Journal articles on the topic 'Croke Park (Dublin, Ireland)'

21 November 1920 began with the killing of fourteen men in their flats, boarding houses, and hotel rooms in Dublin. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) alleged that they were British spies. That afternoon British forces retaliated by firing on a crowd of supporters at a Gaelic football match in Croke Park, killing twelve and injuring sixty. The day quickly became known as Bloody Sunday. Much has been made of the afternoon's events. The shootings in Croke Park have acquired legendary status. Concern with the morning's killing has been largely limited to whether or not the dead men were the spies the IRA said they were. There has been little or no consideration of the men who did the killing. This article is based on largely unused interviews and statements made by the IRA men involved in this and many of the other days that came to constitute the guerrilla war fought against the British forces in Ireland from January 1919 until July 1921. This morning's killings are a chilling example of much of what passed for combat during this struggle. Bloody Sunday morning is used here as a means to explore how generally young and untrained IRA men killed and how this type of killing affected their lives.

In 1967 a county Cork farmer wrote to the Sunday Independent (Dublin) to express his hope that the Gaelic Athletic Association (G.A.A.) would ban women from attending the upcoming All-Ireland finals. The G.A.A is a male-only organisation, he argued, and the presence of women at Croke Park would take up ‘valuable space’. His letter generated many outraged responses from both men and women, all arguing against his opinion and illustrating that women played a vital role within the sporting community—whether as supporters, sandwich-makers or jersey-washers. The responses highlighted how people in Ireland were reconsidering the role of women in the public sphere more generally in the late 1960s. The emergence of ladies’ Gaelic football as a ‘serious’ sport for women in the 1970s is reflective of this changing society. Current Irish sports historiography is considerably lacking in its examination of the space women occupied in modern sport in Ireland. This piece will draw on newspapers and archival material to examine the emergence of what came to be known as ladies’ Gaelic football in the late 1960s and early 1970s and to analyse the debates about the changing position of women in sport and society at this time. In so doing, this piece will aim to bring the historiography of women in Irish society in conversation with the growing historiography on sport in Ireland.

Rapid urbanization has brought about an influx of people to cities, tipping the scale between urban and rural living. Population predictions estimate that 64% of the global population will reside in cities by 2050. To meet the growing resource needs, improve management, reduce complexities, and eliminate unnecessary costs while enhancing the quality of life of citizens, cities are increasingly exploring open innovation frameworks and smart city initiatives that target priority areas including transportation, sustainability, and security. The size and heterogeneity of urban centers impede progress of technological innovations for smart cities. We propose a Smart Stadium as a living laboratory to balance both size and heterogeneity so that smart city solutions and Internet of Things (IoT) technologies may be deployed and tested within an environment small enough to practically trial but large and diverse enough to evaluate scalability and efficacy. The Smart Stadium for Smart Living initiative brings together multiple institutions and partners including Arizona State University (ASU), Dublin City University (DCU), Intel Corporation, and Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), to turn ASU’s Sun Devil Stadium and Ireland’s Croke Park Stadium into twinned smart stadia to investigate IoT and smart city technologies and applications.

Like so much else, this year's Synod was very different from what had been planned. As the Church of Ireland marks 150 years since disestablishment, this last Synod of the current triennium was to be held in May in Croke Park, the home of the Gaelic Athletic Association and a politically significant venue. Instead, pursuant to section 30 of the Civil Law and Criminal Law (Miscellaneous Provisions Act) 2020, which provides for the validity of remote meetings of an unincorporated body, notice was given that an ordinary meeting of the General Synod would be held by electronic communication technology on 1, 2 and, if necessary, 3 December 2020. It was the first Synod for its new President, Archbishop John McDowell, following his translation to Archbishop of Armagh on 28 April 2020.

