Journal articles: 'Criticism of democracy'

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Segal, Leah, and Ruth Richter. "Criticism and Democracy." Inquiry: Critical Thinking Across the Disciplines 20, no. 4 (2001): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/inquiryctnews20012046.

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Yonezawa, Shigeru. "Socrates and Democracy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 18, no. 1-2 (2001): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000033.

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The aim of this paper is to reveal Socrates as a thorough democrat. In the first section, I will disprove the credibility of Xenophon’s Memorabilia, a common source for scholars who view Socrates as an antidemocratic thinker. I will then argue, in the second section, that the views of a few scholars who portray Socrates as a prodemocratic thinker represent a far-from-satisfactory depiction of his political views. In the third section, I will then demonstrate that Socrates’ criticism of democracy is not of democracy itself nor of Athenian laws, but instead a criticism of a particular sort of democracy seen in the period of Athenian imperialism, and that it derives from his fundamental recognition of human ignorance. After pointing out Socrates’ special preference for the democratic laws of Athens, seen in the Crito, I will establish, in the fourth section, a preference in his philosophy showing him as a staunch democrat who upheld the concept of the rule of law.

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Hatta, Koji. "Equalisation and civic duty in Keynesian social democracy." International Journal of Social Economics 43, no. 9 (September 12, 2016): 931–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-06-2015-0175.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse Charles Anthony Raven Crosland and Thomas Humphrey Marshall’s respective theories of equalisation and civic duty, and assesses the ethical criticisms made against these theories. Many of the ethical criticisms levelled against Crosland and Marshall argue that their theories focused exclusively on equalisation and social rights. In taking a morally neutral position, they neglected the duties that should be performed by citizens. This paper assesses the force of these ethical criticisms. Design/methodology/approach The paper begins by identifying the cardinal points of Crosland and Marshall’s theories of equalisation and the duties that should be performed by citizens. The author ask whether it is reasonable to conclude that they took morally neutral positions and neglected these duties. The author then explore and assess the critique levied against Crosland and Marshall. Findings Crosland took a passive stance on the intervention of the government in civic morality and did not develop a discussion of the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Thus, in some respects, he cannot avoid the ethical criticism that he took a morally neutral position and neglected civic duty. Marshall did not discuss only equalisation and social rights, but also considered the duties that ought to be performed by citizens. Consequently, it is concluded that the ethical criticism of his theory is not valid. Originality/value The paper makes an original contribution in the understanding of three areas: Crosland’s moral neutrality, Marshall’s discussion on civic duty, and the ethical criticism of Keynesian social democracy.

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Soc, Andrija. "Deliberative democracy between moralism and realism." Filozofija i drustvo 27, no. 4 (2016): 920–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1604920s.

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The topic of this paper is the debate between political moralists and political realists. I will try to show that it is possible to find the middle ground that simultaneously satisfies the main demands of both camps while resisting objections directed against each. In the first part, I start with the view shared by both moralists and realists: that the main challenge lying before a political theory is solving the problem of legitimacy. I first sketch Rawls? moralist approach. I then move to outline the realist criticisms of such moralism. I will mainly follow one of the most detailed recent theories - Sleat?s realist theory, although I will also draw from other well-known realists. In the second part, I outline objections against realism. They somewhat similar to the same criticisms they themselves direct against moralists. The main issue is, in short, the problem of underdetermination - that is, the insufficient determination of political action by facts. Since realists hold that a political theory has to be applicable, their view is thus considerably weakened by such criticism. In the third part of the paper, I point to deliberative theory as a view that can answer both realist criticism - because its main aspect is dealing with the way things work in actual politics of concrete societies - but it can also answer criticisms directed against realists themselves, because empirical research of deliberation suggests an actual and viable way to solve the problem of legitimacy - by raising the quality of deliberation. Moreover, a deliberative theory retains autonomy of the ethical, although it doesn?t do that, unlike moralism, by encroaching on the autonomy of politics. Thus, at the end of the paper, I claim that such a deliberative approach can be accepted by both realists and moralists.

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Pavicevic, Djordje. "Post-democratic critique of democracy: Transformation or collapse of democracy." Sociologija 58, no. 4 (2016): 505–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1604505p.

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The article reconsiders analytical value of the concept of postdemocracy. The thesis of the article is that significance of the concept of postdemocracy lies in its ability to be used as a tool of conceptual criticism, not in its informative value for criticism of democratic regimes. The question is: whether it is possible, from post-democratic perspective, to claim that realistic judgment on particular ?democratic practices? could be wrong judgement on democracy? Three different conceptions of postdemocracy are offered as answers to the question. They are considered as reaction to self-proclaimed ?triumph? of democracy and universalization of minimalistic conception of democracy. The first is the conception of English sociologist Colin Crouch which is based on criticism of participation failure and electoral policies of existing democracies. The second is Sheldon Wolin?s conception which is suspicious of representativeness of representative democracy. Third conception is based on Jacques Ranciere?s critique of legitimacy scheme of liberal democracy. These three critiques suggest that democracy is in bad shape as well as that the meaning of the notion of democracy is hooked by economic and political elites. The conclusion is that the concept of post-democracy is more useful as a platform of critical reconsideration of democracy than more frequently used concepts of crisis, deficit, decline or transformation. The question of adequacy of particular conceptions of post-democracy is not raised in this article.

