Academic literature on the topic 'Criticism of democracy'

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Journal articles on the topic "Criticism of democracy"

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Segal, Leah, and Ruth Richter. "Criticism and Democracy." Inquiry: Critical Thinking Across the Disciplines 20, no. 4 (2001): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/inquiryctnews20012046.

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Yonezawa, Shigeru. "Socrates and Democracy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 18, no. 1-2 (2001): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000033.

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The aim of this paper is to reveal Socrates as a thorough democrat. In the first section, I will disprove the credibility of Xenophon’s Memorabilia, a common source for scholars who view Socrates as an antidemocratic thinker. I will then argue, in the second section, that the views of a few scholars who portray Socrates as a prodemocratic thinker represent a far-from-satisfactory depiction of his political views. In the third section, I will then demonstrate that Socrates’ criticism of democracy is not of democracy itself nor of Athenian laws, but instead a criticism of a particular sort of democracy seen in the period of Athenian imperialism, and that it derives from his fundamental recognition of human ignorance. After pointing out Socrates’ special preference for the democratic laws of Athens, seen in the Crito, I will establish, in the fourth section, a preference in his philosophy showing him as a staunch democrat who upheld the concept of the rule of law.
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Hatta, Koji. "Equalisation and civic duty in Keynesian social democracy." International Journal of Social Economics 43, no. 9 (September 12, 2016): 931–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-06-2015-0175.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse Charles Anthony Raven Crosland and Thomas Humphrey Marshall’s respective theories of equalisation and civic duty, and assesses the ethical criticisms made against these theories. Many of the ethical criticisms levelled against Crosland and Marshall argue that their theories focused exclusively on equalisation and social rights. In taking a morally neutral position, they neglected the duties that should be performed by citizens. This paper assesses the force of these ethical criticisms. Design/methodology/approach The paper begins by identifying the cardinal points of Crosland and Marshall’s theories of equalisation and the duties that should be performed by citizens. The author ask whether it is reasonable to conclude that they took morally neutral positions and neglected these duties. The author then explore and assess the critique levied against Crosland and Marshall. Findings Crosland took a passive stance on the intervention of the government in civic morality and did not develop a discussion of the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Thus, in some respects, he cannot avoid the ethical criticism that he took a morally neutral position and neglected civic duty. Marshall did not discuss only equalisation and social rights, but also considered the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Consequently, it is concluded that the ethical criticism of his theory is not valid. Originality/value The paper makes an original contribution in the understanding of three areas: Crosland’s moral neutrality, Marshall’s discussion on civic duty, and the ethical criticism of Keynesian social democracy.
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Soc, Andrija. "Deliberative democracy between moralism and realism." Filozofija i drustvo 27, no. 4 (2016): 920–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1604920s.

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The topic of this paper is the debate between political moralists and political realists. I will try to show that it is possible to find the middle ground that simultaneously satisfies the main demands of both camps while resisting objections directed against each. In the first part, I start with the view shared by both moralists and realists: that the main challenge lying before a political theory is solving the problem of legitimacy. I first sketch Rawls? moralist approach. I then move to outline the realist criticisms of such moralism. I will mainly follow one of the most detailed recent theories - Sleat?s realist theory, although I will also draw from other well-known realists. In the second part, I outline objections against realism. They somewhat similar to the same criticisms they themselves direct against moralists. The main issue is, in short, the problem of underdetermination - that is, the insufficient determination of political action by facts. Since realists hold that a political theory has to be applicable, their view is thus considerably weakened by such criticism. In the third part of the paper, I point to deliberative theory as a view that can answer both realist criticism - because its main aspect is dealing with the way things work in actual politics of concrete societies - but it can also answer criticisms directed against realists themselves, because empirical research of deliberation suggests an actual and viable way to solve the problem of legitimacy - by raising the quality of deliberation. Moreover, a deliberative theory retains autonomy of the ethical, although it doesn?t do that, unlike moralism, by encroaching on the autonomy of politics. Thus, at the end of the paper, I claim that such a deliberative approach can be accepted by both realists and moralists.
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Pavicevic, Djordje. "Post-democratic critique of democracy: Transformation or collapse of democracy." Sociologija 58, no. 4 (2016): 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1604505p.

