Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Criticism of democracy'

Film criticism has changed since its inception and will continue to change moving forward. The evolution of film criticism has largely been a story of the shift from an elite field of intellectual exploration by a few knowledgeable experts to a democratic phenomenon where expert analysis is aggregated and averaged, and the lines are blurred between true expertise and the random opinions of the masses. This paper will address the transition from the birth of film criticism to its popularization through the 90s, to what it has become today. By exploring the nature of film criticism historically and reviewing the key elements of its growth from Victorian times through its emergence as an established field in the 1930s, 40s and 50s and its heyday in the 60s and 70s, we can understand the context of its evolution. This will provide a perspective to view today’s approach to film criticism with a clearer eye and a thorough analysis of film criticism in the digital age. It will demonstrate that more is not always a good thing, and the democratization of film criticism has not necessarily been all good.

A central concern of media scholars such as Ben Bagdikian and Robert McChesney is the undemocratic potential of the U.S. mainstream media system, dominated by a small number of highly consolidated, multinational, corporate media firms. In this context, other scholars, including Chris Atton, John Downing, Stephen Duncombe, Nina Eliasoph, and Clemencia Rodriguez, have argued for the importance of citizens' media, defined as citizen-run, non-profit, independent media projects that may have greater democratic potential. Since the majority of research into citizens' media has focused on media from urban cities, this thesis offers discussion and analysis of a progressive citizen'­s paper, the New River Free Press, located in a rural, Appalachian community that is home to a large technical, military, state university. After first reviewing major scholarly criticism of mainstream media in a democratic society and characteristics and debates about citizen'­s media, this thesis uses interviews of key staff members and textual analysis of archived past issues of the New River Free Press to situate the paper in the citizen'­s media literature. Ultimately, this thesis locates citizens' media as a necessity for democratic societies, suggesting methods of resistance against undemocratic practice and the further consolidation and monopolization of the global media system.
Master of Arts

The right kind of democracy – an ideology analysis of school literatures description of the term democracy.

Writers: Fredrik Hedlund & Mattias Ahlqvist

Democracy is today a word and a concept that in many ways is taken for granted and almost never is reflected on. The concept democracy is also considered as an essential issue in the swedish school system, both regarding the way the education should be managed and also as a part of the students democratic schooling – all according to the comprehensive document Läroplanen för de frivilliga skolformerna (Lpf94).

The main purpose of this paper is to investigate how swedish literature in political and social science talks about and looks upon democracy – what do the books say it means?

The materials we have chosen for this report are the books Zigma and Forum. As metod we are using a textual ideology analysis in which we have created three dimensions – meaning/associations, criticism of democracy, and demos/citizenship. The dimensions are designed to fit our critical point of wiew regarding how democracy is looked upon in school literature today.

Our results have shown that both books gives the same meaning and significance to the word, that no one of the books lifts forth any serious criticism of democracy and that no one of the books is trying to discuss nor question the word demos/citizenship.

Key words: democracy, criticism, demos/citizenship, rights and obligations.

Orientador: Roberto Romano
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:16:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bianchini_FernandoNovelli_M.pdf: 1389137 bytes, checksum: 00828ecf31df4523661005da345ea174 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: O presente trabalho objetiva analisar, por um lado, as críticas desenvolvidas pelo jurista e filósofo Carl Schmitt à democracia parlamentar representativa, expostas em suas obras publicadas no período compreendido entre as duas guerras mundiais, bem como tenciona elucidar a proposição, pelo autor, de resposta ao problema político e jurídico que é levantado, mediante a construção de um Estado totalitário. Debate o retorno de tais críticas no atual contexto brasileiro e global e introduz os princípios e os instrumentos da democracia participativa, por outro lado, como possível solução para a problemática que hoje é reavivada, sem sugerir, entretanto, a obliteração da democracia representativa. Analisa os fundamentos e mecanismos da democracia participativa, baseada historicamente na liberdade comunal, invocando as lições do jurista e filósofo Alexis de Tocqueville, especialmente quanto à distribuição de poder político. Debate a justiça coletiva e a importância para o pacto federativo nesse contexto, finalizando, assim, a dissertação
Abstract: The following work intends to analyze, in one hand, the criticisms developed by the jurist and philosopher Carl Schmitt to the parliamentary representative democracy, exposed in his works published in the period between the two world wars, and aims to clarify the proposal, made by the author, in response to the political and legal problem that is exposed, by building a totalitarian state. Discusses the return of such criticism in the current brazilian and global contexts and introduces the principles and instruments of the participatory democracy, on the other hand, as a possible solution to the problem which is now revived, without suggesting, however, the obliteration of representative democracy. After that, analyses the foundations and mechanisms of participatory democracy, historically based on communal freedom, invoking the lessons of the jurist and philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville, especially concerning to the distribution of political power. Debate the importance of the collective justice and the federative pact in this context, ending, after that, the dissertation
Mestrado
Filosofia
Mestre em Filosofia

