Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cuba – Foreign relations – Namibia'

This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.

In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.

This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.

On 24 February 1996, two US-registered civil aircraft operated by members of the anti-Castro organisation Brothers to the Rescue were shot down by Cuban fighters. This action was denounced by the United States and the majority of the international community on the grounds that international air law, as reflected in Article 3bis of the Chicago Convention, prohibits the use of force against civil aircraft. However, at the time of the incident, the 1984 Protocol introducing Article 3bis in the Chicago Convention was not in force nor had it been ratified by Cuba or the United States. This thesis will examine the international legal rules applicable to the incident and will assess the legality of the Cuban action.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Political Science and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.
"A dissertation in political science and history." Advisor: Robert Evanson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252). Online version of the print edition.

The thesis focuses upon the final reintegration of Walvis Bay and its twelve Penguin/Off-Shore Islands into Namibia. As Namibia's only deep water port, it escaped reintegration in 1989 when the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 435 (1978) was implemented. Hence the study argues that the exclusion of Walvis Bay from the Settlement Plan falls outside the parameters of various UNSC and UN General Assembly Resolutions, viz 385 and 432 of 1976 respectively. Such an arrangement has to be looked at as Pretoria's non-compliance with the above resolutions. South Africa got away with such an arrangement with the blessing of the Western Contact Group of Nations, i.e the United States; Britain; (former West) Germany; France and Canada. The argument advances further to capture the sudden emergence of Walvis Bay as a dispute between the National Party regime and the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. The dispute came about when the National Party submitted a controversial constitutional proposal during South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park. They were proposing Walvis Bay to constitute part of the new Western Cape province in the postapartheid South Africa. Namibia's diplomacy paid off when the return of Walvis Bay was agreed upon as it became entangled in the constitutional talks for South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park in 1993-1994.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold A. Trinkunas, Thomas C. Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-55). Also available online.

Thesis advisor: Paul Gray
Since Fidel Castro rose to power in Cuba over fifty years ago, U.S.-Cuban relations have been defined by mutual hostility. As the hegemon of the Western Hemisphere, the United States has labored to combat this repressive force that threatens democracy only ninety miles from its shores. In this paper, I analyze the embargo against Cuba and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program, both of which are U.S. government initiatives intended to weaken the Cuban government. I find that neither of these initiatives has been effective and that the United States’ failure to reevaluate longstanding and unsuccessful policies is detrimental to the populations they are intended to serve. In order to create more effective programs, the United States government must consider human rights in its decisions, continuously follow through with and reevaluate its policies, and ensure that initiatives are in the best interest of all parties involved
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
Discipline: International Studies