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The article reconsiders analytical value of the concept of postdemocracy. The thesis of the article is that significance of the concept of postdemocracy lies in its ability to be used as a tool of conceptual criticism, not in its informative value for criticism of democratic regimes. The question is: whether it is possible, from post-democratic perspective, to claim that realistic judgment on particular ?democratic practices? could be wrong judgement on democracy? Three different conceptions of postdemocracy are offered as answers to the question. They are considered as reaction to self-proclaimed ?triumph? of democracy and universalization of minimalistic conception of democracy. The first is the conception of English sociologist Colin Crouch which is based on criticism of participation failure and electoral policies of existing democracies. The second is Sheldon Wolin?s conception which is suspicious of representativeness of representative democracy. Third conception is based on Jacques Ranciere?s critique of legitimacy scheme of liberal democracy. These three critiques suggest that democracy is in bad shape as well as that the meaning of the notion of democracy is hooked by economic and political elites. The conclusion is that the concept of post-democracy is more useful as a platform of critical reconsideration of democracy than more frequently used concepts of crisis, deficit, decline or transformation. The question of adequacy of particular conceptions of post-democracy is not raised in this article.
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Archibugi, Daniele, and David Held. "Cosmopolitan Democracy: Paths and Agents." Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. 4 (2011): 433–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000360.

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One of the recurrent criticisms of the project of cosmopolitan democracy has been that it has not examined the political, economic and social agents that might have an interest in pursuing this programme. This criticism is addressed directly in this article. It shows that there are a variety of paths that, in their own right, could lead to more democratic global governance, and that there are a diversity of political, economic and social agents that have an interest in the pursuit of these. Cosmopolitan democracy is an open-ended project that aims to increase the accountability, transparency and legitimacy of global governance, and the battery of agents and initiatives outlined highlight the direction and politics required to make it possible.
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Heysse, Tim. "Truth in Democratic Politics." Social Theory and Practice 46, no. 1 (2020): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract202021779.

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This article clarifies the recent epistemic rehabilitation of democracy and adds to it in two respects. First, I point out that the epistemic rehabilitation of democracy identifies an internal connection of democracy with normative truths—but only an external connection with substantial truth and correctness. Second, such an internal connection surfaces when we focus on the place of criticism in democracy. Criticism, however, presupposes pluralism and a recognition of the provisionality of decisions. So I, third, analyse prominent theories of truth and examine what conceptions of pluralism and provisionality they allow. This evokes a view emphasizing the unruly role of truth; criticism introduces a commitment to correctness, and this commitment to correctness underwrites the provisional nature of democratic decisions.
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Kinkley, Jeffrey C., and Ben Xu. "Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism after 1989." World Literature Today 74, no. 4 (2000): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40156131.

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Xu, Ben. "Postmodern-Postcolonial Criticism and Pro-Democracy Enlightenment." Modern China 27, no. 1 (January 2001): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009770040102700104.

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Çelik, Raşit. "JUSTICE, EDUCATION, AND DEMOCRACY: CRITICISM OF NEOLIBERALISM." Philosophia: International Journal of Philosophy 20, no. 2 (June 2019): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.46992/pijp.20.2.a.3.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Criticism of democracy"

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Weiss, Asher. "21st Century Film Criticism: The Evolution of Film Criticism from Professional Intellectual Analysis to a Democratic Phenomenon." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1910.

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Film criticism has changed since its inception and will continue to change moving forward. The evolution of film criticism has largely been a story of the shift from an elite field of intellectual exploration by a few knowledgeable experts to a democratic phenomenon where expert analysis is aggregated and averaged, and the lines are blurred between true expertise and the random opinions of the masses. This paper will address the transition from the birth of film criticism to its popularization through the 90s, to what it has become today. By exploring the nature of film criticism historically and reviewing the key elements of its growth from Victorian times through its emergence as an established field in the 1930s, 40s and 50s and its heyday in the 60s and 70s, we can understand the context of its evolution. This will provide a perspective to view today’s approach to film criticism with a clearer eye and a thorough analysis of film criticism in the digital age. It will demonstrate that more is not always a good thing, and the democratization of film criticism has not necessarily been all good.
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Mihal, Colleen. "Democracy, Citizens' Media, and Resistance: A Study of the New River Free Press." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/10020.

