Theory Communication Approach on Cybercommunity “Cerdas Nonton Televisi”(CNT) on the Internet comes from the observation of the phenomenon of conversations activity of women in the e-forum CNT which contains conditions on Indonesian TV in the room where it was found that the problem with the internet (facebook) it has built up a relationship and discourse of its members openly, straightforwardly, and critical, regardless of status, gender, economic, social, religious, and lifestyle on television crisis that the country still has many problems, both on the broadcaster, producer and news or programs. The theory used is critical paradigm with one of its variants, namely feminist communication theory which aims to look at the representation of women in public spaces are voiced or communicate all the aspirations, sense of justice, and their whereabouts. The research objective was to analyze cybercommunity women in e-forum “Smart Watch Television” are voiced or mewacanakan issues on Indonesian TV. Methodologically, this study using netnografi to see the virtual community cultural activity of women in the form of a conversation on the internet. These observations provide a description that the women of the e-forum Smart Watch Television (CNT) has sought to optimize this space to communicate or speak CNT critical for the creation of television for more prokhalayak reform and educate the nation. However, critical voices are still fewer female than a male voice in the discourse in this CNT space. In addition, the voice of women who appear more on just follow the status of men, rather than making their own status. On the substance of the criticism of women also tend to imply concern is emosional than at the insistence towards real transformation.

Within feminist memory studies the economy has largely been overlooked, despite the fact that the economic analysis of culture and society has long featured in research on women and gender. This article addresses that gap, arguing that the global economy matters in understanding the gender of memory and memories of gender. It models the conceptual basis for the consideration of a feminist economic analysis of memory that can reveal the dimensions of mnemonic transformation, accumulation and exchange through gendered mnemonic labour, gendered mnemonic value and gendered mnemonic capital. The article then applies the concepts of mnemonic labour and mnemonic capital in more detail through a case study of memory activism examining the work of the Parragirls and the Parramatta Female Factory Precinct Memory Project (PFFP) in Sydney, Australia. The campaigns have worked to recognize the memory and history of the longest continuous site of female containment in Australia built to support the British invasion. The site in Parramatta, which dates from the 1820s, was a female factory for transported convicts, a female prison, an asylum for women and girls, an orphanage and then Parramatta Girls Home. The Burramattagal People of Darug Clan are the Traditional Owners of the land and the site is of practical and spiritual importance to indigenous women. This local struggle is representative of a global economic system of gendered institutionalized violence and forgetting, The analysis shows how the mnemonic labour of women survivors accumulates as mnemonic value that is then transformed into institutional mnemonic capital. Focusing on how mnemonic labour creates lasting mnemonic capital reveals the gendered dimensions of memory which are critical for ongoing memory work.

At present, gambling studies literature has multiple understandings of family and others affected (FAOs) by gambling harm and their support needs in play, each with different possibilities and constraints for harm reduction engagement with women. Individual psychological approaches have been privileged, eschewing the social and relational situation of gambling and harm in women’s lives. In Australasia, the majority of those seeking support in relation to a significant others’ gambling are women. Gender has been posited as a shaping force in the social stratification system, distribution of resources, and gambling and harm within society. There has been minimal engagement with the lived experiences of FAOs, which limits gambling harm reduction service development and planning. This research critically engaged with gambling harm reduction studies for FAOs, alongside interviews with eight women FAOs who presented to community services from a social constructionist perspective. The aim was to provide insight into how women FAOs position themselves and their support needs in relation to gambling harm and recovery. Data was analysed using thematic analysis informed by feminist poststructuralist theories of language. Results suggested that this small group of women were subject to intersecting patriarchal constraints and economic determinants of gambling harm. Powerful normative and moral constructions of ‘good/bad’ mothers operated to individualise some women’s responsibility for addressing harm in families and to alienate these women from gambling support services. These findings suggest that gambling services must support women and families in ways that go beyond personal functioning, extending into the social and political conditions of possibility for harm and recovery. Critical psychology and coherent gender analysis may offer opportunities to expand the role of gambling support to include advocacy, community development, and more client-led and gender-aware practice with women affected by gambling harm.