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Theory states that if a country opens its markets to free trade that it facilitates the better utilization of resources for all the parties participating in the agreement resulting to a relative lowering of production cost, the increase in export earnings, larger markets to benefit from economies of scale and subsequent investment in production facilities will increase employment and general welfare. Namibia has three major free trade agreements or economic integration arrangements namely the Southem Africa Customs Union (SACU), the Cotonou agreement defining its export regime to the European Union and the South Africa European Union Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement defining its import regime via the Southem African Customs Union and the African Growth and Opportunities Act defining its relationship with the United States of America. These agreements are at varying levels of integration with the Southem African Customs Union in place already in 1920. Namibia uses taxes on international trade as a primary source of state income (28% to 32 %). As part of its membership to the SACU's Common External Pool revenue distribution, Namibia is compensated for not being able to charge import taxes on South African imports. South Africa has determined trade policy for SACU since its exception and used tariffs more as a form of protection of its own industries, rather than a source of state income. The lowering of tariffs on EU imports by means of the SA EU TDCA as well as WTO obligations will see the reduction of state income of Namibia of an estimated amount of N$ 480 million [Schade 20051. This will have dire consequence for the Namibian economy as the deficit of the state budget is already 4.7 % as compared to a norm of 3%. In this study the growth in export earnings as well as the investment response of the various free trade agreements have been analysed. Contrary to theory, economic integration has not led to the desired growth in export earnings as well as significant investment responses due to preferential access provided by these agreements. Significant growth in exports is limited to specific sectors, notably fish to the European Union and apparel to the USA. Investments were also limited to these sectors. Free trade and preferential access did not lead to the diversification of the Namibian economy and has on the contrary inflicted severe blows to the critical beef industry in the near past and over the long term has led to trade diversion towards South Africa as well as the European Union. Investments and increases in export earnings are too little to offset the reduction of state income by the liberalization of tariffs and will result in Namibia becoming more marginalised if it does not counter the situation by better trade policies that are to be formulated along with the other SACU members. These policies will take time to be concluded as of yet none of the institutions of SACU has become operational.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die teorie van vryhandel bepaal as 'n land sy mark oopmaak vir vryhandel dat dit sal lei tot die verbeterde benutting van hulpbronne vir al die partye tot 'n vryhandelsooreenskoms deur middel van die verlaging van produksiekoste, die verhoging van uitvoerinkomste, die vergroting van markte wat kan voordeel trek uit skaal van, ekonomieë asook die verhoging van gepaardgaande belegging wat werkskepping en die algemene welsyn sal verhoog. Namibie is deel van drie vryhandelsooreenkomste of ekonomiese integrasie samewerking naamlik die Suider Afrikaanse Doane Unie (SADU), die Cotonou verdrag wat sy uitvoer na die Europese Unie bepaal, die Suid Afrika Europese Unie Handel, Ontwikkeling en Samewerkingsooreenkoms (SA EU TOCA) wat sy invoere vanaf Suid Afrika via die SADU bepaal en die African Growth and Opportunffies Act wat sy uitvoere na die VSA bepaal. Hierdie ooreenkomste is op verskillende vlakke van ekonomiese integrasie met SADU wat alreeds sedert 1920 bestaan. Namibie gebruik belasting op intemasionale handel as 'n primere bron van staatsinkomste (28% tot 32 %). Namibia word as lid van SADU gekompenseer deur middel van die Gemeenskaplike Eksteme Inkomste Poel vir die gebrek om invoerbelasting op Suid Afrikaanse produkte te hef. Suid-Afrika het sedert die ontstaan van SADU die handelsbeleid daarvan bepaal en het tariewe gebruik om sy eie industrieë te beskerm in plaas van 'n bron van staatsinkomste. Die verlaging van tariewe deur middel van die SA EU TOCA asook verpligtinge van die Wereldhandelsorganisasie sal tot gevolg hê die vermindering van Namibiese staatsinkomste van N$ 480 miljoen, Dit sal geweldige negatiewe gevolge inhou vir Namibie wat alreeds met 'n tekort op die begroting van 4.7% sit in vergelyking met 'n aanvaarde norm van 3%. In hierdie werkstuk is die groei in uitvoerverdienste asook die beleggingsreaksie van die verskillende ooreenskomste ondersoek. Daar is gevind dat desnieteenstaande die teorie, ekonomiese integrasie nie gelei het tot die verlangde groei in uitvoere of beleggings nie. Uitsondenike groei in uitvoere is beperk tot spesifieke sektore naamlik vis na die Europese Unie en klerasie na die VSA. Beleggings is ook beperk tot hierdie sektore. Vryhandel en voorkeurtoegang het nie gelei tot die diversifikasie van Namibie se ekonomie nie en het dit op die keper beskou gelei tot kritiese terugslae op die kritiese beesvleisindustrie in die nabye verlede en het dit oor die langtermyn gelei tot die wegleiding van handel na Suid - Afrika en die Europese Unie. Beleggings en toename in uitvoer is te min om die vermindering van staatsinkomste deur middel van die liberalisering van handel teen te werk. Dit sal tot gevolg hê dat Namibia al meer gemarginaliseerd gaan raak indien dit nie die situasie kan teenwerk deur middel van beter handelsbeleid wat bepaal moet word deur onderhandeling met ander SADU lede nie. Hierdie beleidsrigtings sal lank neem voordat dit van krag sal kom aangesien nie een van die SADU instellings al in volle bedryf is nie.