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A central concern of media scholars such as Ben Bagdikian and Robert McChesney is the undemocratic potential of the U.S. mainstream media system, dominated by a small number of highly consolidated, multinational, corporate media firms. In this context, other scholars, including Chris Atton, John Downing, Stephen Duncombe, Nina Eliasoph, and Clemencia Rodriguez, have argued for the importance of citizens' media, defined as citizen-run, non-profit, independent media projects that may have greater democratic potential. Since the majority of research into citizens' media has focused on media from urban cities, this thesis offers discussion and analysis of a progressive citizen'­s paper, the New River Free Press, located in a rural, Appalachian community that is home to a large technical, military, state university. After first reviewing major scholarly criticism of mainstream media in a democratic society and characteristics and debates about citizen'­s media, this thesis uses interviews of key staff members and textual analysis of archived past issues of the New River Free Press to situate the paper in the citizen'­s media literature. Ultimately, this thesis locates citizens' media as a necessity for democratic societies, suggesting methods of resistance against undemocratic practice and the further consolidation and monopolization of the global media system.
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Hedlund, Fredrik, and Mattias Ahlqvist. "Den enda rätta demokratin : en idéanalys av gymnasielitteratur och dess beskrivning av demokratibegreppet." Thesis, Södertörn University College, Lärarutbildningen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1305.

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The right kind of democracy – an ideology analysis of school literatures description of the term democracy.

Writers: Fredrik Hedlund & Mattias Ahlqvist

Democracy is today a word and a concept that in many ways is taken for granted and almost never is reflected on. The concept democracy is also considered as an essential issue in the swedish school system, both regarding the way the education should be managed and also as a part of the students democratic schooling – all according to the comprehensive document Läroplanen för de frivilliga skolformerna (Lpf94).

The main purpose of this paper is to investigate how swedish literature in political and social science talks about and looks upon democracy – what do the books say it means?

The materials we have chosen for this report are the books Zigma and Forum. As metod we are using a textual ideology analysis in which we have created three dimensions – meaning/associations, criticism of democracy, and demos/citizenship. The dimensions are designed to fit our critical point of wiew regarding how democracy is looked upon in school literature today.

Our results have shown that both books gives the same meaning and significance to the word, that no one of the books lifts forth any serious criticism of democracy and that no one of the books is trying to discuss nor question the word demos/citizenship.

Key words: democracy, criticism, demos/citizenship, rights and obligations.

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Bianchini, Fernando Novelli 1973. "A democracia parlamentar na crítica de Carl Schmitt." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279311.

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Orientador: Roberto Romano
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:16:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bianchini_FernandoNovelli_M.pdf: 1389137 bytes, checksum: 00828ecf31df4523661005da345ea174 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: O presente trabalho objetiva analisar, por um lado, as críticas desenvolvidas pelo jurista e filósofo Carl Schmitt à democracia parlamentar representativa, expostas em suas obras publicadas no período compreendido entre as duas guerras mundiais, bem como tenciona elucidar a proposição, pelo autor, de resposta ao problema político e jurídico que é levantado, mediante a construção de um Estado totalitário. Debate o retorno de tais críticas no atual contexto brasileiro e global e introduz os princípios e os instrumentos da democracia participativa, por outro lado, como possível solução para a problemática que hoje é reavivada, sem sugerir, entretanto, a obliteração da democracia representativa. Analisa os fundamentos e mecanismos da democracia participativa, baseada historicamente na liberdade comunal, invocando as lições do jurista e filósofo Alexis de Tocqueville, especialmente quanto à distribuição de poder político. Debate a justiça coletiva e a importância para o pacto federativo nesse contexto, finalizando, assim, a dissertação
Abstract: The following work intends to analyze, in one hand, the criticisms developed by the jurist and philosopher Carl Schmitt to the parliamentary representative democracy, exposed in his works published in the period between the two world wars, and aims to clarify the proposal, made by the author, in response to the political and legal problem that is exposed, by building a totalitarian state. Discusses the return of such criticism in the current brazilian and global contexts and introduces the principles and instruments of the participatory democracy, on the other hand, as a possible solution to the problem which is now revived, without suggesting, however, the obliteration of representative democracy. After that, analyses the foundations and mechanisms of participatory democracy, historically based on communal freedom, invoking the lessons of the jurist and philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville, especially concerning to the distribution of political power. Debate the importance of the collective justice and the federative pact in this context, ending, after that, the dissertation
Mestrado
Filosofia
Mestre em Filosofia
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Hernández, Guerrero Daniel. "Rethinking Source Criticism -Towards the development of an analytical model for evaluation of sources in times of massinformation and fake news." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-91339.

