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1
Pons, Eugene H. "Aggressive and Passive Propaganda: Cuba and the United States." Scholarly Repository, 2008. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/230.
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The proposed thesis intends at quantitatively measuring the Cuba anti-American propaganda associated with the effects of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on America. We propose to analyze the Cuban government run international newspaper service, Granma Internacional, to determine if the amount of aggressive propaganda changed as a result of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States. The question answered is: Did the amount of anti-American propaganda decrease, increase, or remain relatively the same in Cuba?s international newspaper during a time span of one year after the terrorist attack compared to one year before the terrorist attack. In order to answer this question, a content analysis approach will be defined and conducted on the Cuban international media outlet, Granma Internacional. The process will take into consideration front page analysis of headlines and content analysis of relevant media stories to aggregate a value that will determine the intensity of aggressive propaganda for the time span indicated of one year before and after the terrorist attack.
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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.
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Long, Paul. "U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba and prospects for democratisation." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22603.
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In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.
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Andujar, Roberto C. "Informational element of power : the role of public diplomacy in United States-Cuba policy implementation /." Carlisle Barracks, Pa. : U.S. Army War College, 2005. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA432368.
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Thesis--United States should reassess its Public Diplomacy strategy toward Cuba and the key role that Public Diplomacy plays in preparing the Cuban people to transition to a free and democratic state. RATIONALE: The Castro Regime has a monopoly on all media and information in Cuba, which permits the regime to control what the Cuban people see and believe about the outside world and indeed their own country. Therefore, the people of Cuba are Castro's center of gravity and as such are the key force for transition and change to a free and democratic Cuba. The Informational Element of Power and Public Diplomacy are the premier tools the United States has to shape the message to the Cuban population. This tool is designed to provide objective and unbiased information to the Cuban population. As Castro ages and approaches the end of his regime, the United States has a window of opportunity to educate the Cuban population. It is imperative that the United States maximize this window of opportunity. Public diplomacy has the responsibility to shape the informational battlespace and the mandate to address the misconceptions that the populous might have. The United States can not wait until Castro's departure to engage the Cuban people. The United States needs to change its current engagement strategy and directly engage the Cuban people now. APPROACH: After a brief history of United States-Cuban relations, to include the current state of this relationship, this strategy research paper evaluates the Informational Element of Power, but most specifically, the role of public diplomacy and Cuba. Next, it looks at the current United State-Cuba situation through the Basic Five Ring Model developed by John A. Warden, III. The paper then applies Warden's model to the Cuban public diplomacy message. Next, the paper proposes a way ahead for the public diplomacy strategy toward Cuba. Finally, this paper recommends changes to current public diplomacy policy to set the strategy for a post-Castro era."18 March 2005"--P. iii. Includes bibliographical references (p. 25-27). Full text document available on public STINET.
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Torres, Sandra Lee. "A Study of Leadership Practices: Comparing Cuban Female Managers in Cuba and in the United States." NSUWorks, 2012. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/hsbe_etd/113.
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This study examined the leadership practices of Cuban women managers in Cuba and in the US, and whether preference for these practices by country of residence moderated career success or career entrenchment. The participants consisted of 348 managers across a variety of careers and professions who completed a 33 item survey. Demographic data was also gathered. While the study was quantitative, interaction with the Cuban respondents allowed the researcher to apply certain qualitative axiological assumptions. Descriptive statistics and regression analyses were computed to analyze the data. The findings from the study indicated several associations between leadership practices and country of residence. Overall, the data suggests a positive relation between country of residence and enabling others to act and career success, and a negative relation between any of the practices and career entrenchment. In general, the results support the argument that managers (leaders) should give high priority to the construct of developing, inspiring and enabling subordinates and upholding a leadership development framework and aligning their followers to that framework. The data also revealed that leadership practices in and out of Cuba can be similar, even though there is a marked difference in political ideology. These findings provide insight for those interested in the debate on whether women managers actually existed in Cuba and their leadership practices. Although there is now evidence that Cuban women managers are extant, there is a lack of substantive research into the examination within the field of leadership for this group. This study represents an important contribution to the existing literature regarding Cuban women, as it provides a framework for future stakeholders in Cuba to use in leadership development design. The themes can also be utilized to create professional development opportunities for business leaders, which can support initiating, implementing, and sustaining outstanding organizations in Cuba. Future studies of Cuban women managers that extend the understanding of the interrelationships between leadership practices and career success, career entrenchment and the role of country of residence would be valuable.