Introduction:Mass gatherings are growing in frequency. Religious, or in this case, “mass” mass gatherings are also growing in complexity, requiring considerable effort from nations hosting a Papal Mass. Ireland hosted a papal mass in 1979 when the prospect of terrorism at such events was significantly lower. Large high-profile events such as a Papal Mass offer a platform via the media and social media to gain widespread coverage of adverse events. In 2018, a predicted 500,000 guests were scheduled to attend a Papal Mass gathering in Phoenix Park, Dublin, a bounded 1,700-hectare park in the center of Dublin.Aim:To develop a medical plan estimating numbers of people requiring medical attention at a Papal Mass held in Ireland late August 2018, and compare same with actual numbers treated post-event. This study aims to reduce the medical impact of such an event on local receiving hospitals through plans that effectively manage medical- and trauma-related presentations on site.Methods:A literature review of medical reports regarding medical care at Papal Mass gatherings worldwide found a range of predicted medical attendance from 21-61 per 10,000 attendees. On that basis we had prepared on-site facilities, facilities on travel routes and access point system for medical care for a crowd of 500,000 were selected.Results:One of 6 receiving hospitals in Dublin had an increase in average presentations on the day. Attendance was reduced significantly due to weather. 261 patients were treated on site, falling in line with lower rate predicted of 31 patients treated in hospital on site and 17 transports off-site.Discussion:A predictable number of patients presented for medical care. On-site medical services reduced transports to hospital. Reduced attendance ensured facilities were sufficient, but could have been under the pressure of the predicted attendance of 500,000.

Several studies suggest the need to develop technology skills from a young age. The development of computational thinking enhances multidisciplinary abilities, such as abstracting and decomposing a problem into smaller parts to find a solution. Among various tools, educational games can be implemented to efficiently stimulate the development of technology skills in primary school students. The current paper describes an educational game designed to motivate players to learn and reflect on cryptography, a collection of computer science techniques adopted for data protection. The Code of Kells is a mystery game that aims to support the development of computational thinking and maths abilities for primary school students. In this collaborative game, 10-12 years old players use cryptography techniques to discover who stole the Book of Kells – an ancient manuscript kept in the Trinity College Library in Ireland. To identify the criminal's identity, the players should work on teams and follow a map of Dublin city to collect encrypted clues hidden in popular locations, such as Phoenix Park and Dublin Castle. The participants should follow guidelines provided by a cipher sheet that illustrates cryptography techniques such as Caesar's Cipher, Polybius Cipher, Pigpen Cipher and the Morse Code. Each clue leads the player closer to the revelation of who stole the book of Kells. In this study, 80 primary school children (10-11 years old) evaluated The Code of Kells by sharing their experience through an adapted version of the Game Experience Questionnaire (GEQ). Nine dimensions of the questionnaire were assessed considering children’s previous mathematics and literacy scores, besides their levels of maths anxiety. Results suggest that children with higher mathematics performance positively perceived the game and found it challenging. However, results also indicate that maths high achievers students also felt tense while playing. Students with high levels of maths anxiety perceived the game as a sensory and imaginative immersive activity.

Hayes FJ, Sheahan K, Heffernan A, McKenna TJ. Aggressive thyroid cancer associated with toxic nodular goitre. Eur J Endocrinol 1996:134:366–70. ISSN 0804–4643 Reports of concurrent thyrotoxicosis and thyroid cancer have appeared in the last three decades. While most of the tumours have been clinically inconsequential, it has been suggested that thyroid carcinomas arising in patients with Graves' disease tend to behave aggressively, while those associated with toxic nodular goitre follow a more benign course. We report a contrary clinical experience with four cases of thyrotoxicosis associated with metastatic thyroid cancer, two of which were fatal. All four patients had toxic nodular goitre. Thyroid eye signs were uniformly absent. Two patients had received 131I therapy; none had other history of irradiation to the head or neck. Antimicrosomal and antithyroglobulin antibodies were absent in all four patients. Thyroid-stimulating immunoglobulin, which was measured in one patient, was also absent. Histopathological examination of the resected thyroid glands revealed two papillary cancers, one mixed anaplastic/papillary and one anaplastic cancer. All four patients had cervical node involvement and one had pulmonary metastases, Both patients with anaplastic carcinoma succumbed to their disease within 6 months; neither of the patients with papillary cancer had disease recurrence after 2 and 4 years, respectively. The experience reported here of aggressive thyroid cancer associated with toxic nodular goitre may represent coincidence or, alternatively, it may represent the early recognition of a change in the natural history of toxic nodular goitre. TJ McKenna, Department of Endocrinology & Diabetes Mellitus, St Vincent's Hospital, Elm Park, Dublin 4, Ireland