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Archibugi, Daniele, and David Held. "Cosmopolitan Democracy: Paths and Agents." Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. 4 (2011): 433–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000360.

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One of the recurrent criticisms of the project of cosmopolitan democracy has been that it has not examined the political, economic and social agents that might have an interest in pursuing this programme. This criticism is addressed directly in this article. It shows that there are a variety of paths that, in their own right, could lead to more democratic global governance, and that there are a diversity of political, economic and social agents that have an interest in the pursuit of these. Cosmopolitan democracy is an open-ended project that aims to increase the accountability, transparency and legitimacy of global governance, and the battery of agents and initiatives outlined highlight the direction and politics required to make it possible.

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Heysse, Tim. "Truth in Democratic Politics." Social Theory and Practice 46, no. 1 (2020): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract202021779.

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This article clarifies the recent epistemic rehabilitation of democracy and adds to it in two respects. First, I point out that the epistemic rehabilitation of democracy identifies an internal connection of democracy with normative truths—but only an external connection with substantial truth and correctness. Second, such an internal connection surfaces when we focus on the place of criticism in democracy. Criticism, however, presupposes pluralism and a recognition of the provisionality of decisions. So I, third, analyse prominent theories of truth and examine what conceptions of pluralism and provisionality they allow. This evokes a view emphasizing the unruly role of truth; criticism introduces a commitment to correctness, and this commitment to correctness underwrites the provisional nature of democratic decisions.

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Kinkley, Jeffrey C., and Ben Xu. "Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism after 1989." World Literature Today 74, no. 4 (2000): 812. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40156131.

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Xu, Ben. "Postmodern-Postcolonial Criticism and Pro-Democracy Enlightenment." Modern China 27, no. 1 (January 2001): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009770040102700104.

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Çelik, Raşit. "JUSTICE, EDUCATION, AND DEMOCRACY: CRITICISM OF NEOLIBERALISM." Philosophia: International Journal of Philosophy 20, no. 2 (June 2019): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.46992/pijp.20.2.a.3.

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Al-Amin, Ainur Rofiq. "Demokrasi Perspektif Hizbut Tahrir versus Religious Mardomsalari ala Muslim Iran." ISLAMICA: Jurnal Studi Keislaman 8, no. 1 (August 25, 2014): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/islamica.2013.8.1.28-58.

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In general, Muslim responses to democracy are threefold. The first is the Muslim group which accepts without reserve the concept of democracy. This group appreciates the discourse of democracy as such without any criticism. The second is the Muslim group which accepts democracy with criticism. This group tries to elaborate democracy which is in line with culture, tradition and religion in a particular country. This group rejects to be dictated by the Western model of democracy. The third is the Muslim group which rejects democracy. This group regards democracy as the source of evil and crimes. One that belongs to the third group is Hizbut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). According to HTI, democracy is evil, incompatible with Islam. For this reason, this articles focuses on, first, the factors which lead HTI to reject democracy; second, the reason or Islamic legal construct developed by HTI to reject democracy; and third, religious mardomsalari (religious democracy) practiced in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This study is a qualitative research based on the study of texts.

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Nodelman, Perry. "Editor's Comment: Is democracy good for literary criticism?" Children's Literature Association Quarterly 10, no. 1 (1985): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/chq.0.0139.

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Crepaz, Markus M. L., and Arend Lijphart. "Linking and Integrating Corporatism and Consensus Democracy: Theory, Concepts and Evidence." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 2 (April 1995): 281–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007195.

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Hans Keman's and Paul Pennings's critique (‘Managing Political and Societal Conflict in Democracies: Do Consensus and Corporatism Matter?’, this Journal, preceding pages) of our attempt to link corporatism and consensus democracy falls essentially into three parts. Their first criticism deals with the way we measured corporatism. They reject our ‘composite’ approach on the basis that different experts have different conceptual understandings of corporatism. Hence, they argue, it is unwarranted to add up these various scores. Secondly, they claim that our central relationship between consensus democracy and corporatism is a function of our particular measure of corporatism and, in addition, driven by two outlying cases: Italy and Austria. Thirdly, they claim that corporatism and consensus democracy are two different phenomena, and that therefore, corporatism should not be integrated into the concept of consensus democracy. We shall address these three main criticisms in the order described.

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Narzary, Ripima. "Democracy at Risk: An Analysis of Electronic Voting Machines Security And Their Impact On Indian Democracy." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 2928–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.1190.