Since the beginning of the Revolutionary government in Cuba, a comprehensive foreign policy involving medical personal and equipment has been implemented worldwide. Known as medical internationalism, thousands of doctors have been sent to developed and less developed nations in the spirit of solidarity and humanitarian aid. Even more, thousands of students have been given free medical education in Cuba at its world renowned university, the Latin American School of Medicine (ELAM). Often, no monetary or direct political gain is made by Cuba and the doctors simply receive their normal government salary. While the success of Cuba's medical internationalism is well documented (Feinsilver 1993, Kirk & Erisman 2009), the reasons and guiding forces behind it are much less understood. Based on a Cultural/Political Foreign Policy model created by Marijke Breuning to study foreign policy, this study aims to show that the concept of proletarian internationalism is the guiding principle in Cuba's medical internationalism programs.

Diploma thesis analyses mutual relations between Cuba and Soviet Union between 1959 (victory of the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro) and 1991 (the dissolution of Soviet Union). The thesis is divided into five chapters, first of which deals with the historical development of the island. The rest of the chapters describe circumstances leading to establishing, deepening, or worsening mutual relations and explains the causes of such development. Motivation factors leading both countries to cooperation are object of the work. This thesis intends to find out whether geographical location of Cuba was the main reason for Soviet Union to cooperate and support financially the Caribbean island. The role of Marxism-Leninism ideology in mutual relations is also clarified.

This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of succesive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

Les relations entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis sont conflictuelles depuis plus d’un demi-siècle, plus précisément depuis l’arrivée de Fidel Castro au pouvoir le 1er janvier 1959. Cette étude porte sur le régime du général Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) et plus particulièrement sur la guerre civile cubaine – période de vingt-cinq mois allant du débarquement des révolutionnaires cubains menés par Castro le 2 décembre 1956 à la fuite de Batista le 1er janvier 1959. L’analyse de cette période est cruciale pour comprendre les raisons de l’émergence d’un puissant mouvement à Cuba et de la transformation politique, économique et sociale la plus radicale de l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, mettant ainsi un terme à près de soixante ans d’hégémonie étasunienne sur l’île des Caraïbes (1898-1958). Elle permet également de saisir les enjeux actuels du conflit bilatéral qui oppose Washington et La Havane. L’interventionnisme des Etats-Unis, tant politique que militaire, dans les affaires internes cubaines en vue de protéger leurs propres intérêts économiques et stratégiques était une norme qui était de mise durant toute la période républicaine (1902-1958). L’objectif de cette étude consiste à analyser en profondeur la politique étrangère de l’administration Eisenhower vis-à-vis de Cuba durant toute la guerre civile cubaine qui opposa principalement le Mouvement 26 Juillet de Castro et ses alliés au régime de Batista. L’hostilité persistante de Washington à l’égard de Cuba vingt ans après la disparition de l’Union soviétique illustre le constat que les rapports bilatéraux entre les deux nations ne peuvent être analysés seulement à l’aune de la Guerre Froide
Relations between Cuba and the United States have been troubled for more than half a century, more precisely since Fidel Castro's arrival to power on January 1, 1959. This study concerns the regime of General Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) and particularly the Cuban civil war - the twenty-five month period from the landing of Cuban revolutionaries led by Castro on December 2, 1956 to the flight of Batista on January 1, 1959. The analysis of this period is crucial to understanding the reasons for the emergence of a powerful movement in Cuba and the most radical political, economic and social transformation in the history of Latin America, which ended nearly sixty years of American hegemony over the Caribbean island (1898-1958). It also provides an understanding of the essence of the current bilateral conflict between Washington and Havana. U.S. intervention, both politically and militarily, in Cuban internal affairs in order to protect its own strategic and economic interests was the norm throughout Cuba's Republican era (1902-1958). The aim of this study is an in depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Eisenhower administration towards Cuba throughout the Cuban civil war, which primarily pitted Castro's 26th of July Movement and his allies against the Batista regime. Washington's persistent hostility towards Cuba twenty years after the demise of the Soviet Union illustrates the finding that bilateral relations between both nations can not be analyzed only through the framework of the Cold War

