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1
Gleijeses, Piero. "Cuba and the Independence of Namibia." Cold War History 7, no. 2 (May 2007): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740701284215.
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Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.
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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.
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Zapariy, E. S. "Development of Cuban foreign policy at the present stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 438–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-438-449.
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The article highlights the premises of cooperation and further development of relations between the Republic of Cuba and a number of key stakeholders in the global stage. The article analyzes the materials on this issue and reveals the trends in the country’s position on the subject of economic, political, social and other types of cooperation.The article points out the prerequisites and ways of developing the Republic of Cuba foreign policy, with the participation of which positive results were achieved on a number of international issues, in particular on the issue of international conflicts in a number of countries. The article reviews the characteristics of relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, characteristic of the declared time period. The article focuses the reader’s attention on such aspects as: the position of Cuba on key international issues, the signing of agreements with actors in international relations and the Cuba pivotal international interests.The article summarizes the positive dynamics of the relations development at the present stage with the countries of the Caribbean, African countries, as well as cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region in countries such China, which, in general, stresses of the growing influence of the Republic of Cuba at the world level.
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Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.
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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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Covarrubias, Ana. "Cuba and Haiti in Mexico's Foreign Policy." International Journal 61, no. 3 (2006): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204196.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Saputra, Muhamad Bayu. "FAKTOR IDIOSYNCRATIC RAUL CASTRO DALAM PERUBAHAN HUBUNGAN LUAR NEGERI KUBA-AMERIKA SERIKAT." Global Political Studies Journal 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v2i1.1999.
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The purpose and goal of this research is to know what the response taken by the US government to Raul Castro, the changes in the foreign relations of both countries, presence idiosyncratic factors of Raul Castro to the foreign relations of both countries. The method used is descriptive analysis techniques. Most of the data collected through literature and website searches. These results indicate that the factor of idiosyncratic Raul Castro in changes in foreign relations between Cuba and the United States. The conclusion from this study is the change that occurs in the foreign relations between the two countries, the changes occurring in the country of Cuba after Raul became president of Cuba, as well as the response taken by the US government against the government of Raul Castro well with the reopening of diplomatic relations between both countries, and issued a foreign policy that is intended to drive the Cuban economy, the type of personality that is owned by Raul Castro based on idiosyncratic theory is influential
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Mckenna, Peter. "Comparative Foreign Policies toward Cuba: Plus Ça Change..." International Journal 59, no. 2 (2004): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203927.
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Domínguez, Jorge I. "US-Cuban Relations in the 1980s: Issues and Policies." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 1985): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165663.
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Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.
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Shimuleni, Martha. "Southern Africa States’ Foreign Policy: the Case of Namibia and Zimbabwe." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (3) (April 26, 2018): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2018-01-29-34.
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Foreign policy articulates and gears the process of pursuit of national interests. The research aims at looking into the diverse foreign policies of various states in the Southern region of Africa. It brings out the nature of Namibia and Zimbabwe interaction with other countries in Europe, America, Asia (China in particular) and even other African countries through what is being induced in their respective foreign policy agenda. African countries, belonging to the «global south» are characterized with under development due to long experience of war which renders them dependent on the «core» or «global north» for co-operation and interaction. A country’s foreign policy is peculiar to it, as it represents the interests of a country which is usually distinctive in nature.
It is safe to say that foreign policy can be likened to an organizational set of objectives. Basically, an organizational set of objectives entails the processes of goal attainment. Based on this, foreign policy is an agenda that enlists national interests, and ways to attaining them. It is noteworthy that Zimbabwe and Namibia hold strong ties with their colonial masters. Both countries have strong foreign relations with the country that colonized them far more than with other countries. Zimbabwe has got strong ties with Britain and Namibia has got strong ties with Germany. Over the years, the efficiency of Zimbabwe and Namibia foreign policy has been undermined by conflict.
The study reveals the development in Namibia and Zimbabwe is attributed to their relations with other countries of the world. Mainly, in the areas of finding market for locally made products and in the aspects of attracting foreign investors. A major issue that jets itself into the foreign policy agenda of both of these countries is the issue of security both domestically and internationally. However, the reason is no foreign policy can be successful in area of chaos, unrest and hunger. A potent foreign policy is that which is flexible, versatile and serves the interest of all, the formulation of policies based on these criteria will ensure efficiency and ultimately development.