This thesis discusses source criticism from a critical perspective which encompasses its challenges, demands and possibilities for teaching practice. The questions guiding the core of this research are the following:1) What differentiates people’s activities in the process of evaluating sources? 2) What characterizes an effective practice in critical evaluation of sources? 3) Which criteria, factors and strategies might be important to consider in order to have a successful source critical methodology that promotes the improvement of critical thinking when analysing information and news?The studied materials include data from one survey and 54 semi-structured interviews. The interviews, analysed by using a methodology based on Grounded Theory, led to the development of a concept, critical source criticism (CSC), which define a broad perspective for the analysis of sources, and a related theoretical model (the CSC-model) aimed to be used for didactical purposes. The outcomes from this research suggest that different forms and levels of knowledge in history and social studies (in theory and practice), have a critical impact on the way we interact with information. The results also suggest that the combinations of theories and methodologies, alongside an emphasis on pluralism and multiperspectivity, can turn source criticism into an effective practice to achieve several educational goals. Subsequently, these results, are considered in the development of the proposed model in this thesis. The CSC-model developed in this study could be suitable for the analysis of information such as news, in planning of source-critical based teaching and in source critical discussions. I argue that this methodological structure, can be applied to facilitate the development of critical thinking, as well as other skills and abilities essential for democratic participation. This thesis Includes summaries in Swedish and Spanish as appendices".

The purpose of the study is to explore how social media can be used as a forum to discuss politics and also how young people use critical reflection to evaluate the information available on social media. To achieve the purpose, a qualitative research is used. The empirical data is collected through semi-structured interviews with six high school students who voted in the Swedish parliamentary elections in/of 2014. The empirical data were then analyzed based on previous research on social media, and the school's mission to foster individuals who think critically. The analysis is also based on the theory of deliberative democracy model. The study shows that social media can be used as a platform for political discussions but it is in a large extent characterized by mudslinging between the sides for and against the various political elements. The survey also shows that the interviewed students do not understand the implications of source criticism. Instead they use critical thinking to determine what is a good or a bad source. The study shows that the deliberative democracy model cannot be applied to social media in its present form, but should be seen as an ideal image of how a deliberative democracy should work.

I denna litteraturstudie undersöks det vad styrdokumenten säger om källkritik och kritiskt granskande och hur det ska läras ut. Studien har svarat på vilken kritik det finns mot läroplanens intentioner och hur utfallet blivit. Studien tar upp forskning om den praxis som råder när elever i åldrarna årskurs 4 – 6 använder Internet och sociala medier. Läroplanen, kommentarmaterial, analyser av gällande läroplan samt artiklar har belyst en viss frånvaro av kunskap och tillämpning av begreppet källkritik i en skolkontext. Studiens slutsats blir att begreppen källkritik och kritiskt granskande helt borde genomsyra läroplanen och gå tvärsigenom alla ämnen.