Le développement démocratique engendre-t-il un changement dans la politique étrangère du Mexique ?La politique étrangère « traditionnelle » mexicaine est réputée pour être passive, légaliste et nationaliste, telle la définie le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel au début du XXème siècle, jusqu’à la fin des années 1990. Depuis cette date, la politique étrangère mexicaine est en pleine transition sous l’effet d’un nouvel ordre mondial et du processus de démocratisation interne.En 2000, l’élection du président Fox jouit d’une légitimité internationale qui lui permet de renouveler la politique extérieure en se focalisant sur la défense des droits de l’Homme et de la démocratie. Ce changement diplomatique marque une rupture politique avec le régime précédent.Par le biais de la révision du ALENA, il cherche d’une part, à approfondir l’intégration avec les États-Unis avec la négociation d’un accord migratoire, et d’autre part, à développer une activité multilatérale, en particulier au sein des forums de l’ONU. Cette politique vise à réduire la dépendance du Mexique vis-à-vis des États-Unis en intensifiant sa présence multilatérale. Cet objectif sera néanmoins fortement perturbé par des éléments internes, comme l’inertie bureaucratique, et externes, avec les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre.Cette recherche s’appuie sur la littérature politiste spécialisée sur la politique étrangère mexicaine.Elle critique les analyses qui s’attachent exclusivement à démontrer le manque d’habilité et les erreurs diplomatiques de l’administration Fox. La thèse soutient au contraire, que ces changement sont permis de mettre sur l’agenda politique des dossiers fondamentaux comme la politique migratoire, les droits de l’Homme et la coopération pour le développement
Has Mexican foreign policy changed with the advent of the new democratic rule in Mexico?Traditional Mexican Foreign Policy, known as passive, reactive, legalistic, and nationalistic, was installed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from the start of the 20th century to the late90s. Since that date, Mexican foreign policy faces a double transformation dynamic: the external,with the establishment of a new world order; and the internal, with the Mexican democratization process.2000 elections, depicted as a transparent process, gave president Vicente Fox sufficient international legitimacy to modify foreign policy agenda, introducing the protection of human rights and democratic values. These changes produce a political rupture with the previous regimeand triggered a change in the foreign policy behaviour.The new foreign policy program includes a complementary strategy: first, widen the regional integration within the United States, by the revision of the NAFTA, with a negotiation of amigration agreement; second, deploying a strong multilateral activity (mainly United Nationsforums). This stratagem seeks to reduce Mexico’s U.S. dependence, by intensifying its multilateral presence. But, internal and external causalities, inertial bureaucratic practices and the effects of September 11 reversed this policy.This research is based on political literature specialized in Mexican foreign policy. It critically analyzes the classic approach that focus exclusively on the lack of diplomatic skill and blunders of Fox’s administration. This thesis argues instead that these changes have helped set the politicalagenda of fundamental issues as migration policy, human rights and development cooperation
¿Hubo cambio en la política exterior de México con la llegada de la democracia?La política exterior “tradicional” de México, conocida como pasiva, legalista y nacionalista,instalada a inicios del siglo XX por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) se enfrenta, en los años noventa, a un doble contexto de transición: el externo, ante la influencia de un nuevo orden mundial; y el interno, con el proceso de democratización. La elección del 2000, considerada un proceso electoral transparente y equitativo, le otorga algobierno de Fox una legitimidad internacional que le permite proponer una agenda de política exterior “nueva”, centrada en la protección de los derechos humanos y la democracia. Esto representa una ruptura política con respecto al régimen anterior y un signo de cambio en el comportamiento hacia el exterior.El nuevo programa de política exterior incluye una estrategia complementaria: primero, profundizar la integración con Estados Unidos, mediante la revisión del TLCAN, con la negociación de un acuerdo migratorio; y segundo, una actividad multilateral, particularmente en los foros de la ONU. Esta política busca reducir la dependencia de Estados Unidos, intensificando su presencia multilateral. Este objetivo es revertido a causa de factores tanto de causalidad interna como externa,como las inercias burocráticas y los efectos de los atentados del 11 de septiembre.Esta investigación se basa en la literatura especializada sobre la política exterior mexicana, y criticalos análisis enfocados exclusivamente en la falta de habilidad y los errores diplomáticos de la administración Fox. Esta tesis sostiene lo contrario, que estos cambios permitieron meter en la agenda política temas fundamentales como la política migratoria, los derechos humanos y la cooperación para el desarrollo

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The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.

Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.