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This thesis discusses source criticism from a critical perspective which encompasses its challenges, demands and possibilities for teaching practice. The questions guiding the core of this research are the following:1) What differentiates people’s activities in the process of evaluating sources? 2) What characterizes an effective practice in critical evaluation of sources? 3) Which criteria, factors and strategies might be important to consider in order to have a successful source critical methodology that promotes the improvement of critical thinking when analysing information and news?The studied materials include data from one survey and 54 semi-structured interviews. The interviews, analysed by using a methodology based on Grounded Theory, led to the development of a concept, critical source criticism (CSC), which define a broad perspective for the analysis of sources, and a related theoretical model (the CSC-model) aimed to be used for didactical purposes. The outcomes from this research suggest that different forms and levels of knowledge in history and social studies (in theory and practice), have a critical impact on the way we interact with information. The results also suggest that the combinations of theories and methodologies, alongside an emphasis on pluralism and multiperspectivity, can turn source criticism into an effective practice to achieve several educational goals. Subsequently, these results, are considered in the development of the proposed model in this thesis. The CSC-model developed in this study could be suitable for the analysis of information such as news, in planning of source-critical based teaching and in source critical discussions. I argue that this methodological structure, can be applied to facilitate the development of critical thinking, as well as other skills and abilities essential for democratic participation. This thesis Includes summaries in Swedish and Spanish as appendices".
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Eriksson, Amanda. "Den kritiska Messengergenerationen : En studie om politiska diskussioner i sociala medier samt skolans roll i att forma kritiskt tänkande individer." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-44205.

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The purpose of the study is to explore how social media can be used as a forum to discuss politics and also how young people use critical reflection to evaluate the information available on social media. To achieve the purpose, a qualitative research is used. The empirical data is collected through semi-structured interviews with six high school students who voted in the Swedish parliamentary elections in/of 2014. The empirical data were then analyzed based on previous research on social media, and the school's mission to foster individuals who think critically. The analysis is also based on the theory of deliberative democracy model. The study shows that social media can be used as a platform for political discussions but it is in a large extent characterized by mudslinging between the sides for and against the various political elements. The survey also shows that the interviewed students do not understand the implications of source criticism. Instead they use critical thinking to determine what is a good or a bad source. The study shows that the deliberative democracy model cannot be applied to social media in its present form, but should be seen as an ideal image of how a deliberative democracy should work.
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Nilsson, Ingmari. "Hur ser idealen om källkritik ut i skolans värld? : Vilka hot från Internet och sociala medier finns mot skolans ideal som ska fostra granskande medborgare i ett demokratiskt samhälle?" Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Pedagogiskt arbete, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-24372.

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I denna litteraturstudie undersöks det vad styrdokumenten säger om källkritik och kritiskt granskande och hur det ska läras ut. Studien har svarat på vilken kritik det finns mot läroplanens intentioner och hur utfallet blivit. Studien tar upp forskning om den praxis som råder när elever i åldrarna årskurs 4 – 6 använder Internet och sociala medier. Läroplanen, kommentarmaterial, analyser av gällande läroplan samt artiklar har belyst en viss frånvaro av kunskap och tillämpning av begreppet källkritik i en skolkontext. Studiens slutsats blir att begreppen källkritik och kritiskt granskande helt borde genomsyra läroplanen och gå tvärsigenom alla ämnen.
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Lafon, Stéphane. "Le rousseauisme, une théorie critique de la démocratie." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MON30033.