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For more the two decades Elections in India are carried out by electronic voting (EVM) devices designed by two government-owned companies during the last two decades. These, recognised as EVMs in India, they are known for their simple architecture, ease of usage, and reliability, at the same time they have also been criticised for vulnerable and exploitative nature and repeated reporting of violations in elections. Despite this criticism, some elements design of the device were never officially disclosed and were not subject to a thorough objective protection review. In this paper we will discussed how EVM as machine base, are ease to serious attacks that might affect the result of the election and compromise the secrecy of the vote. We try to highlight the security reviews of EVM in this paper and its possibilities of violation which causes a great treat to any democratic country of the world.

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Ryan Cull. "“We fathom you not—we love you”: Walt Whitman’s Social Ontology and Radical Democracy." Criticism 56, no. 4 (2014): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.13110/criticism.56.4.0761.

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Hulgård, Lars. "Civilsamfund eller social kapital?" Dansk Sociologi 13, no. 4 (March 15, 2006): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v13i4.431.

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Lars Hulgård: Civil Society or Social Capital? An institutional critique of theories of civil society inspired by Habermas and Putnam. There have been two main approaches to theory about the relations between civil society and democracy and the welfare state. One is the approach by Habermas that emphasizes the role of the public sphere as mediator between civil society and representative democracy. The other is an approach inspired by Putnam that emphasizes the importance of social capital. Putnam focuses on how civil involvement and voluntary associations raise the effectiveness of institutions in modern society. Both approaches have met with considerable criticism from different points of view. However the article argues that a similar criticism can be made of both approaches although they seem so different. It argues that the crucial challenge is to include an institutional perspective in whichever perspective one employs in the study the status of civil society as a democratic or welfare impulse in modern society. The article reviews the various criticisms of the two approaches and shows how an institutional perspective can be employed to both approaches.

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von Borzyskowski, Inken. "The Risks of Election Observation: International Condemnation and Post-Election Violence." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 3 (June 17, 2019): 654–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz024.

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Abstract Research on international election observation shows that observation reduces fraud, encourages participation, and boosts confidence in the election. However, this conventional account misses the negative, violence-inducing potential of observer criticism. This is the first study examining how observer criticism influences post-election violence. Democracy depends on the loser’s consent, and the willingness of election losers to be governed by the winners can be influenced by observer criticism. When reputable observers criticize the credibility of an election, they can encourage losers to challenge the result. Observer criticism strengthens the electoral loser by legitimizing a challenge and serving as a focal point for mobilization. Using data on post-election violence in thirty-eight countries in sub-Saharan Africa since 1990, I show that internationally condemned elections are more likely to turn violent than not-condemned elections. These results are robust to various control variables (including observer presence and election fraud) and accounting for potential selection, spuriousness, endogeneity, and omitted variables.

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Piovan, Dino. "Criticism Ancient and Modern. Observations on the Critical Tradition of Athenian Democracy." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 25, no. 2 (2008): 305–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000137.

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This essay considers the tradition of criticism against Athenian democracy, in both ancient and modern times. Often this critical tradition has been seen to adduce greater interest than the very democratic experience from which it arose; in this it has been aided, in part, by the asserted absence of an ancient theory of democracy. Yet there are significant traces of a democratic theory in the ancient sources, which ought to serve both as a theoretical and ideological riposte to the critics. Some of the modern objections to classical Athenian democracy take up the argument of the ancient critics and display an anti-democratic orientation (German scholarship between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries). Others, however, are motivated by a certain sensibility, grown out of liberalism and the legal state, as well as the emancipation of women and the abolition of slavery. Nevertheless, these objections are sometimes lacking in historical perspective. If we reassess Athenian democracy, it may yet be seen to constitute a useful point of reference, at a time when the current model of democracy finds its legitimacy questioned.2

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Árnason, Vilhjálmur. "Rökræða, stofnanir, þátttaka. Ágreiningsefni um lýðræði." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 16, no. 2 (December 16, 2020): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2020.16.2.5.

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In this article, the author clarifies and defends the democratic ideas implied in his analysis of Icelandic politics and political culture before and after the financial collapse. The criticism of two Icelandic scholars, Jón Ólafsson and Birgir Hermannsson, of Árnason’s arguments and his use of Habermas’s normative models of democracy, is evaluated. It is argued that Árnason’s arguments need to be understood in light of the unique circumstances in Icelandic society around the financial collapse and that it is misleading to disconnect them from these circumstances. It is shown how Árnason steadily refers to the criticism in the report of the Special Investigation Commission of the Parliament about how poor governance and political practices were among the causes of the collapse. It is argued that the criticism of Jón Ólafsson and Birgir Hermannsson, that Árnason reduces democracy to public policy and ignores the role of public participation, is rooted in that they ignore this particular context of his reasoning and thus draw misleading conclusions about his views towards democracy. The contention is also traced to a different understanding of the concept of democracy. Árnason rejects the understanding that the central emphasis in democracy should be to increase political participation of the citizens at the cost of emphasizing good governance and strong institutions, which protect democratic values and enable democratic accountability. Finally, ideas about civic engagement in the spirit of deliberative democracy are discussed in light of the threats to informed public opinion and debate in contemporary society.