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Bernard, Erin J. Vos Tim P. "Patria o muerte ideograph and metanarrative in Cuban state-produced media during the battle of ideas /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6488.
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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 17, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Thesis advisor: Dr. Tim. P. Vos. Includes bibliographical references.
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Gibbs, J. F. "The policy of the United States towards Cuba from 1989-1996." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599383.
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In the immediate post-Cold War period, as the security rationale for the U.S. embargo disappeared, the United States tightened rather than eased sanctions on Cuba. This dissertation focuses on the competition between Congress and the executive for control of policy towards Cuba, and the domestic interests which shaped policymaking and led to the passage of two major pieces of legislation fiercely resisted by U.S. allies. The dissertation begins with an analysis of U.S. policy towards Cuba in the summer of 1989, before the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. Five days of congressional hearings called by Representative George Crockett (D.Michigan) in his attempt to spark a reassessment of relations between the two countries form the basis for a review of policy over the preceding thirty years. The first chapter will also introduce the Cuban American National Foundation, the pre-eminent domestic interest group in U.S. policy towards Cuba in 1989-1996, and the U.S. campaign to have Cuba condemned for human rights violations at the United Nations Human Right Commission. The second chapter examines the policy debate in 1989-1992, focusing on the provision of information to Cubans, the intensification of economic sanctions, and the continuation of the human rights campaign. The third chapter analyses the role of migration from Cuba to the United States between 1959-1992, arguing the main objective of U.S. policy. Chapter four looks at continuity and change under the Clinton administration, and in particular at the administration’s handling of the rafter (migration) crisis of 1994 and the resulting agreements reached with the Cuban government. The primary focus of the fifth chapter will be the struggle between the executive and Congress over the Helms-Burton legislation, signed by Clinton in March 1996.
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Simantirakis, Christina. "The Cuban shoot-down of two US-registered civil aircraft on 24 February 1996 : study of a new case of use of weapons against civil aircraft." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33367.
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On 24 February 1996, two US-registered civil aircraft operated by members of the anti-Castro organisation Brothers to the Rescue were shot down by Cuban fighters. This action was denounced by the United States and the majority of the international community on the grounds that international air law, as reflected in Article 3bis of the Chicago Convention, prohibits the use of force against civil aircraft. However, at the time of the incident, the 1984 Protocol introducing Article 3bis in the Chicago Convention was not in force nor had it been ratified by Cuba or the United States. This thesis will examine the international legal rules applicable to the incident and will assess the legality of the Cuban action.
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Gonzalez, Roger Oriol. "iLatin jazz! : a syncretic journey from Spain, Cuba, the United States and back." Queensland University of Technology, 2009. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/29931/.
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The creative work, ¡Latin Jazz! is a 50 minute radio documentary to be broadcast on ABC Classic FM. It looks at the evolution of Latin jazz from Spain, Cuba and the United States. It examines the social effects on the style and specifically on the syncretic movement between the countries. The documentary traces my travel to Madrid, Spain and looks at Latin jazz through a deconstruction of the style, musical examples and interviews with prominent artists. Artists interviewed were Chano Domínguez, a Spanish flamenco jazz pianist, Bobby Martínez an American saxophonist, Alain Pérez a Cuban bassist and Pepe Rivero a Cuban pianist. The exegesis supports the radio documentary by examining the style in more depth, and is broken into three main sections. First it traces the historical relationship that occurred through the Ida y Vuelta (To and Fro), the similarities and influences through the habanera, the decíma and the religion of Santería. This is followed by specific musical elements within Latin jazz such as instrumentation, clave, harmony and improvisation, whilst the third section looks at the influences of the new syncretic movement back to Spain.