Malgré l'utilisation croissante des sanctions en tant qu’outil de politique étrangère de plus en plus populaire dans le paysage des relations internationales contemporaines, les recherches liant les sanctions au tourisme sont limitées, et ce, malgré leur impact considérable sur les destinations et les flux touristiques. Le tourisme est profondément affecté par les sanctions qui peuvent détériorer profondément l'image d’une destination, restreindre sévèrement les voyages internationaux, et perturber les investissements financiers et les chaînes d'approvisionnement. Des sanctions plus globales peuvent engendrer des difficultés économiques considérables sur les destinations, ainsi que des effets indirects, notamment une baisse de la valeur monétaire et des pressions inflationnistes. Peu de pays ont subi un aussi grand nombre de sanctions que l’Iran. Le pays fait l’objet de longues et lourdes sanctions depuis près de quarante ans. L’accord nucléaire iranien de 2015 a permis un rebond du tourisme iranien. Or, le retrait unilatéral américain de 2018 a brutalement mis fin aux espoirs de développement rapide. À partir de l’analyse des conséquences touristiques des sanctions contre l’Iran, et dans le cadre d’une géopolitique émergente, ce travail propose une double approche de ces relations. La première analyse la littérature des sanctions dans le tourisme, en montrant les différents impacts des sanctions sur l’écosystème touristique définissant le cadre conceptuel et théorique de l’étude. Cette première approche est complétée par l’analyse des entretiens passés avec des acteurs clés en Iran pour décrypter les contraintes des sanctions pour les professionnels iraniens du tourisme. La deuxième s’attache à comprendre les mécanismes d'adaptation des autres destinations ayant subi des sanctions (Cuba, Russie et Turquie) pour répondre aux conséquences touristiques des sanctions. Dans l’ensemble, ce travail de recherche approfondit la connaissance des relations entre la géopolitique, la politique étrangère et le tourisme, fournit une analyse des effets des sanctions internatonales sur les destinations et étudie les phénomènes de résilience touristique
Despite the growing use of sanctions as an increasingly popular foreign policy tool in the contemporary international relations landscape, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Few countries have suffered as many sanctions as Iran. The country has been subjected to long and severe sanctions for nearly forty years. The Iranian nuclear agreement of 2015 allowed a rebound of the Iranian tourism. However, the US unilateral withdrawal of 2018 has brutally put an end to hopes for rapid development. From the analysis of the tourist consequences of the sanctions against Iran, and within the framework of an emerging geopolitics, this thesis proposes a double approach of these relations. The first analyzes the literature of sanctions in tourism, showing the different impacts of sanctions on the tourist ecosystem defining the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. This first approach is complemented by the analysis of interviews with key actors in Iran to decipher the constraints of sanctions for Iranian tourism professionals. The second focuses on understanding the adaptation mechanisms of other sanctioned destinations (Cuba, Russia and Turkey) to address the tourism consequences of sanctions. Overall, this work deepens the understanding of the relationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism, provides an analysis of the effects of international sanctions on destinations and studies the phenomena of tourism resilience

This study is about foreign policy-making in Namibia from independence, 1990 to 2008, which is based on Liberalism as an approach to the study of International Relations. Namibia’s foreign policy has three main themes, namely the promotion of world peace, economic diplomacy and South-South cooperation. The domestic actors of Namibia’s foreign policy are the President, Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Government Ministries. Former President Nujoma is pragmatic and persuasive, while President Pohamba maintains a reserved approach. Other domestic actors such as the Parliament, opposition parties and civil society organisations have not been effective in influencing Namibia’s foreign policy-making. Although Namibia is a small state her foreign policy is successful contrary to the traditional perspectives of small states’ foreign policies. Namibia has played an active role in regional and international organisations and maintained a wider scope of foreign policy. Namibia has 24 diplomatic Missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and America.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International politics)