L’étude des textes du philosophe genevois, et en particulier de ses écrits politiques, nous a conduit à interroger la possibilité de voir dans le rousseauisme une théorie critique de la démocratie. Les principes politiques majeurs posés dans le Contrat social, approfondis dans les Lettres écrites de la montagne et rapportés à des cas pratiques dans le Projet de constitution pour la Corse et les Considérations pour le gouvernement de la Pologne, peuvent en fournir les critères d’analyse et de jugement, permettant une mise en perspective sur notre modernité démocratique. Il s’agit premièrement de montrer que les principes de sa pensée politique lui permettent de critiquer, dans les Lettres écrites de la montagne, la dérive oligarchique de la République de Genève de son temps (d’une démocratie au XVe siècle à une oligarchie au XVIIIe siècle) et l’usurpation de la souveraineté par le gouvernement ; deuxièmement de mettre en exergue sa critique des formes de démocratie (représentative, directe et délibérative) ; troisièmement de recenser les interventions critiques que le rousseauisme permet sur la démocratie contemporaine (représentative et libérale) ; quatrièmement de souligner que sa théorie politique permet une prise de conscience du caractère démocratique restreint de la politique contemporaine. En tant que théorie critique de la démocratie, le rousseauisme politique permet de détromper sur ce qu’est une démocratie véritable, tout en en révélant en filigrane une définition spécifique, celle de la souveraineté effective du peuple, d’un pouvoir commun de tous ; une conception de la démocratie que sa théorie du gouvernement, accordant une préférence à un gouvernement de type aristocratique reposant sur la vertu politique en acte et révélant que la forme de cette magistrature n’est pas un critère de démocratie (république), contribue à éclairer. Les différentes interventions critiques (« faibles » : rendre légitime la démocratie représentative ; « fortes » : envisager une transformation des sociétés politiques) du rousseauisme sur la démocratie mettent ainsi en lumière des principes politiques et des moyens, qui interrogent la nature et le fonctionnement des démocraties représentatives contemporaines (suprématie du pouvoir exécutif, dépossession de fait de la souveraineté du peuple). La pensée politique du Genevois invite à rechercher les moyens d’une expression réelle de la souveraineté du peuple dans le cadre de sa définition forte d’une démocratie participative absolue, au sens où elle commande la participation effective de tous les citoyens au législatif, condition de dégagement de la volonté générale. Une démocratie véritable doit garantir un pouvoir de critique et de contrôle réel de l’action de l’exécutif par le pouvoir législatif. Le rousseauisme politique peut alors prendre la forme d’une prophylaxie de la dérive oligarchique de la démocratie, l’actualisation de la vertu politique agissant alors comme l’expédient privilégié. De là mesure-t-on l’importance de penser les moyens de la réalisation de cette vertu, les moyens préventifs d’une neutralisation des ferments oligarchiques de toute société politique qui rendent impossible l’expression de la volonté générale
Studies of the Genevan philosopher’s writings, and particularly his politic ones, leads us to question the possibility of seeing a critical theory about democracy in rousseauism. The major political principles set in Contrat social, refined in Lettres écrites de la montagne and applied to practical cases in Considérations pour le gouvernement de la Pologne and Projet de constitution pour la Corse, can provide the analysis standard sand judgment that allows to put into perspective our democratic modernity. Firstly, it is about showing that the principles of his political thinking, in Lettres écrites de la montagne, allow him to criticize the oligarchical drift of Geneva’s Republic (from a democracy in the XVst century to an oligarchy in the XVIIIst century) and government’s usurpation of sovereignty. Secondly, it is about highlighting his criticism of democracy’s forms (representative, direct, deliberative). Thirdly, it is about identifying critical comments that Rousseauism makes possible towards contemporary democracy (representative and liberal). Fourthly, it is about emphasizing his political theory as a meaning to raise awareness of the fact that democracy is restricted in the contemporary policy. As a critical theory of democracy, political Rousseauism clarifies what is a true democracy or not and, in the same time, it unveils a specific definition of a common power, the people’s effective sovereignty. This is a conception of democracy that his theory about government contributes to enlighten - preferring an aristocratic government leaning on an active political virtue and revealing that the form of this legal authority is not a criteria for democracy (republic). Different critical interventions of Rousseauism about democracy (“weak”: legitimating representative democracy, “strong”: considering a transformation of politic societies) highlight political principles and means that question the nature and operation of contemporary representative democracies (supremacy of the executive power, and hence dispossession of the people’s sovereignty). The political thinking of the Genevan philosopher invites to look for the means of a true expression of people’s sovereignty in the context of his definition of absolute participative democracy, in the way that it commands the effective participation of all citizens to legislative, condition for a retrieval of general will. A true democracy must ensure an ability of criticism and an actual control of executive power’s actions through the legislative power. Thus, political Rousseauism can appear as a prophylaxis of the democracy’s oligarchical drift, the update of political virtue hence act as the privileged expedient. From there we can assess the importance of thinking the means of achieving this virtue, the preventive means of a neutralisation of the oligarchical ferments of any political society that make impossible general will’s expression

A solidariedade social é princípio fundante do Estado e do Direito, elevada na disciplina constitucional a núcleo do ordenamento jurídico. Na fase atual de evolução da civilização, o Direito Social, a construção da solidariedade social implica a realização concreta das finalidades constitucionais de inclusão e justiça sociais, na perspectiva material e teleológica da democracia, por meio dos instrumentos tributários e financeiros necessários, com a participação do Estado e da sociedade no financiamento da consecução daquelas atividades-fim. Uma das expressões da solidariedade social do Direito Social na sociedade capitalista baseada na exploração do trabalho é a existência efetiva da Previdência Social, que proteja os trabalhadores de infortúnios. A proteção da universalidade dos trabalhadores em Regime Geral de filiação obrigatória realiza a aspiração de solidariedade social. A filiação obrigatória enseja segurança obrigatória, e independe do atendimento do caráter contributivo no caso concreto, tendo em vista a estrutura de normas constitucionais integradas protetivas do trabalhador, que não induzem a interpenetração das relações jurídicas previdenciária e tributária decorrentes do trabalho, que são autônomas, distintas e incomunicáveis, à exceção dos prazos de carência, quando exigidos, em certos casos. A interpretação conforme a solidariedade social, a partir da experiência da teoria hermenêutica, da estrutura constitucional dos regimes de previdência, evidencia a impropriedade flagrante com que o instituto vem sendo tratado na doutrina, nos tribunais e na atividade legislativa decorrente. Este trabalho propõe a reconstrução da interpretação do instituto, com a apresentação de sua construção histórica e dos desvios da experiência pós-constitucional, para dar contornos claros ao conteúdo jurídico conforme as aspirações democráticas do pacto social traduzido na Constituição da República.
Social solidarity is a founding principle of the State and of law. The historic building of the democratic state of law raised the constitutional discipline to the core of law. At the current stage of development of society, the social law, building social solidarity implies the concrete realization of the constitutional purposes of inclusion and social justice at material and teleological perspectives of democracy, through tax and financial instruments needed, with the participation of State and society in financing activities for the achievement of those goals. One of the expressions of social solidarity at Social Law is the actual existence of Social Security, which protects workers from misfortunes. The protection of the universality of workers at the General Board of compulsory membership performs the aspiration for social solidarity. The compulsory membership entails mandatory security, and independent of the contributory duty situation, given the structure of integrated protective constitutional requirements of the worker, who did not induce fluency of social security and tax legal relations arising from the fact itself of working, except in certain situations. The interpretation under social solidarity, at the experience of hermeneutical theory and the constitutional structure of pension schemes, demonstrates the blatant impropriety with which the institute is being addressed in the doctrine, the courts and the resulting legislative activity. This paper proposes the reconstruction of the interpretation of the institute, with the presentation of its historical construction and deviations from post- constitutional experience, to enlighten the legal content as the democratic aspirations of the social pact translated in the Constitution outlines.