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Saiani, Renato Cesar Santejo. "Liberdade hipotecada : o processo de independência cubana na imprensa brasileira (1895-1902) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93358.
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Orientador: José Luis Bendicho BeiredBanca: Luis Fernando Ayerbe
Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar de forma comparada a produção dos periódicos Jornal do Commercio e O Estado de S. Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 1895 e 1902, acerca do processo de independência cubana e suas diversas configurações e desdobramentos. Procuraremos, fundamentalmente, compreender como cada jornal se posicionou em relação ao conflito hispano-cubano e à posterior intervenção norte- americana, quais foram os aspectos privilegiados por cada um e se houve mudanças na postura dos mesmos em relação ao conflito que se desenvolvia em Cuba
Abstract: The present study has as the main objective to analyse in a comparative form the production of the newspapers Jornal do Commercio and O Estado de S. Paulo, in the period between the years 1895 and 1902, about the process of Cuban independence and its various configurations and deployments. We will seek to fundamentally understand how each newspaper was positioned in relation to the Spanish-Cuban conflict and the subsequent U.S. intervention, what the privileged aspects of each were and whether there were changes in their positions in relation to the conflict that developed in Cuba
Mestre
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Guillard, James. "The United States and Cuba: A Study of the US’s First Military Occupation and State Building Efforts." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2020. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3829.
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This paper examines the US-Cuban relationship during the first military occupation of Cuba from 1898 to 1902, to show the role of high modernist state building in the occupation and the scope of Cuban participation in this endeavor. This is evidenced by heavily examining the annual reports of the US Military Governor General of Cuba and the US appointed civil secretaries of the Cuban government. This research differs from previous studies in the field by introducing James C. Scott’s concepts of legibility and high modernist state building, as well as suggesting that the Cuban civil secretaries participated within a limited scope to help form an independent republic.
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ALMEIDA, LAURO PARENTE RODRIGUES DE. "THE UNITED STATES-CUBA RELATIONS IN THE FIRST ADMINISTRATION OF BILL CLINTON: THE INFLUENCE OF THE CUBAN-AMERICFAN COMUNITY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2001. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=2737@1.
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Esta dissertação tem como foco principal a investigação das
variáveis domésticas que contribuíram para conformar a
política externa dos Estados Unidos em relação a Cuba no
primeiro mandato do presidente Bill Clinton, entre os anos
de 1993 e 1996. O argumento apresentado aqui é que a
continuidade do padrão de hostilidades que caracterizou o
relacionamento entre Washington e Havana durante os anos da
guerra fria se deveu, principalmente, à mobilização
política de uma influente parcela da comunidade cubano-
americana. Este segmento, que está concentrado em sua maior
parte no estado da Flórida, soube aproveitar o acesso
que o sistema americano garante aos grupos que visam a
influenciar as políticas públicas naquele país. Por meio de
uma análise que combina a observação da ação política dos
atores sociais envolvidos com a questão cubana nos Estados
Unidos e dos mecanismos institucionais que os traduzem em
estímulos para a formulação da política externa americana,
este trabalho procura estabelecer a relação entre dinâmica
política doméstica e a diplomacia dos Estados Unidos
para Cuba.This dissertation has its focus in the investigation of the domestic variables that contributed to shape the american foreign policy towards Cuba in the first term of Cintons administration, from 1993 to 1996. The argument presented here is that the continuity of the animosity pattern that distinguished the relationship between Washington and Havana during the Cold War, is due to the political mobilization of a powerful portion of the cuban-american community. That segment, wich its major part is established in Florida, knew how to deal with the opportunities that the american political system grant to social groups that try to influence the policy-making process in the United States. This analysis combines the observation of the political action of social agents involved with the cuban politcs and the institutional machinery that translates it into stimuli to the american policy-making process, and try to establish the relation between the domestic policy and the american diplomacy to Cuba.