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, 2016
Natural resources can be a solution to the capital deficit in sub Saharan Africa. As such, resource rich countries have to avoid plundering and wastage of the resource rents. However, the nature of politics in the region points to the fact that plundering of resource rents is inevitable because most resource rich sub Saharan African countries have been prone to elite capture and bad governance. This entails that national resources are “privatised” in the sense that they are directed towards enrichment of a few. In addition, governments in resource rich countries tend to allocate resource rents inefficiently. Thus, resources do not contribute towards sustainable and long-term development. To avoid plundering and wastage, a set of institutions can be put in place that can assist in managing resource rents. These are institutions that can restrain ruling elites from capturing the resource rents for private use and the state from inefficiently allocating rents through policies. Most scholars argue that a democratic system, through frequent elections and its attendant institutions such as the rule of law, accountability and transparency allows effective and efficient management resource rents and the economy in general. This is a good starting point in conceptualising institutions of restraint. However, this study seeks to broaden our understanding of institutions of restraint by providing an alternative approach. Using Botswana and Namibia as case studies this study seeks to reconceptualise institutions of restraint without rejecting the importance of democratic institutions. The study considers the hypothesis that the success in management of resource rents, particularly in Botswana, can be explained by a combination of democratic institutions and what can be termed centralised development planning institutions. The premise of this proposition is that democratic institutions are inadequate in restraining elites or the state. Therefore, they need to be complemented by centralised development planning institutions. Working in tandem, democratic institutions and centralised development planning institutions have the capacity to adequately provide the necessary restraints in resource driven economies. In line with this, the study argues that the degree or level of restraints in a political system is essential for successful management of resource rents.
MT2017

This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War.
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This study is about the economic diplomacy of Namibia, as a small state, for the period 1990 – 2015. Liberalism, as a theory of International Relations (IR) studies, is the adopted analytical framework. Namibia’s economic diplomacy is anchored in the foreign policy principles enshrined in article 96 of her constitution, which advocate, inter alia, the maintenance of mutual beneficial relations. Namibia, further enacted laws and adopted policies that serve as domestic instruments of economic diplomacy. The stakeholders in Namibia’s economic diplomacy include both state and non-state actors. The study adopts a population of 8 million as the benchmark for small states, plus one of the following characteristics of small states: small size of the territory; low economy and the perception by the government leaders and nationals. Namibia’s bilateral economic diplomacy covers over one hundred countries. Her major trade partners, in terms of export trade and inward investments are Angola, Canada, China, Germany, The Netherlands, Spain, South Africa, Switzerland, The United Kingdom and the United States. Bilateral economic diplomacy is further pursued through the Export Processing Zone (EPZ) exports. The Namibian Government pursues multilateral economic diplomacy with the European Union, as part of the Africa Caribbean Pacific states and with regional and international economic and trade organisations such as the Southern Africa Customs Union, the Southern Africa Development Community, the United Nations Conference in Trade and Development and the World Trade Organisation. Namibia also adopts conference diplomacy as a form of multilateral economic diplomacy. The study makes an epistemological contribution to the study of IR, that the world is constructed under the hierarchical order that constrains power-based relations and minimises conflicts in international trade. A minimal trend of pursuing interests is, however, observed. The study further makes an ontological contribution to the study of IR, that the behaviour of state and non-state actors are inclined to cooperation on the continuum of conflict and cooperation. The study concludes that, contrary to the assumptions in small states literature, that small states have limitations of capacity and play an insignificant role in multilateralism, Namibia has skilled negotiators who have led negotiations in regional and international organisations.
Political Sciences
D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Johannesburg, 2014
This study set out to interrogate the impact of the U.S. - S.A. trade relationship on Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BLNS). A qualitative method of study was chosen and the literature review method was used. South Africa’s foreign policy making was analysed and it was found that in 1994, the country, sought international standing and economic growth. As such, it chose foreign policy that met the stringent criteria of Brenton Woods institutions and liberalised markets, privatised and had a stringent tax regime. The country also carved out a niche as an agent for peace on the African continent and a champion of the global South. South Africa’s post-democratic relationship with the United States was analysed and found to have been negatively impacted by the hangover of Cold War politics and the U.S.’s relationship with the apartheid government. The new government also considered Russia and other American enemies like Cuba, Iran and Lybia allies. The South African government never fully trusted the U.S.’s intentions and was wary of agreeing too often with the country for fear of being called a puppet of the U.S. However, the two countries managed to find common ground and continue to trade with each other successfully. The relationship between BLNS and S.A. in SACU was found to be unequal with BLNS still economically and geographically dependent on S.A. This is in spite numerous changes meant to bring about equality in SACU. The study concluded that there was no real impact on BLNS as a result of the relationship between U.S. and S.A.BLNS suffered a negative impact when the European Union and S.A. signed an agreement but they ensured they were not victims of the U.S. – S.A. trade relationship.