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Louie, Kam. "Disenchanted Democracy: Chinese Cultural Criticism after 1989. Ben Xu." China Journal 47 (January 2002): 194–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182120.

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Higgins, John. "'Criticism and Democracy': An Interview with Edward W. Said." Pretexts: Literary and Cultural Studies 10, no. 2 (November 2001): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10155490120106014.

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Rostbøll, Christian F. "Dissent, criticism, and transformative political action in deliberative democracy." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 12, no. 1 (March 2009): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230902738577.

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Roughan, Nicole. "Democratic Custom v International Customary Law." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 2 (August 1, 2007): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i2.5527.

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This article responds to the criticism that customary international law is undemocratic, by arguing that the criticism takes too narrow a view of conceptions of democracy and custom. The author suggests that democracy can be conceived as a process of participation rather than representation; and presents a conception of "compound custom" which combines the elements of custom as a source of law, as a mode of rights, and as a foundation of interaction. With this conception of compound custom in mind, customary international law has a greater democratic potential.

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Howard, Dick. "From Anti‐Communism to Anti‐totalitarianism: The Radical Potential of Democracy." Government and Opposition 37, no. 4 (October 2002): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00114.

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The Very Nature Of Democracy Makes Its Defence Difficult. In a democracy, the majority has the right to be wrong and the opportunity to make public its private passions while acting on its personal interests. What is more, democratic tolerance of pluralism and legitimation of social conf lict ensure that democracy will be characterized above all by self-criticism. As a result, when it is threatened, its enemies will find at least some domestic support from those who despair of democracy, or at least of this democracy, and who convince themselves that a better, more substantial or less superficial, democracy can be brought into being. Such critics of the really existing democracy are convinced that they are acting in the name of real democracy. So it was, for example, that the American Communist Party could claim to incarnate ‘twentieth-century Americanism’ following the same logic used by Marx a century earlier to criticize the ‘merely formal’ nature of bourgeois democracy. But so it was too when the CIA took it upon itself to finance not only political opposition to Soviet inf luence but also to support and encourage what Francis Stonor Saunders's recent study of The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters revealed. The shared logic of the CIA and the communists turns out, as the saying goes, to be no accident.

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Bittencourt, Caroline Muller, and Janriê Rodrigues Reck. "INTERAÇÕES ENTRE DIREITO FUNDAMENTAL À INFORMAÇÃO E DEMOCRACIA PARA O CONTROLE SOCIAL: UMA LEITURA CRÍTICA DA LAI A PARTIR DA EXPERIÊNCIA DOS PORTAIS DE TRANSPARÊNCIA DOS MUNICÍPIOS DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL." Revista Direitos Fundamentais & Democracia 23, no. 3 (December 14, 2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.25192/issn.1982-0496.rdfd.v23i31240.

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Trata-se de artigo científico voltado à definição do direito à informação e à transparência, e suas relações com a Democracia e o controle social, e a partir dessa perspectiva proceder críticas aos portais de transparência de Municípios ante os dados coletados no Rio Grande do Sul em sua execução da Lei de Acesso à Informação, permitindo apontar críticas a própria Lei. O problema que envolve este trabalho é: quais as críticas que podem ser formuladas à Lei de Acesso à Informação a partir da experiência dos portais de transparência com base em uma leitura complexa da interação acesso à informação e Democracia? O objetivo é demonstrar que os portais não atendem satisfatoriamente um conceito rigoroso de democracia, e que parcial responsabilidade pode ser atribuída à Lei de Acesso à Informação. O método de procedimento da pesquisa foi o bibliográfico na parte do artigo, e empírico, com consultas aos portais, classificação e crítica, na segunda. This is a scientific article focused on the definition of the right to information and transparency, and its relations with Democracy and social control, around the transparency portals of Municipalities of Rio Grande do Sul in its implementation of the Access to Information Law. The problem that involves this work is: what criticisms can be made to the Access to Information Law from the experience of transparency web-portals based on a complex reading of the interaction access to information and Democracy? The objective is to demonstrate that the portals do not meet satisfactorily a strict concept of democracy, and that partial responsibility can be attributed to the Access to InformationLaw. The method of procedure of the research was the bibliographical in the first part of the article, and empirical, with queries to the web-portals, classification and criticism, in the second.

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Santas, Gerasimos. "PLATO'S CRITICISMS OF DEMOCRACY IN THE REPUBLIC." Social Philosophy and Policy 24, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 70–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070173.