L'intérêt de l'humanité pour la connaissance se joue sur deux fronts : celui de la réduction de l'ignorance, et celui de l'action tant individuelle que collective. Aussi la manière dont nous acquérons le savoir est-elle essentielle, parce qu'elle préjuge aussi bien de notre perception du monde que de notre conscience de nous-mêmes et de la société. Car si, avec la raison comme alliée, l'homme se découvre des potentialités illimitées, nous aurions pourtant tort de passe outre une stricte réalité, celle de notre ignorance infinie, celle, au fond, de notre incapacité à cerner, de façon sûre et certaine, quoi que ce soit de ce monde complexe et en évolution constante qui nous accueille. C'est pourquoi, pour Karl Popper, toute rationalité véritable doit être critique, c'est-à-dire pluraliste et débattante, seule façon de considérer objectivement l'écart qui nous sépare de la vérité et, par suite, d'agir avec prudence et discernement, dans l'intérêt de la science comme dans celui de la collectivité.

This study has developed a tool for explaining why employees fail to speak up with regard to work related criticism; there is a hidden policy of silence that teaches employees to remain silent. This hidden policy is here designated as the "Curriculum Silentium" and is described in detail on the basis of empirical and theoretical data. After identifying a gap between the intentionally and experienced policy for employees freedom of speech in organizations I suggest that there are on-going unofficial, partially hidden learning processes in the organizations. The overall research question is; How does the Curriculum Silentium; the hidden policy of silence among employees, look like?  I make an analytic construction of the hidden policy as if it were planned policy, using the didactic categories applicable to organizations. These didactic categories are: goals, content, teaching strategies and the motivation of employees. The empirical data was collected in three different organizations: an elementary school, a home for the elderly and a factory in the process industry, using qualitative methods such as interviews and observation. The theoretical foundation of the study is taken from existing theory within the field of work life research and educational science. The study is not a comparative study of the three organizations, but does involve a comparison of whether and how the Curriculum Silentium is expressed in three such different organizations. The challenge of examining hidden relationships in organizations was met through the development of guidelines for an analytical approach called a critical didactic relations analysis. The study concludes that a hidden policy of silence resembling that presented here exists in organizations where employees fail to voice working life related criticism.

Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas kriskommunikativa försvar efter kritiken som uppkom mot partiet i samband med högerextremisten Anders Behring Breiviks massmord på Utöya 2011. I detta har jag ur ett narrativt perspektiv undersökt partiledaren Jimmie Åkessons förklaring till krisen och hur denna samspelar med partiets interna berättelse. Den första delen av resultaten visar att Åkesson strukturerar ett narrativ där uppkomsten av krisen för Sverigedemokraterna förklaras genom att det bedrivs en häxjakt på partiet. Den andra delen av resultaten visar att Åkesson genom dikotomisering använder den uppkomna krisen för att förstärka Sverigedemokraternas roll som antietablissemangsparti. I hans krisberättelse tillskrivs kritikerna och Breivik liknande egenskaper, vilket betyder att de står som en gemensam bov i narrativet. Detta i motsats till Sverigedemokraterna som i istället får rollen som en hjälte - demokratins beskyddare i Sverige.
This paper examines the communicative crisis defense of the Sweden democrats after the criticism that appeared after the mass murder by the right-wing extremist Anders Behring Breivik at Utöya in 2011. In this analysis a narrative examination is made of the party leader Åkessons explanation to why the crisis emerged and how his apology interacts with the party’s internal story. The first part of the results shows that Åkesson structures a narrative where the society’s witch hunt on the party stands as an explanation to why the crisis has emerged. The second part of the analysis shows that Åkesson uses the crisis to strengthen the role of the Sweden democrats as an anti-establishment party by using dichotomies. In his crisis narrative he attributes similar characteristics to his critics and Breivik. The consequence of this is that the two actors stand as a collective villain in the narrative. To the contrary, the Sweden democrats became a hero in the narrative - the protector of democracy in Sweden.