The International Labour Organisation’s Declaration of Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work of 1998 formalised an approach to global labour issues known as the Core Labour Standards (CLS). The CLS have privileged a specific set of labour standards as possessing the kinds of universalistic qualities associated with ideas of ‘human rights’; the abolition of forced and child labour, equality of opportunity, and trade union rights. But what does this ‘human rights’ approach mean from the point of view of those women workers who dominate employment in some of the most globalised, and insecure, industries in the world? In this article, I make the case for critical feminist engagement with the gender-blind, and neoliberal-compatible, approach to economic rights as set out in the CLS. Not least, this article raises wider concerns about the insufficiency of approaches to economic rights that are designed to work within the (gendered) structures of a neoliberal economic development paradigm. It is suggested that the CLS have endorsed a voluntarist approach to labour standards that views the promotion and regulation of human rights by global corporations as unproblematic. The article challenges this perspective, drawing upon the work of number of feminist scholars working in the area of women’s employment and corporate codes of conduct. These feminist writings have specifically avoided the language of human rights; thus questions need to be asked concerning the possibilities and the limitations that the CLS opens up for women’s human rights activism.

Abstract:Clerical workers are an important segment of the work force. Catholic social teachings and eucharistic practice shed useful moral light on the increase in contingent work arrangements among clerical workers. The venerable concept of “the universal destination of the goods of creation” and a newer understanding of technology as “a shared workbench” illuminate the importance of good jobs for clerical workers. However, in order to apply Catholic social teachings to issues concerning clerical work as women’s work, sexist elements in traditional Catholic social teachings must be critically assessed. Participation in the Eucharist helps share a moral stance of inclusivity and sensitivity to forms of social marginalization. While actual practice fails fully to embody gender or racial inclusivity, participation in the inclusive table fellowship of the Eucharist should make business leaders question treating contingent workers as a peripheral work force.

Purpose The call for more women to start up and grow businesses as a vehicle for economic vibrancy is a prevailing discourse in the UK. There have been calls for greater co-ordination between research, policy and practice to create collaborative spaces whose focus is to influence and shape structures and processes beyond the individual or community level to a macro level of enterprise policy. However, calls have not specifically focussed on the issues of gender or other categories of social difference. This study aims to understand how such co-ordinations can be established to enable progress within the women’s entrepreneurship space through the development of collaborative spaces fusing research, policy and practice and how they should be structured to ensure inclusion through the process as well as enabling greater inclusion as part of the collaborative space outcome. Design/methodology/approach Taking a critical feminist perspective, the study draws from extant literature on women and minority networks research from the women in leadership, diversity and inclusion fields as a lens through which to frame the analysis of women’s enterprise policy in the UK, research and practice. Findings The study highlights the importance of collective feminist action drawing upon post-feminist sensibilities and an Engaged–Activist Scholarship approach. Such collective feminist action appreciates the importance of the micro as an enabler to progressive action at the macro level to enact structural and system change within the entrepreneurial ecosystem. A framework for inclusive and collaborative entrepreneuring space development is offered. Practical implications This paper offers policymakers, researchers and practitioners a framework as a practical way forward to ensure efforts are progressive and enable structural and systemic change. Originality/value The paper offers a framework for developing inclusive and collaborative entrepreneuring spaces to ensure progression by lifting the focus to a macro level of change to enable inclusion as part of the process and outcome of such collaborative spaces.

The interventionist turn in science and technology studies (STS) increasingly involves researchers with practices of technology development and thus entails the need for appropriate methodologies. Based in software engineering, this article introduces the deconstructive technique of “mind scripting” as a method for analyzing processes of the co-materialization of gender and technology and as a tool to support cooperative, reflective work practices. Anchored in critical design approaches, “mind scripting” is a means for development teams to disclose discourses implicitly guiding work practices in order to make negotiable the underlying value systems. After discussing its foundation in deconstructivist feminist theory, the author illustrates how the method is applied by drawing on selected empirical results. Generating insights into the reproduction of hegemonic social discourses in development processes, “mind scripting” enables the rethinking of established ways of doing.