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Harper, Tanya. "The Rules of the Game : Alleudes Chile, the United States and Cuba, 1970-1973." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498542.
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Harmer, Tanya. "The rules of the game : Allende's Chile, the United States and Cuba, 1970-1973." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2030/.
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This thesis is an international history of Chile and inter-American relations during the presidency of Salvador Allende. On the one hand, it investigates the impact external actors and international affairs had on Chilean politics up to and immediately following the brutal coup d'etat that overthrew Allende on 11 September 1973. On the other hand, it explores how the rise and fall of Allende's peaceful democratic road to socialism affected the Cold War in Latin America and international affairs beyond. Based on multi-archival research, online resources and interviews conducted in Havana and Santiago, it places Chile - and the regional and international context in which Allende existed - at the heart of a story that has too often been told from Washington's perspective and in isolation from the history of Latin American and Third World politics. It argues that the direct significance Allende's Chile had for Latin America - and more specifically, the Southern Cone - between 1970 and 1973 was to reinvigorate a battle for control of the continent between those who sought socialist revolution and those who wanted to destroy it.
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Wentworth, Christina. "U.S.-Cuba Non-Relations: An Analysis of the Embargo and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3025.
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Thesis advisor: Paul GraySince Fidel Castro rose to power in Cuba over fifty years ago, U.S.-Cuban relations have been defined by mutual hostility. As the hegemon of the Western Hemisphere, the United States has labored to combat this repressive force that threatens democracy only ninety miles from its shores. In this paper, I analyze the embargo against Cuba and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program, both of which are U.S. government initiatives intended to weaken the Cuban government. I find that neither of these initiatives has been effective and that the United States’ failure to reevaluate longstanding and unsuccessful policies is detrimental to the populations they are intended to serve. In order to create more effective programs, the United States government must consider human rights in its decisions, continuously follow through with and reevaluate its policies, and ensure that initiatives are in the best interest of all parties involved
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
Discipline: International Studies
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Jacobs, Matt D. "The unforeseen consequences of informal empire the United States, Latin America, and Fidel Castro, 1945-1961 /." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/jacobsm/mattjacobs.pdf.
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Mertl, Filip. "US Embargo Toward Cuba and Its Impact on US and Cuban Economies." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-8201.
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The subject of this thesis is the embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. The first part of the thesis examines embargo as an instrument of foreign policy as well as its place in US foreign policy. The second part deals with the evolution of the embargo toward Cuba in political context from events preceding its declaration until recent months. The last part analyses impact of the embargo on the economies of Cuba and the United States.
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Barney, Camerin. "A Contentious History: How Operation Pedro Pan is Remembered in Cuba and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2161.
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Operation Pedro Pan, as labeled by a Miami journalist, was a program backed by the Unites States federal government and executed by the Catholic Church which brought over 14,000 unaccompanied Cuban minors to the U.S. between December 1960 and October 1962. I knew about this wave of immigration because my maternal grandparents were two of these children. I was surprised to find that most scholarship on Cuban immigration to the U.S. either neglects to mention the children’s exodus or only briefly references it in passing. This was even more surprising to me when I learned that Operation Pedro Pan was and still is the largest exodus of children in the Western Hemisphere. I was curious as to why it has been left out of a significant amount of scholarship on Cuban immigration, and in searching for answers, I instead came upon more questions. The most glaring of which was why there seemed to be two contrasting narratives about the history of Operation Pedro Pan.
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Murgado, Amaury. "The Bay of Pigs Invasion: A Case Study in Foreign Policy Decision-Making." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002522.
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Bryant, Tiffany Y. J. "Inter-subjective and Transnational Racial Effects: The Role of the United States in the Formation and Evolution of the Collective Perception and Racial Relations in Cuba, 1898-1902." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/234.
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Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.
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Fournier, Carl. "From empire to hegemony, the dynamics of United States relations with Cuba and Mexico, 1930-1940." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ64007.pdf.