AbstractIntroductionFemoral fractures are painful injuries frequently encountered by prehospital practitioners. Systemic opioids are commonly used to manage the pain after a femoral fracture; however, regional techniques for providing analgesia may provide superior targeted pain relief and reduce opioid requirements. Fascia Iliaca Compartment Block (FICB) has been described as inexpensive and does not require special skills or equipment to perform, giving it the potential to be a suitable prehospital intervention.ProblemThe purpose of this systematic review is to summarize published evidence on the prehospital use of FICB in patients of any age suffering femoral fractures; in particular, to investigate the effects of a prehospital FICB on pain scores and patient satisfaction, and to assess the feasibility and safety of a prehospital FICB, including the success rates, any delays to scene time, and any documented adverse effects.MethodsA literature search of MEDLINE/PubMED, Embase, OVID, Scopus, the Cochrane Database, and Web of Science was conducted from January 1, 1989 through February 1, 2017. In addition, reference lists of review articles were reviewed and the contents pages of the British Journal of Anaesthesia (The Royal College of Anaesthetists [London, UK]; The College of Anaesthetists of Ireland [Dublin, Ireland]; and The Hong Kong College of Anaesthesiologists [Aberdeen, Hong Kong]) 2016 along with the journal Prehospital Emergency Care (National Association of Emergency Medical Service Physicians [Overland Park, Kansas USA]; National Association of State Emergency Medical Service Officials [Falls Church, Virginia USA]; National Association of Emergency Medical Service Educators [Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania USA]; and the National Association of Emergency Medical Technicians [Clinton, Mississippi USA]) 2016 were hand searched. Each study was evaluated for its quality and its validity and was assigned a level of evidence according to the Oxford Centre for Evidence-Based Medicine (OCEBM; Oxford, UK).ResultsSeven studies involving 699 patients were included (one randomized controlled trial [RCT], four prospective observational studies, one retrospective observational study, and one case report). Pain scores reduced after prehospital FICB across all studies, and some achieved a level of significance to support this. Out of a total of 254 prehospital FICBs, there was a success rate of 90% and only one adverse effect reported. Few studies have investigated the effects of prehospital FICB on patient satisfaction or scene time delays.Conclusions and Relevance:The FICB is suitable for use in the prehospital environment for the management of femoral fractures. It has few adverse effects and can be performed with a high success rate by practitioners of any background. Studies suggest that FICB is a useful analgesic technique, although further research is required to investigate its effectiveness compared to systemic opioids.HardsM, BrewerA, BessantG, LahiriS. Efficacy of prehospital analgesia with Fascia Iliaca Compartment Block for femoral bone fractures: a systematic review. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2018;33(3):299-307.

Fiad TM, Cunningham SK, McKenna TJ. Role of progesterone deficiency in the development of luteinizing hormone and androgen abnormalities in polycystic ovary syndrome. Eur J Endocrinol 1996;135:335–9. ISSN 0804–4643 The aetiology of polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) is unknown. It is uniquely characterized by oligomenorrhoea or amenorrhoea associated with normal or high oestrogen levels. This prospective clinical study was designed to examine the possible role of the lack of cyclical exposure to progesterone in the development of gonadotrophin and androgen abnormalities in PCOS. Gonadotrophin, androgen and oestrogen levels were measured in 15 PCOS patients and 10 normal subjects untreated and following treatment with the progestogen medroxyprogesterone acetate (MPA). When compared to control subjects, PCOS patients had significantly higher luteinizing hormone (LH) pulse height, pulse amplitude, integrated LH levels, LH response to gonadotrophin-releasing hormone (GnRH) and LH/FSH ratio; LH pulse frequency was similar in the two groups. In addition, the testosterone/sex hormone binding globulin ratio (T/SHBG), androstenedione and oestrone concentrations in the plasma were significantly higher in PCOS than in control subjects. When PCOS patients were treated with MPA for 5 days, there were significant decreases (p < 0.02–0.001) to values no longer different from normal: from 8.7 ± 1.2 to 5.6 ± 0.8 IU/l for integrated LH