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Terentev, Pavel, and Yulia Vlasova. "Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.
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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.
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Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.
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Gonzalez Saez, Ruvislei. "Cuba – Asia y Oceanía: historical relations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91.
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The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.
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Pérez-López, Jorge F. "Foreign investiment in socialist Cuba: Significance and prospects." Studies In Comparative International Development 31, no. 4 (December 1996): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02738629.
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Bressan, Regiane Nitsch. "As relações entre Brasil e Cuba: das vantagens econômicas à retração política." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 6, no. 3 (February 3, 2018): 468–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2017.v6n3.04.p468.
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O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba.
Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.
Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba.
Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.
Recebido em: março/2017
Aprovado em: novembro/2017.
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Mushelenga, Peya. "Namibia’s Foreign Policy and Its Impact on Peace and Security in the Southern Africa Region: A Framework of Liberalism as a Theory of International Relations Studies." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (October 26, 2020): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420963323.
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This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.
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Kiddle, Amelia M. "Between Two Revolutions: Cultural Relations between Mexico and Cuba." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 54 (December 27, 2017): 108–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.54.23.
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This article examines the role that Revolutionary Mexican foreign policy played within Mexican and Cuban society through an analysis of the 1938 voyage to Havana of the Brigada Mexicana and the 1939 visit to Mexico of Colonel Fulgencio Batista. These goodwill missions contributed to Mexican and Cuban state formation. In the Mexican case, the goodwill mission created domestic support by providing evidence of international support for the oil expropriation of 1938, and in the Cuban case, it provided legitimacy to the Batista regime by demonstrating affinity with the Mexican Revolution. While visiting Mexico in 1939, Batista witnessed the commemoration of the Constitution of 1917. Although he may not have been influenced to emulate its radical content in the Cuban Constitution of 1940, the two documents came to carry tremendous symbolic weight in the populist politics of both countries.
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Bain, Mervyn J. "“Back to the future?” Cuban—Russian relations under Raúl Castro." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.07.001.
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Since Raúl Castro has become the President of Cuba relations between Moscow and Havana have displayed a number of reminiscence of the halcyon days of Soviet—Cuban relations, which has included Raúl Castro and Dmitry Medvedev traveling to Russia and Cuba twice, respectively and Vladimir Putin visiting the Cuban capital in July 2014. Correspondingly, this article will examine the relationship that is developing between the two countries with the aim to find out whether the bilateral relationship has “gone back to the future” since August 2006. Also it should conclude if a “Raúl” doctrine’ similar to the “Putin doctrine,” which has been vital for this relationship, has emerged within the realm of Cuban foreign policy.
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Bain, Mervyn J. "Russia and Cuba: “doomed” comrades?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.04.001.
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In 1991 Vitaly Churkin, a Soviet Minister for Foreign Economic Cooperation, stated that economic links between Russia and Cuba were “doomed” to continue. This gave a very negative impression of the relationship, but quickly he appeared to be incorrect because by the end of 1992 little seemed to remain of the 30-year relationship. However, as the 1990s progressed, the relationship continued to function and then improve. Fundamental to this were the principles of the realist paradigm of International Relations, which has been vital since the relationship’s inception in the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, in conjunction with a long-term legacy. The outcome is that Russia and Cuba are indeed “doomed” comrades.
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Parfinenko, A. "INTERNATIONAL TOURISM IN FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY OF THE REPUBLIC OF CUBA." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 129 (2016): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.129.0.16-33.
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The article investigates the role of international tourism in formation of the foreign policy interaction priorities of the Republic of Cuba. The author has carried out retrospective analysis of the dynamics and spatial structure of tourist flow into the country in the second half of the XX – early XXI century as well as has found significant variations in the time series and defined their correlation with changes in the foreign policy strategy of Cuba. It has been established that during the term of the US embargo against Cuba, the United States failed to isolate the country from the global network of tourist flows with relevant economic and geopolitical impact. The author has established that the tourist factor contributed both to the introduction of market economy elements and the preservation of the Castro regime, influenced the transformation of the socio-economic structure of Cuban society and forced Havana to intensify foreign policy contacts with the USA. The paper characterizes the current phase of foreign policy interaction of Cuba with the USA, which has marked the liberalization of economic life and another notable surge of tourist visits to the country. The article reveals the constructive role of tourism in Cuba as the practice of social interaction that helps to restore trust between peoples even despite the political position of each party. This objectively existing reality opens space for the complete abolition of embargo and deepening dialogue with the USA. The author claims that international tourism in Cuba has played an effective role in the transformation of state foreign policy vector, has become an important component of globalization practice that contributed to the support of foreign economic and foreign policy relations. It has been concluded that in the context of globalization the given growing impact of international tourism in the resolution of world politics issues is an enduring trend associated with the expansion of non-state international entities range.