El primer número de “Tele/eXprés” salió a la calle la tarde del 16 de septiembre de 1964 con el reto de ser el primer periódico privado que se editaba en Cataluña tras la Guerra Civil Española. En sus dieciséis años de existencia, se erigió en el diario de la progresía barcelonesa, siendo su etapa central -propiedad del conde de Godó y dirigido por Manuel Ibáñez Escofet- la más fructífera en el orden literario y cultural. Es entonces cuando se crea, por ejemplo, el suplemento “Tele/eXprés Literario”, que se convirtió en un referente del sector más crítico de la sociedad. El períodico, de edición vespertina y cobertura en Barcelona, propició el diálogo entre las diferentes memorias colectivas y alternativas a la oficial del Régimen. Las conexiones entre la España de preguerra y de posguerra; entre la España del exilio y la interior; entre la literatura autóctona y la extranjera, especialmente la alemana, la inglesa y la hispanoamericana; o entre la oficialidad del Franquismo y la cultura alternativa, minoritaria, de las denominadas lenguas periféricas, las literaturas extrañas y la narrativa de mujer… mantuvieron viva la cultura, en un contexto más propicio, como herramienta para desarrollar el juicio crítico y la sociedad.
Tele/eXprés was first pubished the evening of September 16, 1964 with the aim of becoming the first privately-owned newspaper in Catalonia after the Spanish Civil War. It run for 16 years and became very popular among the liberal groups in Barcelona. Count of Godó was the owner of the paper when it reached its heyday under the editorial leadership of Manuel Ibáñez Escofet. Those were the most productive years of Tele/eXprés in the literary and cultural fields. It is in that time when the “Tele/eXprés Literario” supplement was created. It would later on become a favourite publication among the most critical groups of society. This evening newspaper, which covered the news in Barcelona, contributed to plurality with its collective reports, which gave an alternative view to that of the regime. Pre-war and post-war Spain; Spain as seen from the exile and from within; national and foreign literature -especially German, English and Spanish-American works-; the official recognition of Francoism and a minority alternative culture of the so-called peripheral languages, the uncommon literature and women’s fiction. All these connected elements kept culture alive to serve as a tool to develope critical thinking in the individual and society as a whole.

This study aims to provide answers to whether the politics of the Swedish Democrats contains elements of xenophobia. The Swedish Democrats have become a major political party in Sweden. Today they are the Swedish parliament's third largest political party. Due to an ambition to grow as a party even more, the Swedish Democrats have a stated ambition of zero tolerance against racists. Nevertheless, the party has continued to build its policy on an immigration-critical agenda. Other parliamentary parties have so far not wanted to cooperate with the Swedish Democrats with reference to the party's xenophobic policy. However, if the Swedish Democrats continue to grow in size as a party, it will become increasingly difficult for other parties to continue ignoring the party's influence in the Swedish parliament. The study has consisted of rhetorical analysis of the Swedish Democrats party platforms from the party's formation until today. This analysis shows that the image the party gives of itself in the party platform has not changed significantly since the party was formed. However, the latest party platform of the Swedish Democrats includes more features of xenophobia than their first party program did. The policy of the Sweden Democrats thus still contains xenophobic elements.

I valupptakten hösten 2010 fick Sverigedemokraternas två valfilmer oerhört genomslag i media, och hade inte mindre än en halv miljon visningar på Youtube, på bara några få dagar. Denna här uppsatsen undersöker vilka strategier som ligger bakom ett sådant genomslag i media. Frågeställningen försöker besvara vilka verklighetsbeskrivningar som TV4 respektive Sverigedemokraterna (SD) ger i sitt pressmaterial angående lanseringen av SD:s två valfilmer, och vad de får för effekter. Uppsatsen analyserar nyckelord som används, vilken ram de sätter på situationen och om SD använder sig av anti-etablissemangsstrategin. Den diskuterar också omkring problemformuleringsprivilegiet, det vill säga att den som formulerar frågeställningen alltid äger tolkningsföreträdet till den. Uppsatsens slutsats är att SD:s strategi vid lanseringen av valfilmen var att synliggöra och förstärka avståndet mellan SD och etablissemanget, såväl till politiska partier som till media. SD använde sig av de egna problemformuleringarna massinvandring och censur, som i sin tur skapade egna ramar, till vilka enbart SD hade tolkningsföreträde. SD:s ramar stämmer tydligt överrens med vilka kriterier ett politiskt parti måste ha för att använda sig av anti-etablissemangsstrategin.
In the fall of 2010 during the election, the Swedish Democrats launched two election movies who got a enormous breakthrough in the media. They got over half a million views on Youtube in just a few days. This essay investigates what strategies that lays behind the breakthrough in the Swedish media. The inquiry tries to answer what description of reality that TV4 and the Swedish Democrats leaves in their press material concerning the launch of the Swedish Democrats two election movies and following effects. The essay analyses keywords in these movies, the frame of the situation and if the Swedish Democrats uses the anti-establishment strategy. It also discuss the problem formulation privilege, which means that the person who formulate the inquiry always own the right to interpret the inquiry. The conclusion of the essay is that the Swedish Democrats strategy during the launch of the election movies, was to expose and strengthen the distance between the Swedish Democrats and the establishment. As well as between other political parties and media. The Swedish Democrats formulate their own problem formulation using words as “mass migration” and “censorship”. With these two words they create their own frames that gives the Swedish Democrats the total interpret of the words. The frames that the Swedish Democrats are using, agrees with the criteria of what a political party must contain to use the anti-establishment strategy.