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Scott, Randall Paul Evanson Robert Kent. "Cuba constructed the impact of perception on foreign policy decision-making /." Diss., UMK access, 2004.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Political Science and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004."A dissertation in political science and history." Advisor: Robert Evanson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252). Online version of the print edition.
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Guasch, Mark. "Evolution of U.S. Strategy in Latin America After the Cold War." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/74276.
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In the years after the Cold War it appears that the U.S. distanced itself from Latin America. The region has begun to integrate itself in the world political economy without exclusively depending on the U.S. The integration has included engagement with extra-hemispheric states, such as China and Russia, and the creation of regional institutions. Some of these advancements may oppose U.S. interests in the region. The research aims to identify how the U.S. strategy for addressing key national interests in Latin America evolved since the end of the Cold War and how it should approach the region in the future.
The research provides an overview of U.S. policies towards Latin America from the Spanish-American War through the collapse of the Soviet Union; and from the post Cold War era through Barack Obama's presidency. The focus is on the U.S.-Latin American policies during and after the Cold War. There is a review of China and Russia's engagement of the region both during and after the Cold War. Finally there is a case study on the change of the U.S-Cuba policy and possible consequences.Master of Arts
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Ziegler, Melanie M. "Strange bedfellows U.S.-Cuban cooperative efforts in a post-Cold War world /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1078089760.
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Beliso-De, Jesú́́́s Aisha Mahina. "Becoming Santeria : a transnational study of cultural politics, media and religion in Cuba and the United States /." May be available electronically:, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/login?COPT=REJTPTU1MTUmSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=12498.
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Shannon, Vaughn P. "The strategy & politics of expansionism : United States foreign policy toward Cuba and the Philippines in 1898 /." Thesis, This resource online, 1995. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01102009-063844/.
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Allison, Jessica Leigh. "Developing Medicine: Cuba, Modernization, and Public Health, 1898-1945." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3570.
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This dissertation examines the modernization of aspects of Cuba’s public health programs through the influence of the Rockefeller Foundation. As a result of its sponsorship of projects, the Rockefeller Foundation contributed to the spread of modernizing practices and policies from 1913 through 1945. An evaluation of medical modernization remains an important chapter in the study of post-colonial development. Current research has often portrayed public health modernization efforts as unidirectional with the United States imposing its ideas and practices onto developing nations. By examining institutional records, personal correspondence, and reports, this dissertation provides a more nuanced analysis of the relationship between Cuba and the United States during this period. This dissertation also argues that efforts to modernize Cuban public health were in fact the result of bilateral cooperation between Cubans and the United States.
This study evaluates efforts made by scientists, researchers, and professionals to expand educational programs, to implement public health structures, and to develop new techniques for treating disease. During its occupations of Cuba at the turn of the century, the United States advanced public health programs and infrastructure. This work was later continued under the Cuban Republic with the support of private US interests, the Rockefeller Foundation.
This dissertation addresses a significant gap in existing research by providing a different lens with which to view public health modernization in Cuba. Despite the past and ongoing presence of United States government interests in Cuba, the Rockefeller Foundation only pursued projects in Cuba after obtaining permission by the Cuban government. In one instance, Cuban physicians persistently requested for the involvement of the Foundation to forward their own aims. Both the Foundation and the Cuban government were interested in adopting successful programs established elsewhere and in using scientific findings from surrounding regions to advance research in Cuba. Instability in the newly formed Cuban Republic undermined these projects and prevented them from achieving their primary aims. Although these public health modernization plans made strong gains in some areas, at times they fell short in their primary agendas.
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Walker, Olivia. "Cuba's deepwater drilling operations United States relations, legalities, and future." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/634.