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PETTINÀ, VANNI. "A Preponderance of Politics: The Auténtico Governments and US–Cuban Economic Relations, 1945–1951." Journal of Latin American Studies 46, no. 4 (September 5, 2014): 723–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x14001114.
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AbstractThis article analyses the bilateral economic negotiations between Washington and Havana during the era of the Cuban PRCA (Auténtico) governments led by Ramón Grau San Martín and Carlos Prío Socarrás (1944–52). This work shows that, initially, the PRCA governments took advantage of the economic bargaining capacity that Cuba had developed with Washington during the Good Neighbor era, but after 1947 this declined as the Truman administration's Cold War foreign policy agenda assigned only a marginal position to Latin America and Cuba. Havana's inability to obtain further economic support from the United States had a powerful destabilising effect, complicating Cuba's economic governance and delegitimising the PRCA politically. The study of this episode enhances our comprehension of a period largely overlooked by the historiography on Cuba and our understanding of the demise of the Auténtico project, the last attempt to transform Cuba's social structures in a progressive and democratic manner.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Revolution on the mind: Cuba, between fact and fable." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 66, no. 3-4 (January 1, 1992): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90001998.
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[First paragraph]To make a world safe for revolution: Cuba's foreign policy. JORGE I. DOMÏNGUEZ. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1989. viii + 365 pp. (Cloth US$ 35.00)U.S. - Cuba relations in the 1990s. JORGE I. DoMfNGUEZ & RAFAEL HERNANDEZ (eds.). Boulder CO: Westview, 1989. ix + 324 pp. (Cloth US$ 42.00, Paper US$ 15.95)Transformation and struggle: Cuba faces the 1990s. SANDOR HALEBSKY & JOHN M. KIRK (eds.). with the assistance of Rafael Hernéndez. New York: Praeger, 1990. xxvi + 291 pp. (Cloth US$ 45.00, Paper US$ 17.95)"A masterpiece of political intrigue" was one description of Jorge Dominguez' earlier book, Cuba: order and revolution; and it is a fitting comment for its sequel foreign policy volume. Dominguez himself opens with: "This is not a book of fiction, yet much of the story seems a fantasy." The story is how, from 1959 to 1988, Cuban leaders sought "to make a world safe for revolution" and, in the process, that small country Cuba came to have "the foreign policy of a big power." In his thorough, methodical fashion, Dominguez marshalls a wealth of documentary evidence from varied and conflicting sources, backed with extensive interview material, to paint a "behind the scènes" story of policymakers and their policy.
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Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.
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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.
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Mushelenga, Peya. "The Role of the Academia in Foreign Policymaking: International Practices and Perspectives as Lessons for Namibia." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 74, no. 2 (April 22, 2018): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928418766734.
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Academics for international relations (IR) studies as an academic discipline have over the years contributed to the process of foreign policymaking. Their contribution has been made through research and publications and providing advisory services to policymakers. Other platforms existing for academics are platforms for debates on foreign policy and providing training to foreign policymakers. The article discusses international experiences and perspectives, from all geographic regions, covering large states of the UN Security Council, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) and at least one small state from each geographic region. The lecture analyses the gaps existing between academics and foreign policymakers and explores methods that can be adopted to close the gaps and create a working relationship between the two stakeholders, with a view to make positive contributions to the making of foreign policy. It highlights the challenges facing academics in making an impact on foreign policy and the approach of foreign policymakers to the contribution by academics. The article propounds that, generally, academics are more influential in large states’ foreign policy-making process, compared to small states where the process of foreign policymaking includes a few stakeholders. Further, the appointment of policymakers from the academia background impacts on inclination to the role of the academia in foreign policymaking. There are no many platforms where debates on Namibia’s foreign policy are held and a limited number of Namibian academics play a role on foreign policymaking. The article provides a framework of best practices as lessons for Namibian academics and foreign policymakers.