碩士
國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
100
The quality of democracy is the new concept of democratic research in modern times. People study the quality of democracy views democracy as the main product of political system. The procedure, content and outcome of political system are the criteria for measuring what a good democracy is. The study in quality of democracy can remind government of the shortcoming they have. However, it was evident that in many cases democratic evaluations from people didn’t directly reflect the performance of government. The evaluation of the quality of democracy may be affected by other factors. As a result, this article focuses on how citizens evaluate the quality of democracy. In this article, we use “Critics” and “The biased” of quality of democracy to be the substitutes for “critical citizens” and “election winners.” What we want to know is whether “Critics” and “The biased” may affect the evaluation of citizens or not. The hypothesis here is that critical citizens may have low evaluations because of their high standards of democracy and election winners may have high evaluation because of bias which exists between electee and voter. By using data from the third wave of the Asia Barometer Survey in Taiwan 2011, this article reveals that “Critics” and “The biased” of the quality of democracy actually have real impact on the dimension of the quality of democracy including procedure, content, result, and governance. Furthermore, the more abstract the indices of evaluation are, the more easily the indices of evaluation will be influenced by personal subjective perception. The specific indices of evaluation are less influenced by personal subjective perception. In conclusion, the quality of democracy may not be as fair as our imagination. There are too many factors that intervene in the evaluations of the quality of democracy.

Taking as its pretext the contemporary moment of self-reflexive critique on the part of interdisciplinary programs like Women's Studies and American Studies, Reading Democracy historicizes a black feminist literary critical practice and movement that developed alongside black feminist activism beginning in the 1970s. This dissertation addresses the future direction of scholarship based in Women's Studies and African-American Studies by focusing on the institutionalized political effects of Women's Liberation and the black liberation movements: the canonization of black women's writing and the development of a black feminist critical practice. Tracing a variety of conceptions of black feminist criticism over the course of two decades, I argue that this critical tradition is virtually indefinable apart from its anthological framing and that its literary objects illustrate the radical democratic constitution of black women's political subjectivity.

The editors of such anthologies of African American women's writing and black feminist practice as Toni Cade Bambara's The Black Woman (1970), Mary Helen Washington's Black-Eyed Susans (1975), and Barbara Smith's Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology (1984) articulate the relationship of political praxis to creative enterprise and intellectual activity. In the case of Smith's anthology, for example, "coalition politics" emerges as the ideal democratic practice by which individuals constitute political identities, consolidate around political principles, and negotiate political demands.

Situating anthologies of black women's writing in relation to the social movement politics of the 1960s and 1970s, Reading Democracy explores how black feminist projects in the academy and the arts materialized the democratic principles of modern politics in the United States, understanding these principles as ethical desires that inspire self-constitution and creative and scholarly production. Constructing a literary critical and publication history, this dissertation identifies the democratic principles that the anthologies in this study materialize by analyzing them alongside the novels and short stories published during the 1970s and 1980s that they excerpt or otherwise reference, such as Toni Morrison's The Bluest Eye (1970), Audre Lorde's Zami: A New Spelling of My Name (1982), and Paule Marshall's Praisesong for the Widow (1983). The anthology facilitates the analysis of the single creative work's black feminist consciousness. Using the critical terms of democratic theory to mark the fulfillment of a political theory of black women's writing, as Smith first proposed, this dissertation arrives at a sense of democracy as a strategic zone of embodiment and a modern political imaginary forged by the recognition of "the others" in our midst who are coming to voice and are ineluctably constituted by the same ethical desires as are we ourselves.

Dissertation

M.A. (Politics)
What is democracy? In the second half of the twentieth century the term, which may relate either to a form of government or a form of society, has become much used and, in the writer's opinion, misused. Indeed, Macpherson believes there is "a good deal of muddle about democracy" (Macpherson 1972:1). At the start of the century's last decade this process appears to have accelerated as the term has become ever more topical, encouraged hugely as the process is by the predominance of mass media communication. The writer considers that democracy is not only a topical term but an important concept, for students of politics as well as for the pub Li.c at large. It is a term which surely requires better understanding of its meaning if the concepts and principles to which it relates are to be valued and appreciated appropriately. At the beginning of his enquiries, which result in this dissertation, the writer assumes "democracy" to mean a form of government Which ensures an equal say in its direct control for all citizens of sound mind. Franchise qualifications should provide for a reasonable minimum age but must disregard any other differences, such as sex, race or religion. This dissertation is undertaken in an endeavour to clear away some of the confusion, or "muddle", which exists regarding democracy. The writer anticipates that elucidation will enhance not. only the possibility of wider understanding but also prospects for meeting the need for concerted, tenacious and widespread efforts to obtain meaningful improvement in levels of democratization. The writings of two prominent political theorists, Robert Allen Dahl and Crawford Brough Macpherson, will be examined to ascertain and compare their views on democracy, with the subsidiary objectives of clarifying the meaning of democracy and ascertaining whether real democracy exists in any sizeable political system. It is the writer's hypothesis that although the basic conceptions of democracy found in the writings of Dahl and Macpherson indicate major differences, certain similarities have been perceived: and that these similarities will prove valuable in stabilizing the meaning of democracy, and in establishing to what extent (if any) true, that is direct, democracy exists.