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After the calamitous and environmentally devastating occurrence of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill in the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, the sobering realities of the United States' failure to successfully protect its ocean waters have caused several modifications in policy, legislation, and overall direction ofthe entire nation. Although there has been a general shift towards ecological safety and away from the pursuit to drill, oil-drilling explorations have continued to take place in internationally. This research will focus on the future operations of Repsol YPF, S.A., a Spanish oil company stationed in Cuba, whose drilling ambitions have caused a myriad of problems for the United States. The intent of this paper is to investigate the legalities surrounding Cuba's forthcoming deepwater oil drilling plan within the Florida Straights and how the existing relations between Cuba and the United States will shape the outcome. The majority of United States officials, senators, and policymakers are experiencing a great deal of anxiety and apprehension as Cuba's oil drilling plan continues to solidify. Recent changes in legislation and congressional opinion display the United States' overall objective to shape the manner in which the drilling operations will be carried out. This thesis will ultimately explore what progress the United States has made thus far in the sector of dialogue with Cuban officials, the various options the United States could seek in regards to taking part in the drilling operations that will soon commence in Cuba, and the current risks involved with the entirety of the drilling endeavor.B.A. and B.S.
Bachelors
Health and Public Affairs
Legal Studies
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Morrone, Priscila. "A Fundação Nacional Cubano-Americana (FNCA) na política externa dos Estados Unidos para Cuba /." São Paulo : [s.n], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96285.
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Orientador: Luís Fernando AyerbeBanca: Héctor Saint-Pierre
Banca: Harry E. Vanden
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a atuação dos cubano-americanos organizados sob a Fundação Nacional Cubano Americana (FNCA) na política externa dos Estados Unidos para Cuba. Para tanto, abordamos o processo migratório cubano para os Estados Unidos, com ênfase no período posterior à Revolução Cubana, quando essa emigração passa a ser concebida como base social da contra-revolução e promovida pelo governo norte-americano. Nessa direção, apresentamos o tratamento particular oferecido a essa emigração pela administração Ronald Reagan, que estimulou a formação da FNCA como uma organização política contrarevolucionária capaz de pressionar o Congresso em temas cubanos, e a inserção dos cubanos organizados sob esta instituição na vida doméstica do país, sinalizada por seus votos e por suas contribuições financeiras às campanhas eleitorais. Por fim, analisamos os atuais objetivos da FNCA, traduzidos na promoção de uma transição política em Cuba para a democracia e favorecidos pela administração George W. Bush, que financia e apóia programas para esse fim.
Abstract: This dissertation has as objective to analyse the cuban-americans' role, organized under the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), in the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. For this purpose, we analyzed the cuban migration process directed to the United States, emphasizing the post Revolution period, when this emigration is conceived as the social basis of the counter-revolution and promoted by the U.S. government. In this direction, we presented the particular treatment offered to this emigration by the Reagan administration, which stimulated the CANF creation as a counter-revolutionary political organization capable of pressing the Congress in cuban themes, and the insertion of the cubans organized under this institution in the domestic affairs of the country through their votes and financial contributions. Finally, we analyzed the actual objectives of CANF, translated in the promotion of a political transition in Cuba for democracy and favored by Bush's administration, which finances and supports programs towards this end.
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Minichino, Mario John. "In Our Image: The Attempted Reshaping of the Cuban Education System by the United States Government, 1898-1912." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5275.
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Abstract
During the fourteen years between 1898 and 1912, the influences imparted upon the School System of Cuba were substantial. In the period immediately following the conflict with Spain, known in the U.S. as the Spanish American War, a concerted effort was underway to annex the island of Cuba. This study was undertaken to discover what courses were introduced into the K-12 curricula following the U.S. intervention, who introduced those changes, and what, if any influence those changes brought to the culture of the island. This investigation and analysis was necessary to reinvigorate the discussion regarding the history of the Cuban education system in view of the attempted cultural change brought about by the U.S. intervention. While many actions were underway by various factions both within the U.S. government and without to ensure that the annexation would be successful, one concerted effort was undertaken through the reconstruction of Cuba's schools. Changes that were made include: coursework, textbooks, structure of schools, selection process for teachers and professors at the University of Havana, holiday schedule, and the school-day and school-year. While the language of instruction remained Spanish, the method of delivery and training of Cuban school teachers was adapted through an extended summer Normal School program in association with Harvard University and a fulltime program at the New Paltz Normal School in New York. From the results collected regarding the coursework, individuals involved, and the changes imparted upon the culture of Cuba, it appears that a concerted effort was underway to impose a U.S.-styled school system on Cuba with the intended result of annexation of the island of Cuba by acclamation of the Cuban people.