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Biegon, Rubrick. "The Normalization of U.S. Policy Toward Cuba? Rapprochement and Regional Hegemony." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.45.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines change and continuity in the United States' recent foreign policy toward Cuba. In the context of the posthegemonic regionalism of the Pink Tide and regional disputes over Cuba's position in the interamerican system, the Obama administration's rapprochement was driven to protect the institutional power and consensual features of U.S. hegemony in the Americas. The Trump administration reversed aspects of Obama's normalization policy, adopting a more coercive approach to Cuba and to Latin America more broadly. Against the emerging scholarly proposition that the international relations of the Americas have crossed a posthegemonic threshold, this analysis utilizes a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that the oscillations in U.S. Cuba policy represent strategic shifts in a broader process of hegemonic reconstitution. The article thus situates U.S. policy toward Cuba in regional structures, institutions, and dynamics.
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Wylie, Lana. "Perceptions and foreign policy: A comparative study of Canadian and American policy toward Cuba." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 11, no. 3 (January 2004): 39–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2004.9673377.
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Pazzanita, Anthony G. "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 1 (March 1991): 83–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020759.
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Of the dozens of conflicts in the Third World which have occurred in the post-war era, few have been of greater duration and bloodshed or have attracted the attention of as many outside actors, including the superpowers, as Angola. It has only been since the mid-1980s that the conflict began moving towards eventual settlement, with the prospects for peace often seeming to depend largely on the attitudes of Cuba, South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Further affecting the overall environment was the state of East–West relations, the internal situation in Angola, and South Africa's occupation of Namibia. A short historical background will serve as prelude to an extensive examination of the dynamics which fuelled the war in Angola for such a long period of time.
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McKercher, Asa. "A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00551.
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With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.
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C. Llano, Jorge. "Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?" Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38.
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For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.
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Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.
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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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Grant, Julienne E., Marisol Florén-Romero, Sergio D. Stone, Steven Alexandre da Costa, Lyonette Louis-Jacques, Cate Kellett, Jonathan Pratter, et al. "GUIDE TO CUBAN LAW AND LEGAL RESEARCH." International Journal of Legal Information 45, no. 2 (July 2017): 76–188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jli.2017.22.
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Recent developments in U.S-Cuba relations have resulted in a proliferating global interest in Cuba, including its legal regime. This comprehensive Guide aims to fill a noticeable void in the availability of information in English on this enigmatic jurisdiction's legal order, and on how to conduct research related to it. Covered topics include “The Constitution,” “Legislation and Codes,” “The Judiciary,” “Cuba in the International Arena,” and “The Legal Profession.” A detailed section on “Cuban Legal Materials in U.S. and Canadian Libraries” is also featured. Although the Guide emphasizes sources in English and English-language translation, materials in Spanish are likewise included as English-language equivalents are often unavailable. The Guide's 12 authors are members of the Latin American Law Interest Group of the American Association of Law Libraries’ Foreign, Comparative, and International Law Special Interest Section (FCIL-SIS).
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Rimner, Steffen. "Chinese abolitionism: the Chinese Educational Mission in Connecticut, Cuba, and Peru." Journal of Global History 11, no. 3 (October 11, 2016): 344–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022816000188.
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AbstractThis article explores a little known facet of transnational opposition to forced labour through the earliest case of ‘Chinese abolitionism’. It analyses the transnational formation of the first Sino-American actor network in the United States and its deployment in the 1874 investigations of coolie conditions in the forced labour regimes of Cuba and Peru. At the core of this actor network was the Chinese Educational Mission and its milieu of sociability, which served as a crucible of transnational cooperation between the first Chinese America experts and their US supporters. The flows of information, cosmopolitan ideas, and personnel across this network led to an unprecedented reinterpretation of the global coolie trade as a key concern in Qing foreign relations and a serious international problem that paralleled the problem of slavery. Two Qing interventions harnessed the actor network’s social capital, framing coolie abuse as an international atrocity, accelerating the abolition of the coolie trade, and signalling the need for a Chinese Foreign Service in Western countries for the protection of Chinese overseas.