This dissertation considers the role of the critic in democratic political culture by engaging Socrates. Since Socrates so often stands as an exemplar for many different styles of critical activity, both in political rhetoric and in popular culture, I address the roots of these many figures of Socrates by examining the multiple aspects of Socrates as they appear in Plato's dialogues. Starting from the different metaphors that Socrates uses to describe himself - the stingray, the master of erotics, the midwife, the practitioner of the true political art, and the gadfly - I parse these different strands of Socrates' character and assess their coherence. While each of these descriptions captures a different angle of Socrates' activity vis-à-vis Athenian democracy, I argue that together they also hold one essential aspect in common: Socrates' strange relationship to Athens as both connected and disconnected, immanent in his criticism and yet radically so. As strange both in the context of Athens and in relation to his interpreters, I further advance that the figure of Socrates suggests a kind of political activity committed to disturbance and displacement while also working across, with, and against conventional boundaries and languages. Moreover, I maintain that the Socrates suggests new forms of critical associations that take up his practice of philosophy in democratic culture today.

Dissertation

This dissertation traces the historical emergence of what I call the romance with Melville during the postwar moment and argues that its striking endurance demands that we rethink the relationship between the discipline’s past and present. For the enduring vitality of the romance with Melville throughout the twentieth century points to deep continuities across major cuts in the discipline’s history. These continuities that the romance makes visible suggest that the discipline’s past is not so monolithically invested in masculinism, nationalism, and racism as many dominant voices have claimed it was, and also that the discipline’s present has not broken with its predecessors as completely as many had thought. I begin with a chapter that introduces the prevalence of the romance with Melville in American literary history, interrogates why Melville’s work lends itself so readily to this hermeneutic move, and articulates how the persistence of this move upsets the authoritative histories of American literary studies. My second chapter describes how Melville’s final story Billy Budd elicited a remarkably explicit transatlantic conversation about the affective and political ramifications of postwar heteronormativity. Chapter 3 examines C.L.R. James’s conversation with postwar Americanists about Moby-Dick, a conversation in which James sought to galvanize the critical community to fight the anti-democratic Cold War immigration laws under which James himself was being deported. My final chapter analyzes Ralph Ellison’s use of Moby-Dick, “Bartleby,” “Benito Cereno,” and The Confidence-Man to argue that American literature is fundamentally concerned with and informed by issues of racial injustice and inequality. In both his literary criticism and his fiction, Ellison, I argue, used Melville’s writing to criticize the racial negligence of American literary critics and to reflect on the ironies of his own abiding loyalty to white canonical writers like Melville. When one follows the various permutations of the romance with Melville in this moment and attends to the contestations it facilitated, one finds a rich, politically multivalent critical discourse that in many important but unacknowledged ways lays the groundwork for the political desires and textual attachments that continue to animate American literary studies.
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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
101
The theory of Deliberative Democracy is a new developing political theory . There is two to review the thinking direction with the main deliberative-democratic theory at present, including ‘ the theory of conclusion ’ and ‘ the theory of process ’. Under two kinds of different thinking, the relevant theory is confused and confusing to differ, but have two representative theories of standardizing property most. One is the German scholar Jürgen Habermas, his deliberative-political theory is based on the communicative reason and the discourse ethics. Another is the American scholar John Rawls, his deliberative-democratic theory is based on the liberalism and the theory of justice. Their deliberative-democratic theories have represented Continental Europe and U.S.A.''s different democratic ideas respectively, make a lot of scholar to the goal of democracy of reviewing etc., to restrain from in pure formal norm of procedure considering only, or the essence norm to be canvassed rationality or justice is considered on the topic content, propose the personal opinion and relevant to criticize. My thesis, through canvassing and re-interpreting the Habermas’ theory about the public sphere and the civic society, learn that the public sphere has the normal and critical quality. It is a communicative structure specifically between the civic society and country for a constitutional nation. In the category of ‘ the ideal speech situation ’ at the public sphere, different individual or community based on the equal status, through the ways designed by ‘ the discourse rules ’, to communicate critically with another for the public affairs, and then proposed the specific speech of effective demand and said, formed the consistency common understanding that can be accepted or common opinion that can be agreed. Finally, link up the communicative form, practice which the individual reached ‘ the communicative reason ’ through being the above-mentioned, and then form code of ethic and law of validity. The above-mentioned concepts have formed the key values of the Habermas’ deliberative-democratic theory. Except confirm the position of Habermas’ deliberative-democratic theory, my thesis also canvass how other scholar to criticize or to oppose the Habermas’ theory. On the above-mentioned research, my thesis analyze that if is the Habermas’ deliberative-democratic theory having any feasibility on a system? Such as having feasibility, as to the reform of the future democratic system of Taiwan, there are any suggestion directions, as the research conclusion of this thesis.