levels (untreated and MPA-treated PCOS); from 31.2 ±3.5 to 12.9 ±1.5 IU/l for LH response to GnRH; from 2.4 ± 0.26 to 1.3 ± 0.2 for LH/FSH ratio; and from 10.4 ± 0.63 to 8.5 ± for androstenedione. Significant decreases (p < 0.05–0.005) to values that still remained significantly higher than in normal subjects occurred for: LH pulse height, 11.05 ± 1.3 to 6.88 ± 0.79 IU/l (untreated and MPA-treated PCOS); LH pulse amplitude, 2.8 ± 0.5 to 1.8 ± 0.2 IU/l; total testosterone, 2.5 ± 0.2 to 2.0± 0.2 nmol/l; T/SHBG ratio, 14.1 ± 1.7 to 11 ± 1.5; and oestrone, 265 ± 24 to 208 ± 29 pmol/l. These results are consistent with the concept that ovulation failure and progesterone deficiency play a facilitatory role in the development of the hypothalamic-pituitary abnormality giving rise to disordered LH secretion in PCOS. TJ McKenna. Department of Investigative Endocrinology. St Vincent's Hospital, Elm Park. Dublin 4, Ireland

Resilience is a quality that acute physicians require in abundance. The ability to ‘bounce back’ from hardships, along with the attributes of ‘faith, hope, optimism and a sense of purpose’, described in the introduction to the article on p10, are particularly important to those working at the hospital’s front door during the early weeks of January. This year was no exception, with downstream pressures resulting from social care cuts adding to the perennial problems of winter illness. Thankfully the arrival of this Spring edition means that these weeks are behind us; the risk of tripping over a TV news cameraman in the emergency department corridor has fallen dramatically, and hospital communications teams can park the term ‘unprecedented demand’ for another year. The challenges, of course, continue, but ‘normal service pressure’ has now resumed – for a few months, at least. The article by Elen Bradley-Roberts and Chris Subbe from Bangor provides an interesting perspective on resilience and its influence on patients with acute illness. Their literature review identified that this was an under-researched area in relation to acute medicine, with much of the data relating to patients admitted to critical care units. However, there are clearly parallels with the AMU, and a better understanding of the impact of an acute hospital admission on patients may help us to provide appropriate support following their discharge. This links with Rachel Kidney’s article on readmissions, which are frequently used as an indicator of the quality of hospital care provided to patients. After analysing a large database from St James’ Hospital in Dublin, the authors conclude that the factors most strongly associated with 30 day readmission are unlikely to be influenced by the care received during the hospital stay. The lack of variation from year to year, despite major changes in health services funding in Ireland over this period adds weight to their contention that 30 day readmissions are likely to be unhelpful as a quality indicator. The Society for Acute Medicine currently recommends use of 7 day readmission figures as a more appropriate marker of AMU quality – aiming to reassure us that the pressure to shorten length of stay does not result in early readmission to hospital. However, the data from this paper may enable us to target interventions to reduce 30 day readmission amongst those patients at the highest risk. Many hospitals have already established community COPD services, which have been used to provide early supported discharge following admission with an exacerbation. Emergency Departments commonly have well developed links with community alcohol teams, although such services are often stretched too thinly. It may be that a combination of physical and psychological support, targeted at the groups of patients at highest risk of readmission to hospital, would be a costeffective model to reduce pressure on our services. Enjoy what is left of Spring and early summer, and hopefully I will catch up with some of you at the SAM meeting in Cardiff in early May.

In 1924 Tex Austin, an American showman, brought his world travelling Rodeo to Croke Park in Dublin. Coming at a time of significant social and political upheaval in Ireland, Austin's rodeo promised an entirely new kind of spectacle which was free from imperial or British connotations. Austin's rodeo, and cowboy paraphernalia in general, seemed largely immune from cultural suspicions despite the fact that few citizens knew what a rodeo actually entailed. The purpose of the present article is twofold. First it provides a detailed examination of Tex Austin's Dublin Rodeo, and a growing proliferation of cowboy culture in interwar Ireland. Second, it uses Austin's Rodeo and its aftermath, to discuss the rise of cowboy masculinities in Ireland. Done to highlight the multiplicity of masculine identities in the Free State, the article discusses the appeal of cowboy inspired masculinity in Ireland, as well as the mediums through which it passed. Such an identity was not all encompassing but it did exist, and was sustained by the entertainment and leisure industry. Its study reiterates the need for more work on the various pressures and influences brought to bear on Irish masculinity.