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L’étude des textes du philosophe genevois, et en particulier de ses écrits politiques, nous a conduit à interroger la possibilité de voir dans le rousseauisme une théorie critique de la démocratie. Les principes politiques majeurs posés dans le Contrat social, approfondis dans les Lettres écrites de la montagne et rapportés à des cas pratiques dans le Projet de constitution pour la Corse et les Considérations pour le gouvernement de la Pologne, peuvent en fournir les critères d’analyse et de jugement, permettant une mise en perspective sur notre modernité démocratique. Il s’agit premièrement de montrer que les principes de sa pensée politique lui permettent de critiquer, dans les Lettres écrites de la montagne, la dérive oligarchique de la République de Genève de son temps (d’une démocratie au XVe siècle à une oligarchie au XVIIIe siècle) et l’usurpation de la souveraineté par le gouvernement ; deuxièmement de mettre en exergue sa critique des formes de démocratie (représentative, directe et délibérative) ; troisièmement de recenser les interventions critiques que le rousseauisme permet sur la démocratie contemporaine (représentative et libérale) ; quatrièmement de souligner que sa théorie politique permet une prise de conscience du caractère démocratique restreint de la politique contemporaine. En tant que théorie critique de la démocratie, le rousseauisme politique permet de détromper sur ce qu’est une démocratie véritable, tout en en révélant en filigrane une définition spécifique, celle de la souveraineté effective du peuple, d’un pouvoir commun de tous ; une conception de la démocratie que sa théorie du gouvernement, accordant une préférence à un gouvernement de type aristocratique reposant sur la vertu politique en acte et révélant que la forme de cette magistrature n’est pas un critère de démocratie (république), contribue à éclairer. Les différentes interventions critiques (« faibles » : rendre légitime la démocratie représentative ; « fortes » : envisager une transformation des sociétés politiques) du rousseauisme sur la démocratie mettent ainsi en lumière des principes politiques et des moyens, qui interrogent la nature et le fonctionnement des démocraties représentatives contemporaines (suprématie du pouvoir exécutif, dépossession de fait de la souveraineté du peuple). La pensée politique du Genevois invite à rechercher les moyens d’une expression réelle de la souveraineté du peuple dans le cadre de sa définition forte d’une démocratie participative absolue, au sens où elle commande la participation effective de tous les citoyens au législatif, condition de dégagement de la volonté générale. Une démocratie véritable doit garantir un pouvoir de critique et de contrôle réel de l’action de l’exécutif par le pouvoir législatif. Le rousseauisme politique peut alors prendre la forme d’une prophylaxie de la dérive oligarchique de la démocratie, l’actualisation de la vertu politique agissant alors comme l’expédient privilégié. De là mesure-t-on l’importance de penser les moyens de la réalisation de cette vertu, les moyens préventifs d’une neutralisation des ferments oligarchiques de toute société politique qui rendent impossible l’expression de la volonté générale
Studies of the Genevan philosopher’s writings, and particularly his politic ones, leads us to question the possibility of seeing a critical theory about democracy in rousseauism. The major political principles set in Contrat social, refined in Lettres écrites de la montagne and applied to practical cases in Considérations pour le gouvernement de la Pologne and Projet de constitution pour la Corse, can provide the analysis standard sand judgment that allows to put into perspective our democratic modernity. Firstly, it is about showing that the principles of his political thinking, in Lettres écrites de la montagne, allow him to criticize the oligarchical drift of Geneva’s Republic (from a democracy in the XVst century to an oligarchy in the XVIIIst century) and government’s usurpation of sovereignty. Secondly, it is about highlighting his criticism of democracy’s forms (representative, direct, deliberative). Thirdly, it is about identifying critical comments that Rousseauism makes possible towards contemporary democracy (representative and liberal). Fourthly, it is about emphasizing his political theory as a meaning to raise awareness of the fact that democracy is restricted in the contemporary policy. As a critical theory of democracy, political Rousseauism clarifies what is a true democracy or not and, in the same time, it unveils a specific definition of a common power, the people’s effective sovereignty. This is a conception of democracy that his theory about government contributes to enlighten - preferring an aristocratic government leaning on an active political virtue and revealing that the form of this legal authority is not a criteria for democracy (republic). Different critical interventions of Rousseauism about democracy (“weak”: legitimating representative democracy, “strong”: considering a transformation of politic societies) highlight political principles and means that question the nature and operation of contemporary representative democracies (supremacy of the executive power, and hence dispossession of the people’s sovereignty). The political thinking of the Genevan philosopher invites to look for the means of a true expression of people’s sovereignty in the context of his definition of absolute participative democracy, in the way that it commands the effective participation of all citizens to legislative, condition for a retrieval of general will. A true democracy must ensure an ability of criticism and an actual control of executive power’s actions through the legislative power. Thus, political Rousseauism can appear as a prophylaxis of the democracy’s oligarchical drift, the update of political virtue hence act as the privileged expedient. From there we can assess the importance of thinking the means of achieving this virtue, the preventive means of a neutralisation of the oligarchical ferments of any political society that make impossible general will’s expression
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Gnata, Noa Piatã Bassfeld. "Refundando a solidariedade social no direito previdenciário." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2138/tde-09122014-134818/.