The aim of the doctoral thesis is an analysis of the ideas and political activities of Jan Scheinost (1896-1964), a journalist and skilful backstage policymaker who was also known as an ideologist of Czech fascism. The thesis presents and analyses primarily those texts and activities of this controversial personality which were somehow unique, typical or atypical for the Czechoslovak political and intellectual scene of the First and Second Republic, i.e. from the 1920s to the period of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The influential Catholic journalist Scheinost is often connected not only with conservative traditional Catholicism but also with Fascism in academic literature. However, the thesis tries to prove that throughout his career, Jan Scheinost was always mainly looking for the most suitable movement or political party for putting into practice his aggressive Catholic ideas. At the same time the thesis also follows the historical, cultural and media context in which has Scheinost, as the editor in chief of the daily Lidové listy, acted. Scheinost, as a convinced nationalist and Catholic, joined the Czechoslovak People's Party at the beginning of the 1920s, but this party was not conservative enough for him, and he also felt that it made too many compromises. That is why he...

This thesis critically analyzes the concepts of deliberative democracy and demarchy. Both theories are described from many different viewpoints, including criticisms aimed at elections in democratic political systems, the issue of legitimacy and representativeness. The analysis of the theory of deliberative democracy is based on the works of Bernard Manin, John Dryzek, Joshua Cohen etc. The analysis of the theory of demarchy is based on the works of John Burnheim. Both theoretical concepts are also confronted with criticisms aimed at their theoretical and practical imperfections. The thesis also deals with examples and possibilities of practical use of some elements from both theories. Finally, this thesis attempts to answer the question of whether both analyzed concepts could be satisfactory alternatives to representative democracy.

The research is an Afrocentric engagement that analyses selected songs by Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga in post-independence Zimbabwe. The study is informed by Afrocentricity, which provides the theoretical anchorage to the exposition and elucidation of the pursuit for independence, liberation and freedom of Zimbabweans in the post-independence era. The study analyses selected sungura songs composed and sung by Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo in post-2000 era. The study indicates that post-independence Zimbabwe of 2000 to 2010 reflects a decade of crisis. The exposition unfolds through a critical exegesis of selected songs by these sungura artists. The two sungura musicians are among the leading musical voices in Zimbabwe. The study is largely qualitative in nature and used interviews and questionnaires to solicit information from research participants. Respondents comprise musicians, music producers and academics in the Zimbabwe. The study stimulates more interest and research in sungura music as well as illuminating the significance of their messages to ongoing debates on the Zimbabwean crisis/crises thereby establishing the relationship between music and politics. This position is made against the backdrop of their commitment and courageous efforts by such protest musicians to comment on ‘big’ political and economic issues seriously affecting the performance of Zimbabwean economy. The study also establishes that cronyism, patronage and corruption have become major industries of the day in Africa. Through fighting for the voiceless masses, the study argues that Zimbabwe is faced by the crisis of governance and the nation has taken the medals of humiliating its own people. Pertaining to the leadership crisis in Zimbabwe, the study also shows that musicians who include Hosiah Chipanga and Tongai Moyo insinuate that the deep seated Zimbabwean challenges are a manifestation of a nation that is parentless. In their protest music, the artists reiterate that poverty, hunger, diseases and other forms of sufferings that the country encountered and continue to face are a sign of a country that is an orphan implying the dearth of people centred leadership. Additionally, findings from the study show that the land issue is one of the commonly identified factors that are ascribed to partial independence in Zimbabwe translating into crisis. The land question invited attention from Hosiah Chipanga as reflected in his post-2000 music where he suggests that Zimbabweans were to a larger extent betrayed by ZANU (PF) leadership.
Linguistics and Modern Languages
D. Phil. (Languages, Linguistics and Literature)

This research aims to identify and to circumscribe the political dimension of communication design, addressing the notion of politics and ethics, as well as the responsibilities related to the relationship between design and society, in order to find if they are put into practice and in what way. Due to the current international crises, the concerning for the economic growth is often placed above social, environmental and political needs which leads to a bigger detachment and disparity between the design’s commercial dimension and political dimension. In order to label and redefine the boundaries of design practice that distances from the strictly commercial dimension, new terms have been emerging associated with the discipline. This terms are seen, on one hand, as a sign of progression and autonomy of the discourse of the discipline, but on the other hand, by adding adjectives, other qualities or practices to design, it is assumed that these are not intrinsic to design. In order to seek why design is political, we have addressed the terms critical design, social design and design activism, exploring their particular approaches and their similarities. All terms presented assume design as an ideological activity that marks a political position towards the current paradigms. More than defining the political practice of design we conclude that the most important thing is to highlight the designer’s capacities as catalysts for change and awareness agents. The need for change within the discipline becomes evident. Boost Design project, the practical component of this research, was created for this purpose. It comprises an online survey, an awareness raising action and an editorial component with references and essential concepts related to the subject, in order to determine the purpose(s), process(es), values and ethical choices of portuguese communication designers. In this way, we hope to offer new prespectives inherit to this subject, to clarify the designer about practices and methods available to act under ethical and political norms