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Plato's antidemocratic theory of social justice is instructive once we distinguish between the abstract parts of his theory and the empirical or other assumptions he uses in applying that theory. His application may have contained empirical mistakes, and it may have been burdened too much with a prolific metaphysics and a demanding epistemology. An attempt is made to look at his theory of social justice in imaginary isolation from empirical mistakes and from his metaphysics and epistemology. It is then argued that some of Plato's proposals and criticisms of democracy are well worth our attention, especially in the case of governing. His attempt to separate ruling and wealth and to establish economic floors and ceilings for his ideal city seems especially instructive in view of problems in these areas that modern democracies have experienced. Isolating his theory of social justice from his epistemology and metaphysics may be more problematic. Still, Plato's insistence that superior wisdom is the central virtue of rulers is instructive, and in this respect some modern defenders of democratic justice, such as J. S. Mill and John Rawls, have leaned some in Plato's direction. Finally, Plato's criticism of democratic free choice of occupation is less persuasive.

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جاسم, فاخر. "نقد الديمقراطية : المضمون والمصطلحات = Criticism of Democracy : Content and Terminology." Scientific Journal Arab Academy in Denmark, no. 20 (January 2017): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0036250.

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Mehta, Pratap Bhanu. "Empire and Moral Identity." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (September 2003): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00438.x.

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Justifications and criticisms of empire have often focused on the effects of empire on imperial “subjects.” But an older criticism of empire equally focuses upon the way the possession of empire transforms the identity of the imperial state itself by altering its constitution, implicating its people in projects that happen elsewhere, and forcing them to define their relationship to applications of power in a radically new way. On this view the real danger of empire often is the effect it has on the state possessing the empire. In our times in particular, empire is thought to have a profound impact on the functioning of democracy in the imperial state itself. This article seeks to recover the moral sensibility that lies behind this form of moral criticism. It also seeks to examine, briefly, whether America is vulnerable to the “corruptions” of empire and the weight we should place on this moral consideration.

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Bojko, Łukasz. "Między demoliberalizmem a państwem władczym. Wacława Makowskiego pochwała solidaryzmu i krytyka liberalizmu." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 27 (April 23, 2019): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.27.6.

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Between demoliberalism and an imperious state: Wacław Makowski’s praise of solidarism and criticism of liberalismThis article acquaints the reader with notions of Wacław Makowski, eminent professor of criminal and constitutional law and a sanation activist. The article particularly refers to his criticisms of liberalism and praise of solidarism. The constant crisis of the political life of the Second Polish Republic required an essential reform of political bases. According to Makowski one should break with the bases of the March Constitution, that is liberalism and parliamentary democratism in favour of solidarism, being an indirect form between authoritarian dictatorship and liberal democracy.

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Fay, Brendan. "Conservative Music Criticism, the Inflation, and Concert Life in Weimar Germany, 1919–1924." Cultural History 6, no. 2 (October 2017): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2017.0147.

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In surveying the thirteen crisis-ridden years that Weimar democracy endured from its founding in 1919, perhaps none loom as large as the hyperinflation years spanning 1922–1923. According to many historians, the ‘Great Disorder’ not only destroyed the bonds between different social classes but also shattered Germans’ faith in and commitment to Weimar democracy. At the same time, Germany's cultural conservatives found themselves weathering a ‘cultural crisis’ brought on by the combined forces of artistic and technological innovation. In this article, I argue that our sense of Weimar's crises has been profoundly shaped by knowledge of what came later, and has tended to differ markedly from contemporaries’ sense of history and their place in it. This article examines the inflation's impact on German concert life, reassessing cultural conservatives—long held as hostile to Weimar democracy—and their attitudes toward German classical music, the nation, and society during the turbulent early years of the Weimar Republic.

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Demirel, Tanel. "Turkey's Troubled Democracy: Bringing the Socioeconomic Factors Back in." New Perspectives on Turkey 24 (2001): 105–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003514.

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The advent of democracy in Turkey has been far from tranquil. Since the transition to multiparty politics in 1946, democracy has been interrupted by three military interventions (in 1960, 1971, and 1980)- unless we count as the fourth intervention the more recent incident, euphemistically labeled “the 28 February Process,” in which the military played a crucial role in forcing the resignation of the governing coalition led by the Islamist-oriented Welfare Party (WP). Not only has Turkish democracy followed a cyclical pattern in which breakdowns and transitions succeeded each other, the degree or the quality of democracy that was in place never ceased to attract bitter criticism.

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Pritchard, David M. "Sport and Democracy in Classical Athens." Antichthon 50 (November 2016): 50–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2016.5.

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AbstractThis article addresses the neglected problem of elite sport in classical Athens. Democracy may have opened up politics to every citizen, but it had no impact on sporting participation. Athenian sportsmen continued to be drawn from the elite. Thus it comes as a surprise that non-elite citizens judged sport to be a very good thing and created an unrivalled program of local sporting festivals on which they spent a staggering sum. They also shielded sportsmen from the public criticism that was otherwise normally directed towards the elite and its exclusive pastimes. The work of social scientists suggests that the explanation of this problem can be found in the close relationship that non-elite Athenians perceived between sporting contests and their own waging of war. The article’s conclusion is that it was the democracy’s opening up of war to non-elite citizens that legitimised elite sport.