Mass gathering events (MGEs) attracting local, national, or international crowds presented particular challenges in the context of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Sporting, religious, music and other cultural events held during the early months of the pandemic, without social distancing or other safeguards, have been regarded as so-called ‘super spreader’ events. By the summer of 2020, MGEs were generally banned or subject to severe restrictions. Regular European sporting fixtures such as England’s Football Association and Germany’s Bundesliga matches began to return in the autumn with protective measures in place, such as matches initially held behind closed doors, and later with sub-capacity crowd limits and mandatory social distancing [1, 2, 3, 4, 5]. With protective measures in place, and proof of COVID-19 vaccination or recovery required for entry, a series of six sporting MGEs, ‘the All-Ireland Finals’ were held in the Republic of Ireland’s largest stadium, Croke Park in Dublin, during August-September 2021. This study draws on a high-resolution human population mobility dataset to quantify journeys to/from the stadium area on MGE days by destination. The anonymised, aggregated, data used is based on mobile phone usage, and consists of a series of fine-grained geographical origin-destination matrices presenting daily estimates of area to area journey numbers. With mobility from the stadium area serving as a proxy for MGE attendance, this study explores associations between MGE attendance numbers and local COVID-19 infections over subsequent five week periods. No evidence was found of association between attendance at any of the six 2021 All-Ireland MGEs and COVID-19 infections over subsequent five week periods. This finding contrasts with studies of comparable MGEs in 2020, such as English Association Football matches held during spring 2020, and German Bundesliga football matches held during autumn 2020. These differing outcomes may point to the effectiveness of transmission mitigation policies and behaviours.

I called your producer on the way here in the car because I was very excited. I found out … I did one of those genetic testing things and I found out that I'm 63 percent Irish … I had no idea. I had no idea! I thought I was Scottish and Welsh. It turns out my parents are just full of shit, I guess. But now I’m Irish and it just makes so much sense! I'm a really good drinker. I love St. Patrick's Day. Potatoes are delicious. I'm looking forward to meeting all my cousins … [to Conan O’Brien] You and I are probably related! … Now I get to say things like, “It’s in me genes! I love that Conan O’Brien; he’s such a nice fella.” You’re kinda like a giant leprechaun. (Reese Witherspoon, Tuesday 21 March 2017)IntroductionAs an Irishman and a football fan, I watched the unfolding 2016 UEFA European Championship in France (hereafter ‘Euro 2016’) with a mixture of trepidation and delight. Although the Republic of Ireland team was eventually knocked out of the competition in defeat to the host nation, the players performed extremely well – most notably in defeating Italy 1:0. It is not the on-field performance of the Irish team that interests me in this short article, however, but rather how Irish fans travelling to the competition were depicted in the surrounding international news coverage. In particular, I focus on the centrality of fan footage – shot on smart phones and uploaded to YouTube (in most cases by fans themselves) – in this news coverage. In doing so, I reflect on how sports fans contribute to wider understandings of nationness in the global imagination and how their behaviour is often interpreted (as in the case here) through long-established tropes about people and places. The Media ManifoldTo “depict” something is to represent it in words and pictures. As the contemporary world is largely shaped by and dependent on mass media – and different forms of media have merged (or “converged”) through digital media platforms – mediated forms of depiction have become increasingly important in our lives. On one hand, the constant connectivity made possible in the digital age has made the representation of people and places less controllable, insofar as the information and knowledge about our world circulating through media devices are partly created by ordinary people. On the other hand, traditional broadcast media arguably remain the dominant narrators of people and places worldwide, and their stories, Gerbner reminds us, are largely formula-driven and dramatically charged, and work to “retribalize” modern society. However, a more important point, I suggest, is that so-called new and old media can no longer be thought of as separate and discrete; rather, our attention should focus on the complex interrelations made possible by deep mediatisation (Couldry and Hepp).As an example, consider that the Youtube video of Reese Witherspoon’s recent appearance on the Conan O’Brien chat show – from which the passage at the start of this article is taken – had already been viewed 54,669 times when I first viewed it, a mere 16 hours after it was originally posted. At that point, the televised interview had already been reported on in a variety of international digital news outlets, including rte.ie, independent.ie., nydailynews.com, msn.com, huffingtonpost.com, cote-ivoire.com – and myriad entertainment news sites. In other words, this short interview was consumed synchronously and asynchronously, over a number of different media platforms; it was viewed and reviewed, and critiqued