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Oxman, Bernard H., and Stephen J. Schnably. "Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act—denial of immunity for extrajudicial killing—Cuban liability for shooting down civil aircraft—punitive damages—retroactive application of statute recognizing cause of action for human rights violations." American Journal of International Law 92, no. 4 (October 1998): 768–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998145.
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Alejandre v. Republic of Cuba. 996 F.Supp. 1239.U.S. District Court, S.D. Fla., December 17, 1997.On February 24, 1996, the Cuban Air Force deliberately shot down two unarmed civil aircraft piloted by members of the Miami-based organization Brothers to die Rescue. The incident resulted in the loss of four lives and evoked widespread international condemnation. It prompted Congress to enact the controversial Helms-Burton Act on March 12, 1996, tightening the U.S. embargo against Cuba in effect since 1962.
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Perez-Lopez, Jorge F. "Swimming Against the Tide: Implications for Cuba of Soviet and Eastern European Reforms in Foreign Economic Relations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165832.
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Since mid-1989, remarkable political and economic changes have occurred in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. Although the countries differ with regard to the scope, speed, and sequence of these changes, in the economic arena the objective is, in all cases, to abandon traditional central planning and replace it with a market economy. An integral component of these efforts to establish markets is the reform of foreign economic relations and greater involvement in the world economy.While a tide of political and economic change has swept the East, Cuba has adamantly held on to a one-party political system and to orthodox central planning.
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Stevens, Jean-Marie. "Yankee No!: Anti-Americanism in U.S.-Latin American Relations, and: Foreign Policy toward Cuba: Isolation or Engagement (review)." Cuban Studies 38, no. 1 (2007): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cub.2008.0020.
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Mubangizi, John Cantius. "The Constitutional Protection of Socio-Economic Rights in Selected African Countries: A Comparative Evaluation." African Journal of Legal Studies 2, no. 1 (2006): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499736345.
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AbstractThis article evaluates the extent to which a few selected African countries have incorporated socio-economic rights in their constitutions, the mechanisms through which such rights are realised, the challenges such realisation entails and the approach taken by the courts and other human rights institutions in those countries towards the realisation and enforcement of those rights. The survey examines South Africa, Namibia, Uganda and Ghana. Apart from the logical geographical spread, all these countries enacted their present constitutions around the same time (1990 to 1996) in an attempt to transform themselves into democratic societies. In a sense, these countries can be seen as transitional societies, emerging as they have done, from long periods of apartheid and foreign domination or autocratic dictatorships. The latter is true for Uganda and Ghana while the former refers to South Africa and Namibia. The article concludes that South Africa has not only made the most advanced constitutional provision for socio-economic rights, it has also taken the lead in the judicial enforcement of such rights, an experience from which the other countries in the survey can learn.
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Khvan, Maria Sergeyevna. "Brazilian Foreign Policy under Jair Bolsonaro." Общество: философия, история, культура, no. 11 (November 13, 2020): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/fik.2020.11.14.
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The paper focuses on the analysis of Brazilian for-eign policy under Jair Bolsonaro since his inaugura-tion as president in January 2019 up to the present moment. This study examines Jair Bolsonaro’s per-sonality and the influence of Brazilian president’s certain character traits on foreign policy decisions. The author concludes that Jair Bolsonaro has won presidential election in autumn 2018 largely due to disenchantment of Brazilians with socially oriented public policy. Due to the fact that Jair Bolsonaro adheres to the right-wing radical views, thinks of himself as anti-globalist and advocates the devel-opment of bilateral relations at the expense of multi-lateral ones, even before he came to power re-searchers and political experts had predicted Brazil’s rapprochement with the USA, Italy and Israel, a cold snap in bilateral relations with China, a coming rup-ture in relations with Cuba and Venezuela and Bra-zil’s withdrawal from the UN, the OAS, Mercosur, UNASUR and the BRICS. Reality, however, turned out to be much more challenging and the forecasts of political experts came true only partially. Since from the very beginning J. Bolsonaro was supported by such various groups as the military, evangelicals, representatives of agribusiness, economists, they often suggested to him absolutely contradictory foreign policy decisions. As a result, almost any step in the international arena was replaced by a retreat: criticism of China's expansion was followed by the signing of economic agreements with him, after the announcement of the intention to move the embas-sy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, followed by visits to Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE. Although J. Bolsonaro criticized multilateral diplomacy, he achieved the signing of agreements between Mer-cosur and the EU, Mercosur and EFTA. Nevertheless, the President of Brazil has invariably adhered to the course of automatic alignment with the United States and developed relations mainly with regimes close to him in ideology. It is difficult to judge how correct this strategy was, but in the future the Brazil-ian government must first of all be guided by the interests of the country, remember the need for its autonomy and economic prosperity.