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Couperus, Stefan. "Democracy not lost? Functional democracy as a panacea for crisis in interwar Europe." Journal of European Studies 49, no. 3-4 (August 12, 2019): 252–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859166.

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The interwar period witnessed fierce criticism of the ways in which parliamentary democracies were operating in Europe. In many instances, authoritarian regimes replaced perceived malfunctioning democracies shortly after the ratification of democratic constitutions. Yet, many European intellectuals and politicians believed democracy was not entirely lost. Amidst the perceived crisis of democracy in Europe, one strand of intellectuals started to rethink the capacities of political representation and democratic governance, taking their cue from institutional innovations that incorporated group interests in state governance. Based on a range of representative councils installed in the 1920s, notions of ‘functional democracy’ were presented as a panacea for the crisis of European parliamentary democracy. This paper discusses the scope and impact of this strand of interwar political thought, alluding to the potential historical implications with regard to functional counter-balances within democratic governance in the face of the crises of democracy occurring in Europe today.

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Ratto Trabucco, Fabio. "The Latvian direct democracy tools in a comparative European context." Oñati Socio-legal Series 10, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 744–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1075.

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This article analyses and compares the legal tools of direct democracy in Latvia and other European countries. Based on comparison, the author draws concludes the shortcomings of the legal framework of direct democracy in the Constitution of the Republic of Latvia. The author analyzes functioning of the direct democracy tools in Latvian practice and compares them with similar tools in other European countries, expressing his criticism towards Latvian legislation on the referendum and people’s initiative, finding that some mechanisms included in the Constitution are old-fashioned and ineffective. The article identifies actual shortcomings of the legal framework of the referendum and popular initiative both at the level of the Constitution and that of the law and makes suggestions for improvements of the mechanisms of direct democracy, particularly taking into account the experience of the other Baltic countries. Este artículo analiza y compara las herramientas legales de la democracia directa en Letonia y en otros países europeos. Sobre la base de la comparación, el autor extrae conclusiones sobre las deficiencias del marco legal de la democracia directa letona. El autor analiza la legislación y la práctica letona sobre el referéndum y la iniciativa popular comparándola con las de otros países europeos, incluido el referéndum sobre la disolución del Parlamento, expresando críticas de que una serie de institutos parecen anticuados e ineficaces. El artículo identifica las deficiencias actuales del marco legal del referéndum y de la iniciativa popular tanto a nivel constitucional como legislativo e indica sugerencias para mejorar los mecanismos de la democracia directa letona, particularmente teniendo en cuenta la experiencia de otros países bálticos.

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Istriyani, Ratna. "Democracy Today: Assessing Democracy Phenomenon in Indonesia." POLITEA 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/politea.v1i2.4487.

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Democracy as a political and the government system has demonstrated its existence in the history of the world. This existence can be seen from the many countries that implement it, especially Indonesia. The democratic process becomes an interesting phenomenon because it cannot be separated from the dynamics of the community itself.At present the community has entered the digital era, that the utilization of information and communication technology are massive. One phenomenon of concern is the widespread use of social media. The reality of the utilization of social media not only showed the trend of community interaction and communication but also the trend of political participation which correlates with the sustainability of democracy in Indonesia. At least, it has happened in the last decades, where political figures have been using social media as a channel to construct personal image. On the other hand, social media for civil society is as a new media (alternative media) in channeling aspirations, support, and even criticism to political and government figures.Social media trends also cannot be separated from the figure of young people as massive users of these contemporary products. Even social media is a preference for young people to participate in upholding democratization in Indonesia. It can be seen from the posts or their responses to the socio-political conditions in this country through their account lines and the number of comments they wrote on the accounts of a number of political and government figures.Keywords: democracy, social media, youth.

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Presbey, Gail M. "Criticism of multiparty democracy: Parallels between Wamba‐dia‐Wamba and Arendt." New Political Science 20, no. 1 (March 1998): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393149808429811.

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McCormick, John P. "Habermas, Supranational Democracy and the European Constitution." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 3 (October 2006): 398–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606003981.

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Habermas's normative vision – Strengths and deficiencies – European Union democracy as solution to global problems – Necessity of developing a European civil society – Normative ideal, functional mechanisms, empirical reexamination – Habermas's criticism of Euro-skeptics – Substance-through-procedure mode of social integration – Adequacy of procedural substance questioned – Empirical limits to Habermasian European Union democracy – ‘Multi-segmented governance’ in the European Union – Supranational redistribution? – Legal integration has not facilitated social integration – Scharpf, Weiler, Joerges, Schmitter – Habermas's Sozialstaat principles jeopardized on Union level – Structural obstacle to coordinated European social welfare policy – European politics will resemble Sektoralstaat – Participation, egalitarianism and accountability

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Krzywoszyński, Przemysław. "ROLA REFERENDUMW TRANSFORMACJACH USTROJOWYCH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 11, no. 3 (December 20, 2016): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2011.11.3.10.