and commented upon, and in turn found itself the subject of news commentary, which fed the ongoing cycle. And yet, it is important to also note that a multiplicity of media interactions does not automatically give rise to oppositional discourse and ideological contestation, as is sometimes assumed. In fact, how ostensibly ‘different’ kinds of media can work to produce a broadly shared construction of a people and place is particularly relevant here. Just as Reese Witherspoon’s interview on the Conan O’Brien show perpetuates a highly stereotypical version of Irishness across a number of platforms, news coverage of Irish fans at Euro 2016 largely conformed to established tropes about Irish people, but this was also fed – to some extent – by Irish fans themselves.Irish Identity, Sport, and the Global ImaginationThere is insufficient space here to describe in any detail the evolving representation of Irish identity, about which a vast literature has developed (nationally and internationally) over the past several decades. As with other varieties of nationness, Irishness has been constructed across a variety of cultural forms, including advertising, art, film, novels, travel brochures, plays and documentaries. Importantly, Irishness has also to a great extent been constructed outside of Ireland (Arrowsmith; Negra).As is well known, the Irish were historically constructed by their colonial masters as a small uncivilised race – as primitive wayward children, prone to “sentimentality, ineffectuality, nervous excitability and unworldliness” (Fanning 33). When pondering the “Celtic nature,” the renowned English poet and cultural critic Mathew Arnold concluded that “sentimental” was the best single term to use (100). This perception pervaded internationally, with early depictions of Irish-Americans in US cinema centring on varieties of negative excess, such as lawlessness, drunkenness and violence (Rains). Against this prevailing image of negative excess, the intellectuals and artists associated with what became known as the Celtic Revival began a conscious effort to “rebrand” Ireland from the nineteenth century onwards, reversing the negatives of the colonial project and celebrating Irish tradition, language and culture (Fanning).At first, only distinctly Irish sports associated with the amateur Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) were co-opted in this very particular nation-building project. Since then, however, sport more generally has acted as a site for the negotiation of a variety of overlapping Irish identities. Cronin, for example, describes how the GAA successfully repackaged itself in the 1990s to reflect the confidence of Celtic Tiger Irishness while also remaining rooted in the counties and parishes across Ireland. Studies of Irish football and rugby have similarly examined how these sports have functioned as representatives of changed or evolving Irish identities (Arrowsmith; Free). And yet, throughout Ireland’s changing economic fortunes – from boom to bust, to the gradual renewal of late – a touristic image of Irishness has remained hegemonic in the global imagination. In popular culture, and especially American popular culture, Ireland is often depicted as a kind of pre-industrial theme park – a place where the effects of modernity are felt less, or are erased altogether (Negra). The Irish are known for their charm and sociability; in Clancy’s words, they are seen internationally as “simple, clever and friendly folk” (98). We can identify a number of representational tropes within this dominant image, but two in particular are apposite here: ‘smallness’ and ‘happy-go-luckiness’.Sporting NewsBefore we consider Euro 2016, it is worth briefly considering how the news industry approaches such events. “News”, Dahlgren reminds us, is not so much “information” as it is a specific kind of cultural discourse. News, in other words, is a particular kind of discursive composition that constructs and narrates stories in particular ways. Approaching sports coverage from this vantage point, Poulton and Roderick (xviii) suggest that “sport offers everything a good story should have: heroes and villains, triumph and disaster, achievement and despair, tension and drama.” Similarly, Jason Tuck observes that the media have long had a tendency to employ the “vocabulary of war” to “hype up sporting events,” a discursive tactic which, he argues, links “the two areas of life where the nation is a primary signifier” (190-191).In short, sport is abundant in news values, and media professionals strive to produce coverage that is attractive, interesting and exciting for audiences. Stead (340) suggests that there are three key characteristics governing the production of “media sports packages”: spectacularisation, dramatisation, and personalisation. These production characteristics ensure that sports coverage is exciting and interesting for viewers, but that it also in some respects conforms to their expectations. “This ‘emergent’ quality of sport in the media helps meet the perpetual audience need for something new and different alongside what is familiar and known” (Rowe 32). The disproportionate attention to Irish fans at Euro 2016 was perhaps new, but the overall depiction of the Irish was rather old, I would argue. The news discourse surrounding Euro 2016 worked to suggest, in the Irish case at least, that the nation was embodied not only in its on-field athletic representatives but more so, perhaps, in its travelling fans.Euro 2016In June 2016 the Euros kicked off in France, with the home team