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Pastor, Robert A. "Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (1986): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165734.
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One of the most difficult and frustrating challenges to US foreign policy in the post-World War II period has been coping with third world revolutions, particularly those in the Caribbean Basin. Whether the revolution has been in Cuba, Nicaragua, or Grenada, relations with the US have always deteriorated, and the revolutionary governments have moved closer to the Soviet bloc and toward a Communist political model. Both the deteriorating relationship and the increasingly belligerent posture of the US have conformed to a regular pattern; so too have the interpretations of the causes and consequences of the confrontation.US government officials and a few policy analysts tend to view the hostile attitudes and policies of the revolutionary governments as the cause of the problem.
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Holland, Max. "A Luce Connection: Senator Keating, William Pawley, and the Cuban Missile Crisis." Journal of Cold War Studies 1, no. 3 (September 1999): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039799316976832.
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Documentation from unexpected sources sheds new light on a question that had seemed unresolvable: how Senator Kenneth Keating learned about the emplacement of Soviet missiles in Cuba well before the Kennedy administration did. The new evidence not only reveals the intricacies of this longstanding mystery, but also provides valuable insights about U.S. intelligence operations, the making of U.S. foreign policy, and the rich opportunities for research about the Cold War in the four million pages of documents gathered under the Kennedy Records Collection Act of 1992.
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Cruz, Rodolfo Cerdas. "New Directions in Soviet Policy towards Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014401.
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This study explores some of the changes currently taking place in the USSR and the possible impact of changing Soviet foreign policy on Latin America. The article begins with an analysis of the possible effects of the attempts to separate Party and State on foreign policy and on the interpretation and observance of the so-called internationalist obligations of the Soviet Union towards Latin America. It goes on to investigate the possible impact of perestroika on the internal relations of COMECON countries and any weakening in the commitment of its members to political and social changes in the Latin American republics. These changes are looked at particularly, though not uniquely, with reference to Cuba and Nicaragua. Some predictions are also made as to the possible future moves the USSR might make to strengthen and improve its relations with the largest countries in the region such as Brazil and Argentina.
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Yordanov, Radoslav. "Conflicting visions? Cuba in the eyes of a Soviet spy and an American diplomat." International Affairs 95, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 917–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz118.
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Abstract This review essay considers the books Raúl Castro: un hombre en revolución by Nikolai S. Leonov and Our woman in Havana: a diplomat's chronicle of America's long struggle with Castro's Cuba by Vicki Huddleston. One would be hard-pressed to find more qualified observers with first-hand experience of Cuba's politics than Nikolai Leonov and Vicki Huddleston. A former chief of KGB's analytical department, Leonov held several medals and decorations, including the Ernesto Che Guevara First Degree Order of the Cuban Council of State. Huddleston, on the other hand, headed the Cuban Affairs of the State Department and in 1999 became the first woman to lead the United States' Interests Section in Havana. Both authors offer in their accounts two visions of Cuba which rather complement each other. The keen revolutionary eye of the Soviet spy leans towards temporality. He saw Cuba in East–West terms, where historically the decade-old American aggressive plans and Soviet's withdrawal pushed the island into a corner. On the other hand, the seasoned American diplomat, well versed in the complex ebb and flow between her state and its southern neighbour, sides with positivity. To her, Cuba is a ‘natural ally’ to the United States. Our woman in Havana admits there is more to the erstwhile Cold War, and with this Ambassador Huddleston's seeks to awaken the ‘better angels’ of US foreign policy towards the island nation.
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Vanderbush, Walt, and Patrick J. Haney. "Clinton, Congress, and Cuba Policy Between Two Codifications: The Changing Executive-Legislative Relationship in Foreign Policy Making." Congress & the Presidency 29, no. 2 (September 2002): 171–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460209507733.
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Suárez, Claudia Marín, and Lourdes M. Regueiro Bello. "Latin America and the Caribbean within the new world order: a perspective from Cuba." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-65-78.