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THE ROLE OF A REFERENDUM IN CONSTITUTIONAL TRANSFORMATIONS Summary The aim of this paper is a summary of discussion on the use of a nationwide referendum, which was held in the 80’s and 90’s of the 20th century and the current criticism of the institution. The nationwide referendum was the basic form of direct democracy and constituted an accurate reflection of social will towards the end of the 20th century. Nowadays because of surprising results of referendums in the Western democracies and its controversial usage in non-democratic countries the opinions on post-democratic era emerge. The institution of referendum is facing strong criticism. The opponents of referendum, citing the technological breakthrough, call for major reform of the procedures of direct democracy in order to adapt them to the needs of modern computerized society.

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Deleixhe, Martin. "Conflicts in common(s)? Radical democracy and the governance of the commons." Thesis Eleven 144, no. 1 (February 2018): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618756089.

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Prominent radical democrats have in recent times shown a vivid interest in the commons. Ever since the publication of Governing the Commons by Elinor Ostrom, the commons have been associated with a self-governing and self-sustaining scheme of production and burdened with the responsibility of carving out an autonomous social space independent from both the markets and the state. Since the commons prove on a small empirical scale that self-governance, far from being a utopian ideal, is and long has been a lived reality, a few authors have attempted to turn them into the conceptual matrix of their own account of radical democracy. Negri and Hardt, on one hand, Laval and Dardot, on the other, have jointly coined the term ‘the common’ (in the singular) to suggest that the self-governance quintessential to the commons could be turned into a general democratic principle. Though this is an attractive theoretical prospect, I will contend that it fails to account for an important contradiction between the two theoretical frameworks it connects. Whereas the governance of the commons depends on harmonious cooperation between all stakeholders which in turn relies on a strong sense of belonging to a shared community, radical democracy is highly suspicious of any attempt to build a totalizing community and constantly emphasizes the decisive role of internal agonistic conflicts in maintaining a vibrant pluralism. I will further contend that the short-sightedness of radical democrats on this issue may be partially explained by the strong emphasis in the commons literature on a related but distinct conflict, that which opposes the commoners to the movement of enclosures. I will argue, however, that this conflict is not of an agonistic nature and does little to preserve the dynamism and the constant self-criticism proper to the radical democrat regime.

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Koga, Natália Massaco. "Proposing an agonistic analytical framework to assess participatory initiatives in Brazil." Revista do Serviço Público 67, no. 2 (June 30, 2016): 249–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.21874/rsp.v67i2.1270.

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This article intends to review the main arguments developed by the contemporary literature dedicated to assess the conditions for and outcomes of social participation in Brazil. Considering the emerging criticism that new aspects should be incorporated to this debate, this work explores an alternative line of thinking – Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory of democracy - from which I contend a new analytical framework can be developed in order to improve the understanding of the contributions of social participation to Brazil’s democracy.

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Pritchard, David M. "Deporte y guerra en la democracia ateniense = Sport and War in Athenian Democracy." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 15 (November 5, 2018): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3810.

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Resumen: Este artículo analiza la cuestión descuidada del deporte de la élite en la Atenas clásica. La democracia puede haber abierto la política a todos los ciudadanos, pero no tuvo impacto en la participación deportiva. Los atletas atenienses siguieron siendo extraídos de la élite. De este modo, resulta sorprendente que ciudadanos no pertenecientes a la élite juzgaran que el deporte era algo muy positivo y creasen un programa de festivales deportivos locales sin rival en los que gastaron una suma asombrosa. También escudaron a los atletas de la crítica pública que de otra manera era normalmente dirigida hacia la élite y sus exclusivos pasatiempos. El trabajo desde las ciencias sociales sugiere que la explicación a este problema puede ser hallada en la cercana relación que los atenienses que no pertenecían a la élite percibían entre las competiciones deportivas y su propia forma de librar la guerra. La sorprendente conclusión del artículo es que fue la apertura de la guerra a los ciudadanos no pertenecientes a la élite con la democracia lo que legitimó el deporte de élite.Abstract: This article addresses the neglected problem of elite sport in classical Athens. Democracy may have opened up politics to every citizen but it had no impact on sporting participation. Athenian sportsmen continued to be drawn from the elite. Thus it comes as a surprise that non-elite citizens judged sport to be a very good thing and created an unrivalled program of local sporting festivals on which they spent a staggering sum. They also shielded sportsmen from the public criticism that was otherwise normally directed towards the elite and its exclusive pastimes. The work of social scientists suggests that the explanation of this problem can be found in the close relationship that non-elite Athenians perceived between sporting contests and their own waging of war. The article’s striking conclusion is that it was the democracy’s opening up of war to non-elite citizens that legitimised elite sport.Palabras clave: deporte, guerra, democracia, Atenas, élite.Key words: sport, war, democracy, Athens, elite.

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Beaulieu, Emily, and Susan D. Hyde. "In the Shadow of Democracy Promotion." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 3 (December 9, 2008): 392–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325571.