Colonialism and its legacy continue to inspire a lot of debate among literary critics and theorists. Moses Isegawa’s novel, Abyssinian Chronicles, weaves interconnecting personal narratives which help illuminate the larger national stories of the postcolony nation-state, Uganda. The novel, through gendered narrativization, tells stories that represent Uganda’s socio-economic, cultural and political postcolonial state. Through close reading and critical analysis, this paper focuses on (re)construction of the postcolony by relying on the memory of the gendered subjectivities in the story. The chapter directs us to narratological, post-colonial and feminist literary critiques in which the narrative demonstrates its repudiations of stereotypes and reconfigurations of gender identities as part of an agent undertaking to recover the distinctive tradition of both the African man and woman.

Abstract This article argues that practices of global finance provide a rich opportunity to consider gender's embodiment in everyday, but highly regulatory, financial life. Tracing a pathway through the rise of the ‘diversity agenda’ in global finance in the wake of the global financial crisis, the article asks how ‘diversity’ has shaped the global financial services industry, and whether it has challenged the reproduction of gendered power in global finance. Recent, innovative feminist political economy work has laid out a clear challenge to researchers of the global political economy to explore how everyday practices have become significant sites of gendered, regulatory power, and this article takes up this challenge, analysing how the rise of ‘diversity’ in financial services reveals the crucial intersections of gendered power and everyday economic practices. Using a conceptual framework drawn explicitly from Marysia Zalewski's work, this article advances critical inquiry into how gender has become an often unacknowledged way of writing the world of global finance, in ongoing, and problematic, ways. It proposes that the practices and futures of the diversity agenda in global finance provide a window into the persistent failure of global finance to reconfigure its foundational masculinism, and asks that financial actors begin to take seriously the foundational, gendered myths on which global finance has been built.

Summary The aim of this qualitative study is to explore the meanings Israeli women who frequent soup assign to this experience. The study is based on participant observation and 16 recorded interviews with women in eight soup kitchens in Israel. The study adopts a gender-mainstreaming approach to food security that privileges the life knowledge of women living in poverty. The grounded theory method was employed in the collection and analysis of the data-field notes and interviews. Findings Four main categories regarding women’s constructions of motivations for frequenting soup kitchens emerged: (1) nutritional needs, (2) feeding others, (3) overall economic strategy, and (4) social needs. The issue of dealing with shame is also explored from a humanist and cultural perspective. Applications The findings indicate the need for social workers to consider food security, and eating arrangements when making assessments, evaluating interventions and developing programs and policies in all practice settings. Social workers need to provide information about community food services that are accessible and user-friendly for their women clients who deal with food insecurity and social isolation. Soup kitchens should be structured to allow for active participation of the service users in the administration and operation of food security programs. Finally, social workers should adopt a critical, feminist position regarding women’s use of soup kitchens as an oppressive survival strategy that stems from inequality in gender and class power relations.

Existing research into the depiction of female athletes has indicated that while they remain under-represented across traditional and online media outlets, social media is a potential tool for female athletes to redress this lack of coverage, and even contest and rework normative gender and sexual identities in sport. This paper challenges such arguments by offering a feminist thematic analysis of how five international female athletes are using social media to present their sporting and feminine selves within a neoliberal post-feminist moment characterised by individual empowerment and entrepreneurial subjecthood. Adopting a feminist critique of neoliberalism, and critically engaging Banet-Weiser's gendered “economies of visibility”, our findings demonstrate that, in a social media environment, female athletes are adopting new strategies for identity construction that capitalise on tropes of agentic post-feminist subjecthood to market themselves, including self-love, self-disclosure and self-empowerment. This paper advances the emerging field of inquiry into athlete social media usage by focusing on the ideological workings of neoliberalised gender discourse not only in the crafting of contemporary sporting femininities in digital spaces, but in recasting feminism as an individualised endeavour firmly located in the market.