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A solidariedade social é princípio fundante do Estado e do Direito, elevada na disciplina constitucional a núcleo do ordenamento jurídico. Na fase atual de evolução da civilização, o Direito Social, a construção da solidariedade social implica a realização concreta das finalidades constitucionais de inclusão e justiça sociais, na perspectiva material e teleológica da democracia, por meio dos instrumentos tributários e financeiros necessários, com a participação do Estado e da sociedade no financiamento da consecução daquelas atividades-fim. Uma das expressões da solidariedade social do Direito Social na sociedade capitalista baseada na exploração do trabalho é a existência efetiva da Previdência Social, que proteja os trabalhadores de infortúnios. A proteção da universalidade dos trabalhadores em Regime Geral de filiação obrigatória realiza a aspiração de solidariedade social. A filiação obrigatória enseja segurança obrigatória, e independe do atendimento do caráter contributivo no caso concreto, tendo em vista a estrutura de normas constitucionais integradas protetivas do trabalhador, que não induzem a interpenetração das relações jurídicas previdenciária e tributária decorrentes do trabalho, que são autônomas, distintas e incomunicáveis, à exceção dos prazos de carência, quando exigidos, em certos casos. A interpretação conforme a solidariedade social, a partir da experiência da teoria hermenêutica, da estrutura constitucional dos regimes de previdência, evidencia a impropriedade flagrante com que o instituto vem sendo tratado na doutrina, nos tribunais e na atividade legislativa decorrente. Este trabalho propõe a reconstrução da interpretação do instituto, com a apresentação de sua construção histórica e dos desvios da experiência pós-constitucional, para dar contornos claros ao conteúdo jurídico conforme as aspirações democráticas do pacto social traduzido na Constituição da República.
Social solidarity is a founding principle of the State and of law. The historic building of the democratic state of law raised the constitutional discipline to the core of law. At the current stage of development of society, the social law, building social solidarity implies the concrete realization of the constitutional purposes of inclusion and social justice at material and teleological perspectives of democracy, through tax and financial instruments needed, with the participation of State and society in financing activities for the achievement of those goals. One of the expressions of social solidarity at Social Law is the actual existence of Social Security, which protects workers from misfortunes. The protection of the universality of workers at the General Board of compulsory membership performs the aspiration for social solidarity. The compulsory membership entails mandatory security, and independent of the contributory duty situation, given the structure of integrated protective constitutional requirements of the worker, who did not induce fluency of social security and tax legal relations arising from the fact itself of working, except in certain situations. The interpretation under social solidarity, at the experience of hermeneutical theory and the constitutional structure of pension schemes, demonstrates the blatant impropriety with which the institute is being addressed in the doctrine, the courts and the resulting legislative activity. This paper proposes the reconstruction of the interpretation of the institute, with the presentation of its historical construction and deviations from post- constitutional experience, to enlighten the legal content as the democratic aspirations of the social pact translated in the Constitution outlines.
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Kupfer, Sara M. "Michael Walzer’s Moral Critique of American Foreign Policy in the Context of the Post-War American Foreign Policy Debate." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1070554581.