Long-time friends, Americans and Canadians share many world-views and values. Yet, important differences exist. This study examines one foreign policy where these differences are striking. The United States and Canada have had very different policies toward Cuba, especially since Fidel Castro assumed power in 1959. Canada's policy of constructive engagement stands in marked contrast to the isolationist solution adopted by the American government. Much of the current literature offers traditional economic or domestic interest group explanations for the two policies. This study challenges these conventional narratives. By examining each country's policy toward Cuba in tandem this study demonstrates that there is far more than domestic political or economic calculations involved in the formulation of these foreign policies. Adopting a constructivist approach, this study will show that differences exist over Cuba because the two countries are different in other ways—they have their own identities, values and perceptions that contribute to the formation of very distinct approaches toward this island regime. Canadians and Americans perceive Cuba through different lenses. The American identity as an exceptional country and their corresponding view of Cuba as inferior as well as the perception that Cuba is within the American sphere of influence has affected the relationship between the United States and Cuba since the days of the Monroe Doctrine. The American identity as the guardian of freedom and democracy helped to construct American policy. After 1959, Cuba was seen to be an anathema to everything the United States represented. In contrast, the Canadian identity as “not American” and the need to assert this in foreign policy, as well as their identity as a good international citizen with its emphasis on values such as dialogue and compromise have greatly influenced the Canadian perception of Cuba. In sum, the examination of identity and its related values, perceptions, and norms offers an alternative way of making sense of US-Cuban and Canadian-Cuban relations. These two case studies reveal how these variables influence foreign policy and enable us to better understand Canadian and American foreign policy as well as international relations.

"Media cold warriors of Operation Pedro Pan" is a case study in which I examine the impact of 1960s Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S.-Cuba policy. In my report, I contextualize the 1960s covert U.S. endeavor Operation Pedro Pan and draw parallels between the media portrayals of Pedro Pan children from the 60s and the discourse utilized by adult Pedro Panes today to market their immigration experience to contemporary voters and younger generations of Cuban Americans. Operation Pedro Pan was intended to undermine the Castro Government and accomplish democracy in 1960s Cuba. I argue, however, that because of the contemporary publicity surrounding Pedro Panes and their use of the same Cold War rhetoric to characterize their immigration experiences, the children of Operation Pedro Pan will ultimately prevent the same achievement of democracy in Cuba that the covert endeavor purported to accomplish in the 1960s.
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Many L2 students in Namibia are not adequately prepared for the academic demands of university courses, mainly because of poor reading skills in the L2. University students reading below their maturational levels, can mainly be attributed to their print-impoverished backgrounds, as reading is a skill that develops mainly through reading. Without any assistance, poor readers at university will continue to read poorly and as a result perform weaker in their academic courses compared to their peers who are better readers. The overall aim of this study is to explore the effects of a reading intervention program on a group of university students in Namibia. A quasiexperimental method with a control and an intervention group was employed. The effect of reading ability on academic performance was also investigated. In addition, through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, the pre-literacy experiences of students, the differences between good and poor readers at university, their views about the reading intervention program as well as the attitudes and practices of university lecturers towards reading instruction at tertiary level were examined.
Linguistics
M.A. (with specialisation in Applied Linguistics)

This thesis analyzes the development of Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in the eighties of the 20th century. In the first part the author is shortly showing development of mutual relations after the Cuban revolution in 1959 and the role of Czechoslovakia in the process of consolidation of the regime of Fidel Castro. Later the author is concentrating on the core of the paper, which is divided into four chapters. These chapters are analyzing in detail particular areas of mutual relations - political, economic, scientific and technical cooperation and cultural. In the political area author is investigating the changes in international relations in connection with advent of Ronald W. Reagan and Mikhail S. Gorbachev and its influences on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Cuba. In the eighties the core of relations had been shifted into the economic sphere and trade, loans and investment units which were often discussed and also were sources of disputes. Scientific and technical cooperation and culture were traditional forms of mutual relations and also during the eighties the cooperation was intense. In the end the author states that the relations in the reporting period are best described by the word "stability" because in the comparison with the years after the Cuban revolution lost it is own dynamic.