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In examining Cuba’s positioning in Latin America and the Caribbean and in the world at large, the author identifies several relevant factors, including the US foreign policy, the Venezuela issue, as well as the balance of political power in the region and Cuba’s domestic policy. In view of this, it is also worth considering global trends that are projected onto regional dynamics. The configuration of integration entities in South America is of importance in this context: the realities are such that the political orientation of these entities, as well as the foreign policy aspirations of the key players, predetermine the participation prospects for specific countries in the region. Amid the present Sino-American disagreements, the political strivings of the Latin American leaders in the wake of the United States limits the opportunities that the cooperation with China offers to the region. As for Cuba, it is becoming involved into the regional disposition, mainly through diplomatic, economic, cultural and migration channels, but also through political dialogue and cooperation in specific areas. For instance, health care is considered a promising area, although the US has attempted to block Cuban ambitions in this regard. The current political balance of power, exacerbated by the decisions of the Trump administration, has not provided a favourable scenario for Cuba. Nevertheless, such circumstances serve as a test of the ability of the Cuban national diplomacy to maintain the delicate balance of such components as defending national sovereignty, supporting the closest allies and maintaining diplomatic and economic relations with the governments in the region, in the face of a crisis and weakening regional integration mechanisms that are a priority for Cuba.
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Khmel, Anastasiia, and Iryna Tykhonenko. "Latin American Direction of Ukrainian Economic Diplomacy: The Overview of Successes and Failings." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0004.
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In the article, the authors analyzed successes and failings of the Ukrainian economic diplomacy in Latin America region. Such results were achieved by analyzing the degree of scientific investigation the possibilities, features and basic characteristics of economic diplomacy by contemporary Ukrainian and foreign researchers, as well as by analyzing the websites of Ukrainian embassies in Latin American countries and using the information of the State Statistics Service of Ukraine and mass media. Researchers drew attention to the peculiarities of economic relations between Ukraine and Latin America countries. It has been found that bilateral relations between Ukraine and Latin American countries are generally poorly developed, the embassies of Ukraine exist only in five countries: Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Brazil and Chile, and these embassies in turn represent Ukraine’s national interests in 15 other Latin American countries. Ukraine has the most well-established economic relations with the first five above-mentioned countries as a result of economic diplomacy. It was concluded that Ukrainian economic diplomacy has some achievements (the developing of volume of export-import operations between Ukraine and all regional countries, except Cuba, and the opening of the honorary consulate in Chile) and failings (the lack of diplomatic missions in all LA countries, problems with updating information on planned activities in the economic sphere (2015, 2016) on the embassies’ web-site, negative trade balance for Ukraine).
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Eckstein, Susan. "The Personal Is Political: The Cuban Ethnic Electoral Policy Cycle." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 1 (2009): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00042.x.
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AbstractThis article documents a U.S. Cuban foreign policy cycle that operated in tandem with the presidential electoral cycle between 1992 and 2004. During these post–Cold War years, when Cuba posed no threat to U.S. national security, influential, well-organized Cuban Americans leveraged political contributions and votes to tighten the embargo on travel and trade, especially at the personal level. U.S. presidential candidates, most notably incumbent presidents seeking re-election, responded to their demands with discretionary powers of office. When presidential candidates supported policies that made good electoral sense but conflicted with concerns of state, they subsequently reversed or left unimplemented Cuba initiatives. After describing the logic behind an ethnic electoral policy cycle and U.S. personal embargo policy between 1992 and 2004, this article examines Cuban American voter participation, political and policy preferences, lobbying, political contributions, and the relationship between the ethnic policy and presidential election cycles.
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Pérez, María Alejandra. "Conferencing Cuba's Geographies of Speleology: The Politics of Inclusion and Hospitality among Cave Explorers and Scientists." Human Geography 10, no. 3 (November 2017): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861701000307.