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Books on the topic "Criticism of democracy"

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Xu, Ben. Disenchanted democracy: Chinese criticism after 1989. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999.

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Brown, Arthur H. Europe after democracy. South Plainfield, N.J: Bridge Pub., 1993.

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Dostoevsky's democracy. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008.

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Morrissey, Lee. The constitution of literature: Literacy, democracy, and early English literary criticism. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2008.

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Morrissey, Lee. The constitution of literature: Literacy, democracy, and early English literary criticism. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2008.

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The case against the democratic state: An essay in cultural criticism. Thorverton: Imprint Academic, 2002.

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Akinwale, Ayo, and Amed P. Yerimah. Theatre and democracy in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Kraft Books, 2002.

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Melville's art of democracy. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1995.

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Poetry in the age of democracy: The literary criticism of Matthew Arnold. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 1989.

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Schneider, Mary W. Poetry in the age of democracy: The literary criticism of Matthew Arnold. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Criticism of democracy"

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Rubin, Abraham. "The shifting landscape of Jewishness in contemporary Kafka criticism." In Democracy, Dialogue, Memory, 153–67. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in social and political thought: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315122311-11.

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von Beyme, Klaus. "Criticism of Politics in the Old Media and the ‘Citizenship in Rage’ (Wutbürgertum) in the New Media." In From Post-democracy to Neo-Democracy, 12–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66661-7_2.

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Svensson, Göran. "Social Media as Civic Space for Media Criticism and Journalism Hate." In Managing Democracy in the Digital Age, 201–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61708-4_11.

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Nylen, William R. "Examining the Claims of Critics of the Participatory Budget." In Participatory Democracy versus Elitist Democracy, 91–130. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403980304_7.

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Dacombe, Rod. "Responding to Democracy’s Critics." In Rethinking Civic Participation in Democratic Theory and Practice, 169–90. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58825-8_8.

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Weiler, Joseph H. H. "Not on Bread Alone Doth Man Liveth (Deut. 8:3; Mat 4:4): Some Iconoclastic Views on Populism, Democracy, the Rule of Law and the Polish Circumstance." In Defending Checks and Balances in EU Member States, 3–13. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62317-6_1.

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Abstract:
AbstractPolarization in today’s politics, pre- and post COVID, transcends nations, states regions and continents. It’s a feature of politics which, in and on itself, when played to extremes by demonizing one’s opponents, it threatens democracy itself—since it frays the demos some cohesion of which is necessary for the legitimacy of majoritarianism, one of the pillars of national democracies. Its lexical manifestation is to be found with expressions such as ‘traitors’ or ‘not real’ Americans, Italians, Israelis—take your pick and fill in the gap.It has, lamentably in my view, a spillover effect also into the academic world of scholarship. A word of criticism of, say, the European Court of Justice instantly brands you a ‘Eurosceptic’ and one of ‘them’. To speak of Universal Values, casts you as an enemy of this or that national cause. This is not to say, not at all, that one cannot bring to one’s scholarship a fully engaged normative and ethical commitment, especially in the field of law which has, or should have, at its roots a commitment to justice. But it militates against careful listening, complex reasoning and understanding and more fine grained normative judgments. Justice is oftentimes not black and white.It is particularly so when it comes to dealing with the phenomenon of Populism which has moved from the fringe to the center of politics. Trying to understand Populism is not akin to justifying it.
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Mancini, Paolo. "The Idea of ‘Systems’ in Media Studies: Criticisms, Risks, Advantages." In Can the Media Serve Democracy?, 21–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137467928_2.

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Patriquin, Larry. "Elite Critics of Popular Rule." In Economic Equality and Direct Democracy in Ancient Athens, 59–66. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137503480_5.

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Hogg, Russell. "Punishment and ‘the People’: Rescuing Populism from its Critics." In Crime, Justice and Social Democracy, 105–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137008695_7.

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"Internal Criticism." In On Justifying Democracy, 95–98. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203707739-33.

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