beating Romania 2-1. Despite widespread fears of potential terrorist attacks and disruption, the event passed successfully, with Portugal eventually lifting the Henri Delaunay Trophy. As the competition progressed, the behaviour of Irish fans quickly became a central news story, fuelled in large part by smart phone footage uploaded to the internet by Irish fans themselves. Amongst the many videos uploaded to the internet, several became the focus of news reports, especially those in which the goodwill and childlike playfulness of the Irish were on show. In one such video, Irish fans are seen singing lullabies to a baby on a Bordeaux train. In another video, Irish fans appear to help a French couple change a flat tire. In yet another video, Irish fans sing cheerfully as they clean up beer cans and bottles. (It is noteworthy that as of July 2017, some of these videos have been viewed several million times.)News providers quickly turned their attention to Irish fans, sometimes using these to draw stark contrasts with the behaviour of other fans, notably English and Russian fans. Buzzfeed, followed by ESPN, followed by Sky News, Le Monde, Fox News, the Washington Post and numerous other providers celebrated the exploits of Irish fans, with some such as Sky News and Aljazeera going so far as to produce video montages of the most “memorable moments” involving “the boys in green.” In an article titled ‘Irish fans win admirers at Euro 2016,’ Fox News reported that “social media is full of examples of Irish kindness” and that “that Irish wit has been a fixture at the tournament.” Aljazeera’s AJ+ news channel produced a video montage titled ‘Are Irish fans the champions of Euro 2016?’ which included spliced footage from some of the aforementioned videos. The Daily Mirror (UK edition) praised their “fun loving approach to watching football.” Similarly, a headline for NPR declared, “And as if they could not be adorable enough, in a quiet moment, Irish fans sang on a French train to help lull a baby to sleep.” It is important to note that viewer comments under many of these articles and videos were also generally effusive in their praise. For example, under the video ‘Irish Fans help French couple change flat tire,’ one viewer (Amsterdam 410) commented, ‘Irish people nicest people in world by far. they always happy just amazing people.’ Another (Juan Ardilla) commented, ‘Irish fans restored my faith in humanity.’As the final stages of the tournament approached, the Mayor of Paris announced that she was awarding the Medal of the City of Paris to Irish fans for their sporting goodwill. Back home in Ireland, the behaviour of Irish fans in France was also celebrated, with President Michael D. Higgins commenting that “Ireland could not wish for better ambassadors abroad.” In all of this news coverage, the humble kindness, helpfulness and friendliness of the Irish are depicted as native qualities and crystallise as a kind of ideal national character. Though laudatory, the tropes of smallness and happy-go-luckiness are again evident here, as is the recurrent depiction of Irishness as an ‘innocent identity’ (Negra). The “boys” in green are spirited in a non-threatening way, as children generally are. Notably, Stephan Reich, journalist with German sports magazine 11Freunde wrote: “the qualification of the Irish is a godsend. The Boys in Green can celebrate like no other nation, always peaceful, always sympathetic and emphatic, with an infectious, childlike joy.” Irishness as Antidote? The centrality of the Irish fan footage in the international news coverage of Euro 2016 is significant, I suggest, but interpreting its meaning is not a simple or straightforward task. Fans (like everyone) make choices about how to present themselves, and these choices are partly conscious and partly unconscious, partly spontaneous and partly conditioned. Pope (2008), for example, draws on Emile Durkheim to explain the behaviour of sports fans sociologically. “Sporting events,” Pope tells us, “exemplify the conditions of religious ritual: high rates of group interaction, focus on sacred symbols, and collective ritual behaviour symbolising group membership and strengthening shared beliefs, values, aspirations and emotions” (Pope 85). Pope reminds us, in other words, that what fans do and say, and wear and sing – in short, how they perform – is partly spontaneous and situated, and partly governed by a long-established fandom pedagogy that implies familiarity with a whole range of international football fan styles and embodied performances (Rowe). To this, we must add that fans of a national sports team generally uphold shared understandings of what constitutes desirable and appropriate patriotic behaviour. Finally, in the case reported here, we must also consider that the behaviour of Irish fans was also partly shaped by their awareness of participating in the developing media sport spectacle and, indeed, of their own position as ‘suppliers’ of news content. In effect, Irish fans at Euro 2016 occupied an interesting hybrid position between passive consumption and active production – ‘produser’ fans, as it were.On one hand, therefore, we can consider fan footage as evidence of spontaneous displays of affective unity, captured by fellow participants. The realism or ‘authenticity’ of these supposedly natural and unscripted performances is conveyed by the grainy images, and amateur, shaky camerawork, which ironically work to create an impression of unmediated reality (see Goldman and Papson). On the other hand, Mike Cronin considers them