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From the 13th to the 17th of April of 2015, Cuban cave explorers and scientists, or speleologists, gathered to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Sociedad Espeleológica de Cuba (SEC) in the city of Camaguëy. This organization, dedicated to the exploration, study, and conservation of the country's many caves, was founded in 1940, and was the first of its kind in the Americas. While scholars have examined the achievements of Cuba's biotechnology sector, Cuban science beyond academic institutes and laboratories has been overlooked. In this paper I present ethnographic and interview data obtained during the Camaguëy conference as an entry point into Cuba's “geographies of speleology” (Cant 2006). Such geographies emphasize the complex relations between geographic knowledge, individual and institutional identities, and the state. Moreover, these geographies, much like the sense of identification with and belonging to the Sociedad Espeleológica de Cuba, are at times conflicting and contested. I develop this argument by drawing on insights in cultural geography that emphasize the importance of presence of absence. Here I invoke absence in two senses, both in terms of those absent in the Camagüey conference and those deceased but whose memory live on embodied in the collective history and knowledge of the SEC. This research illustrates the importance of stepping out of the (biotechnological) laboratory, and even the formal spaces of institutionalized scientific practice, to assess the history and potential futures of a geographically-based amateur field science in Cuba. Moreover, this work contributes to the growing focus on Latin American geographies of science and, in particular, the importance of Science and Technology Studies in/ of Cuba that examine the fuzzy boundaries of science as practice in a complex spatial network. Finally, the ongoing dynamics of foreign scholars conducting research in Cuba are considered, dynamics that are intimately tied to the very geographies this project purports to analyze.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.
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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Charney, Jonathan I. "The Power of the Executive Branch of the United States Government to Violate Customary International Law." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 4 (October 1986): 913–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2202073.
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In its decision in The Paquete Habana, the United States Supreme Court wrote that customary international law is part of the law of the United States to be administered by the courts, “where there is no treaty and no controlling executive or legislative act or judicial decision.” The U.S. capture of the foreign fishing vessels in question was determined to have violated customary international law protecting enemy fishing vessels in time of war, and the Supreme Court ordered that compensatory damages were due. The remedy was ordered, notwithstanding the fact that the capture was undertaken to enforce a presidential proclamation establishing a naval blockade of Cuba. The arguments of the Solicitor General and the Assistant Attorney General supporting the capture went unheeded.
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Tierney, Dominic. "“Pearl Harbor in Reverse” Moral Analogies in the Cuban Missile Crisis." Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 3 (July 2007): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.3.49.
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During the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, the argument that U.S. air strikes against Soviet missile sites in Cuba would be morally analogous to the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor in 1941 had a major impact on policymaking. The invocation of this analogy contributed to President John F. Kennedy's decision to forgo an immediate attack on the missiles and to start instead with a naval blockade of the island. The “Pearl Harbor in reverse” argument is an example of an important phenomenon that has received little attention in foreign policy analysis—the moral analogy. Fusing together elements of moral and analogical thinking, the moral analogy can be a powerful force in shaping policy preferences, as it was in October 1962.
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Siekmann, Robert. "The Development of the United Nations Law Concerning Peace-Keeping Operations." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (October 1992): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s092215650000251x.
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Especially as a consequence of the termination of the Cold War, the détente in the relations between East en West (Gorbachev's ‘new thinking’ in foreign policy matters) and, finally, the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the number of UN peace-keeping operations substantially increased in recent years. One could even speak of a ‘proliferation’. Until 1988 the number of operations was twelve (seven peace-keeping forces: UNEF ‘I’ and ‘II’, ONUC, UNHCYP, UNSF (West New Guinea), UNDOF AND UNIFIL; and five military observer missions: UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNOGIL, UNYOM and UNIPOM). Now, three forces and seven observer missions can be added. The forces are MINURSO (West Sahara), UNTAC (Cambodia) and UNPROFOR (Yugoslavia); the observer groups: UNGOMAP (Afghanistan/Pakistan), UNIIMOG (Iran/Iraq), UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’ (Angola), ONUCA (Central America), UNIKOM (Iraq/Kuwait) and ONUSAL (El Salvador). UNTAG (Namibia), which was established in 1978, could not become operational until 1989 as a result of the new political circumstances in the world. So, a total of twenty-three operations have been undertaken, of which almost fifty percent was established in the last five years, whereas the other half was the result of decisions taken by the United Nations in the preceding forty years (UNTSO dates back to 1949). In the meantime, some ‘classic’ operations are being continued (UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNFICYP, UNDOF, and UNIFIL), whereas some ‘modern’ operations already have been terminated as planned (UNTAG, UNGOMAP, UNIIMOG, UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’, and ONUCA). At the moment (July 1992) eleven operations are in action – the greatest number in the UN history ever.