Ces vingt dernières années ont été marquées par des flux d’investissements directs étrangers (IDE) entre les économies mondialisées. L’Afrique reste cependant plus en marge que les autres régions. Cela peut s’expliquer par divers facteurs comme les ressources ou les politiques publiques. En effet, certains pays possèdent des politiques publiques envers les IDE plus ou moins réticentes. Ce présent travail se concentre sur les raisons qui amènent les pays à adopter ce type de politiques publiques. En m’appuyant sur l’approche britannique de Susan Strange et la méthode de la différence de Mills, je compare la République du Congo qui met en place des politiques incitatives envers les IDE et la Namibie dont les politiques publiques sont plus restreintes. D’une part, cette différence de politiques publiques envers les IDE s’explique par la colonisation et par les relations qu’ils ont avec leurs anciens pays coloniaux. D’autre part, les institutions internationales influencent aussi les comportements de ces deux pays dans leurs relations avec les investisseurs étrangers. Pour cette étude, je me suis concentrée sur l’ONU et le FMI. Celles-ci ont donc intensifié les comportements de ces pays vis-à-vis des IDE.
These last twenty years were marked by flows of foreign direct investments (FDI) between globalized economies. The continent of Africa is more marginalized than other regions. It could be explained by various factors like resources or public policies. Indeed, several countries have public policies towards FDI more or less reluctant. This present paper is focused on why countries adopt this type of public policy. Based on Susan Strange’s British approach and Mills’ difference method, I compare the Republic of Congo, which has incentive policies for FDI and Namibia with public policies which are more limited. On the one hand, this difference in public policies towards FDI is explained by colonization and the relations they have with their former colonial countries. On the other hand, the international institutions also influence the behaviour of these two countries in their relations with foreign investors. For this study, I focused on the UN and the IMF. These have thus intensified the behaviour of these countries towards FDI.

The thesis deals with the U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba in the years 1958-1965. It analyses sources of U.S.-Cuban hostility at the beginning of the Fidel Castro era. It shows, how the U.S. foreign policy and the beginning of Cold war contributed to polarization as well as radicalization of politics in Cuba. Thus, it analyses the change of a local conflict into the "international civil war". The aim of the thesis is to argue that Cuba influenced the global balance of power between the Soviet Union and the United States at the beginning of 1960's. The introductory chapters summarize the causes of the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. policy toward friendly dictators, mainly toward Fulgencio Batista in Cuba. Next part deals with the guerilla warfare against Batista and the extent of U.S. influence on this insurrection. The thesis uses a multi-archival research of the U.S. as well as Czech and British sources. The comparison of sources shows the extent of independent Cuban actions and helps to comprehend the logic of the Eastern-European foreign policy. The thesis further analyses the U.S. reaction on Cuban Revolution as well as causes and consequences of the Cuban Missile crisis. Moreover, it deals with the possibilities of improvement in the U.S.-Cuban relations. Last but not least it also analyses the...

The study analyzes the largely understudied cinematic cooperation between Czechoslovakia and Cuba in the first decade following the Cuban Revolution. It is based mostly on archival documents from the former Central Directorship of Czechoslovak State Film, the ministry of education and culture and the ministry of foreign affairs. Several chapters also draw from oral history, data collected from series of interviews with Cuban technicians and artists who have worked in Cuban cinema since the 1960s as well as Czechoslovak experts who worked at the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industries in the 1960s. The Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (CICAI), founded in March 1959 shortly after the triumph of the Revolution, faced a shortage of human and material resources since its inception. The film industry, which had been mostly in the hands of the Americans before 1959, lost much personnel due to mass emigration. Later on, due to the American blockade and embargo, it also lost its most important provider of films, material and equipment. The majority of CICAI's technician and artists were just starting and were lacking in technical knowledge required to make films. Czechoslovak State Film (CSF) offered extensive help to Cuban cinema, especially in the area of developing the...