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International efforts to promote democracy can have unanticipated effects. International election observation is perceived to increase domestic confidence in the electoral process and reduce fraud. Conversely, election boycotts are perceived to be more likely as electoral fairness decreases. The authors document a puzzling relationship between monitored elections and opposition party boycotts: Observers are associated with an increased boycott probability. They argue that international benefits for democratic elections give electoral autocrats the incentive to invite international observers and manipulate elections to minimize international criticism. This increase in “strategic manipulation” has led to changed incentives for opposition political parties, which have the most to lose from a manipulated but internationally certified election. Consequently, international monitors increase boycott probability. The authors support this explanation with an original data set of elections, boycotts, and international observers (1990 to 2002).

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Roberts, Hugh. "The Algerian State and the Challenge of Democracy." Government and Opposition 27, no. 4 (October 1, 1992): 433–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1992.tb00422.x.

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THE PUBLIC REACTION OF WESTERN GOVERNMENTS AND commentators to the suspension of the electoral process in Algeria following President Chadli's resignation on 11 January was profoundly mixed. Relief at the fact that Algeria was not about to become ‘a second Iran’ very quickly gave way to disapproval of the manner in which this prospect had been conjured away at the last moment, as numerous leader writers in London and Paris and no doubt elsewhere indulged themselves in vigorous criticism of what they had not hesitated to call a ‘military coup’.

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Andreas, Joel, and Yige Dong. "The Brief, Tumultuous History of “Big Democracy” in China’s Factories." Modern China 44, no. 5 (March 22, 2018): 455–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0097700418763834.

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This article compares two fateful experiments conducted during the Mao era in China that encouraged freewheeling criticism of Communist cadres: the 1957 Party Rectification campaign and the early upheavals of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1968). Through a content analysis of articles published in the Chinese Communist Party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, we first show that the two movements shared characteristics that made them very similar to each other and remarkably different from all other mass campaigns carried out during the Mao era. We then analyze the differences between the two movements—and their consequences—by investigating how they unfolded in factories, based mainly on interviews with workers and party cadres. We argue that key elements of the strategy Mao pursued during the Cultural Revolution were developed in response to the unmitigated failure of the 1957 campaign and these elements fostered a movement more capable of compelling Communist cadres to face criticism from below. In comparing the two movements, we highlight the evolution of the term “big democracy,” which was uniquely associated with these two episodes, but was deployed very differently in 1966 than it was in 1957.

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Hardman, Malcolm, and Mary W. Schneider. "Poetry in the Age of Democracy: The Literary Criticism of Matthew Arnold." Modern Language Review 86, no. 1 (January 1991): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732124.

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Weede, E., and J. Kummer. "Some Criticism of Recent Work on World System Status, Inequality, and Democracy." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 26, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1985): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071528502600301.

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Young-Hyun So. "Cultural Contagion and Affect Politics in the Fever Era : “Naggomsu”, Democracy, Criticism." Journal of Popular Narrative 21, no. 1 (April 2015): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18856/jpn.2015.21.1.001.

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Weede, Erich, and Joachim Kummer. "Some Criticism of Recent Work on World System Status, Inequality, and Democracy." Comparative Sociology 26, no. 3 (January 1, 1985): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156854285x00015.

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Zain, Zawiyah Mohd, Zaheruddin Othman, Zalinah Ahmad, Mohd Fitri Abdul Rahman, Mohd Na’iem Ajis, Kamaruddin Ngah, and Mohammad Agus Yusoff. "Civil Disobedience and Cyber Democracy." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4 (July 27, 2017): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjss-2017-0001.

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AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to analyze the emergence of civil disobedience in Malaysia specifically in the era of Abdullah Badawi, and its impact upon the democratization process. The whole analysis in this paper is qualitative and derived from two types of data which is primary and secondary data. The analysis shows that civil disobedience arose due to three factors, namely the government’s failure to fulfill its promise to reform, Mahathir’s criticism against Abdullah Badawi’s leadership, and the government failure to handle racial issues. Consequently, Barisan Nasional (The National Front) government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats in the 2008 general elections and at the same time lost five states to the opposition. In 2013 general election the result remain the same which is government failed to gain two-thirds majority of the parliamentary seats. Furthermore, even though the emergence of civil disobedience failed to create a change of government, it however has been able to give birth to cyber democracy and create awareness among Malaysians to pursue the process of democratization.

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Leonenko, Natalya T. "Scientific Concepts of a Deputy’s Mandate: Apology and Criticism." Constitutional and municipal law 11 (November 5, 2020): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3767-2020-11-41-44.

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The article studies the genesis of the deputy’s mandate institution. The relevancy of this subject is determined by the imperfection of the legal regulation of the institution under study; absence of clarity in its implementation; modernization of public law relations. The public government structure and the general democracy system largely depend on which type of mandate will be preferred in the Russian representative system. The purpose of the article is the research of the legal nature of the institution of mandate of a deputy of representative public government authorities and various aspects of this problem using formal legal, historical, comparative legal and logical methods.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Criticism of democracy'

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