Poverty among women and girls remains a prevalent social justice and health issue that stunts the life potential and freedom of females throughout the globe. Through referencing four published articles, this text explores the incidence of poverty among women and girls due to gender discrimination, sexist ideologies and practices, and oppression on the basis of gender. Due to the presence of mechanisms that disproportionately generate poverty among females, many girls and women are automatically confined to a life that uniquely strips them of their inherent rights to dictate their future, and are instead forced into a life of perpetual suffering, violence, social exclusion, and ultimately, impoverishment. Examining this issue from a feminist lens is imperative in understanding the inner complexities of how women and girls in different areas of the world experience disadvantages on the basis of gender, especially from a social, political, cultural, and economic perspective. This can allow healthcare providers, such as nurses, to be able to examine such issues from a critical thinking lens, and become increasingly politically active and involved in female advocacy efforts and policy reform. Through nurses becoming increasingly involved in such efforts, dramatic positive change in the lives of women and girls throughout the globe can occur.

Although the STS literature on boundary-work recognizes that such work unfolds within a “terrain of uneven advantage” vis-à-vis gender, race, and other inequalities, reflection about that uneven advantage has been strikingly underdeveloped. This article calls for a retheorizing of boundary-work that engages more actively with feminist, critical race, and postcolonial scholarship and examines more systematically the relation between scientific boundary-work, broader structures of sociopolitical inequality, and boundary-workers’ (embodied) positionality. To demonstrate the need for this retheorization, I analyze ethnographic and interview data on scientific boundary-work in the natural and social sciences in Portugal, showing that scholars’ gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, and nationality affect the success of their boundary-work. I suggest, therefore, that in unequal societies where credibility is unevenly distributed, the conditions are not in place for some scholars’ boundary-work to work. I draw on Sara Ahmed (and J. L. Austin) to argue that we must conceptualize scientific boundary-work as always potentially performative, but not always successfully so, and explicitly interrogate the actual conditions of performativity. Recognizing the links between inequality, embodiment, and non-performativity in scientific boundary-work will enable STS to better understand, and hopefully transform, the relations between contingent struggles over scientificity and entrenched structures of power.

Purpose – The purpose of the paper is to discuss and illustrate how contemporary market discourses rearticulate socio-political relationships and identities, including the rights, duties, and opportunities of individuals and categories of individuals as citizens. More specifically, the purpose is to analyze how “economic citizenship” is articulated and negotiated in the intersection of (Nordic) welfare state ideals and shareholder-oriented market discourses. The paper further elaborates on how different identity markers, especially gender and class, intersect in these articulations and contribute to exclusionary practices. Design/methodology/approach – The paper approaches the articulation of economic citizenship through an empirical study that focusses on business media representations and online discussions of a major factory shutdown in Finland. Drawing from discourse theory and the notions of representational intersectionality and translocational positionality, the paper analyzes how gender and class intersect in the construction of economic citizenship in the business media. Findings – The study illustrates how financialist market discourses render citizenship intelligible in exceedingly economic terms, overriding social and political dimensions of citizenship. The business media construct hierarchies of economic citizens where two categories of actors claim full economic citizenship: the transnational corporation and the transnational investor. Within these categories, particular systems of privilege intersect in similar ways, rendering them masculine and upper middleclass. Whether interpreted as hegemonic or counter-hegemonic, the financialist discourses rearticulate the social hierarchies and moral landscape in Finnish society. Originality/value – The paper contributes to critical/feminist management studies by elaborating on the role of the business media as an important site of political identity work, positioning, and moral regulation, where neoliberal ideas, based upon and reproducing masculine and elitist systems of privilege, appear as normalized and self-evidently valued.

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