contrived, staged, and knowingly performative, and suggestive of “hyper-aware” Irish fans playing up to the camera.However, regardless of how we might explain or interpret these fan performances, it is the fact that they play a role in making Irishness public that most interests me here. For my purposes, the most important consideration is how the patriotic performances of Irish fans both fed and harmonized with the developing news coverage; the resulting depiction of the Irish was partly an outcome of journalistic conventions and partly a consequence of the self-essentialising performances of Irish fans. In a sense, these fan-centred videos were ready-made or ‘packaged’ for an international news audience: they are short, dramatic and entertaining, and their ideological content is in keeping with established tropes about Irishness. As a consequence, the media-sport discourse surrounding Euro 2016 – itself a mixture of international news values and home-grown essentialism – valorised a largely touristic understanding of Irishness, albeit one that many Irish people wilfully celebrate.Why such a construction of Irishness is internationally appealing is unclear, but it is certainly not new. John Fanning (26) cites a number of writers in highlighting that Ireland has long nurtured a romantic self-image that presents the country as a kind of balm for the complexities of the modern world. For example, he cites New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, who observed in 2001 that “people all over the world are looking to Ireland for its reservoir of spirituality hoping to siphon off what they can feed to their souls which have become hungry for something other than consumption and computers.” Similarly, Diane Negra writes that “virtually every form of popular culture has in one way or another, presented Irishness as a moral antidote to contemporary ills ranging from globalisation to post-modern alienation, from crises over the meaning and practice of family values to environmental destruction” (3). Earlier, I described the Arnoldian image of the Irish as a race governed by ‘negative excess’. Arguably, in a time of profound ideological division and resurgent cultural nationalism – a time of polarisation and populism, of Trumpism and Euroscepticism – this ‘excess’ has once again been positively recoded, and now it is the ‘sentimental excess’ of the Irish that is imagined as a salve for the cultural schisms of our time.ConclusionMuch has been made of new media powers to contest official discourses. Sports fans, too, are now considered much less ‘controllable’ on account of their ability to disrupt official messages online (as well as offline). The case of Irish fans at Euro 2016, however, offers a reminder that we must avoid routine assumptions that the “uses” made of “new” and “old” media are necessarily divergent (Rowe, Ruddock and Hutchins). My interest here was less in what any single news item or fan-produced video tells us, but rather in the aggregate construction of Irishness that emerges in the media-sport discourse surrounding this event. Relatedly, in writing about the London Olympics, Wardle observed that most of what appeared on social media concerning the Games did not depart significantly from the celebratory tone of mainstream news media organisations. “In fact the absence of any story that threatened the hegemonic vision of the Games as nation-builder, shows that while social media provided an additional and new form of newsgathering, it had to fit within the traditional news structures, routines and agenda” (Wardle 12).Obviously, it is important to acknowledge the contestability of all media texts, including the news items and fan footage mentioned here, and to recognise that such texts are open to multiple interpretations based on diverse reading positions. And yet, here I have suggested that there is something of a ‘preferred’ reading in the depiction of Irish fans at Euro 2016. The news coverage, and the footage on which it draws, are important because of what they collectively suggest about Irish national identity: here we witness a shift from identity performance to identity writ large, and one means of analysing their international (and intertextual significance), I have suggested, is to view them through the prism of established tropes about Irishness.Travelling sports fans – for better or worse – are ‘carriers’ of places and cultures, and they remind us that “there is also a cultural economy of sport, where information, images, ideas and rhetorics are exchanged, where symbolic value is added, where metaphorical (and sometimes literal, in the case of publicly listed sports clubs) stocks rise and fall” (Rowe 24). There is no question, to borrow Rowe’s term, that Ireland’s ‘stocks’ rose considerably on account of Euro 2016. In news terms, Irish fans provided entertainment value; they were the ‘human interest’ story of the tournament; they were the ‘feel-good’ factor of the event – and importantly, they were the suppliers of much of this content (albeit unofficially). Ultimately, I suggest that we think of the overall depiction of the Irish at Euro 2016 as a co-construction of international news media practices and the self-presentational practices of Irish fans themselves. The result was not simply a depiction of idealised fandom, but more importantly, an idealisation of a people and a place, in which the plucky little people on tour became the global standard bearers of Irish identity.ReferencesArnold, Mathew. Celtic Literature. 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