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Faryar, Kiran Ann. "Living in a Healthy World: A Comparison of the United States, Indian, and Cuban Health Care Systems." Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1210180085.
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Alva, Luis. "The growth in the role of the Catholic Church in Cuba : internal and external factors /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA404710.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Harold A. Trinkunas, Thomas C. Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-55). Also available online.
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Morrone, Priscila [UNESP]. "A Fundação Nacional Cubano-Americana (FNCA) na política externa dos Estados Unidos para Cuba." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96285.
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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a atuação dos cubano-americanos organizados sob a Fundação Nacional Cubano Americana (FNCA) na política externa dos Estados Unidos para Cuba. Para tanto, abordamos o processo migratório cubano para os Estados Unidos, com ênfase no período posterior à Revolução Cubana, quando essa emigração passa a ser concebida como base social da contra-revolução e promovida pelo governo norte-americano. Nessa direção, apresentamos o tratamento particular oferecido a essa emigração pela administração Ronald Reagan, que estimulou a formação da FNCA como uma organização política contrarevolucionária capaz de pressionar o Congresso em temas cubanos, e a inserção dos cubanos organizados sob esta instituição na vida doméstica do país, sinalizada por seus votos e por suas contribuições financeiras às campanhas eleitorais. Por fim, analisamos os atuais objetivos da FNCA, traduzidos na promoção de uma transição política em Cuba para a democracia e favorecidos pela administração George W. Bush, que financia e apóia programas para esse fim.
This dissertation has as objective to analyse the cuban-americans’ role, organized under the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), in the United States’ foreign policy towards Cuba. For this purpose, we analyzed the cuban migration process directed to the United States, emphasizing the post Revolution period, when this emigration is conceived as the social basis of the counter-revolution and promoted by the U.S. government. In this direction, we presented the particular treatment offered to this emigration by the Reagan administration, which stimulated the CANF creation as a counter-revolutionary political organization capable of pressing the Congress in cuban themes, and the insertion of the cubans organized under this institution in the domestic affairs of the country through their votes and financial contributions. Finally, we analyzed the actual objectives of CANF, translated in the promotion of a political transition in Cuba for democracy and favored by Bush’s administration, which finances and supports programs towards this end.
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Guevara, Martinez Alfredo Juan. "The dynamic of the United States decision-making process of foreign policy to Cuba : an analysis of the normalization of 2014 /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/183531.
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Orientador: Luis Fernando AyerbeCo-orientador: Harry Edwin Vanden
Banca: Cristina Soreanu Pecequilo
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: Luiza Rodrigues Mateo
Banca: Roberto Moll
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: O anúncio da normalização de relações com Cuba feito pelo Presidente Obama quebrou o caráter de austeridade que a política externa dos Estados Unidos tinha desde a Revolução cubana de 19 5 9. Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar as dinâmicas que influenciam o processo decisório da política externa dos Estados Unidos observando o fenômeno d a normalização de relações diplomáticas com Cuba iniciado pelo presidente Barack Obama em 17 de dezembro de 2014. Por mais de cinquenta anos Cuba e Estados Unidos se mantiveram sem relações diplomáticas oficiais devido ao antagonismo dos Estados Unidos fre nte o caráter do regime de governo da Revolução cubana. Ao longo das décadas a tradição de políticas austeras para a Ilha foi construída, abrangendo diversos setores e instituições do governo dos Estados Unidos e se enraizando em interesses políticos. Mesmo com o fim da Guerra Fria as práticas de antagonismo com Cuba foram mantidas e o embargo econômico à Ilha, iniciado durante o conflito bipolar, foi intensificado e transformado em Lei. A manutenção de práticas de enfretamento originadas de um contexto já ultrapassado leva ao questionamento acerca de quais são os elementos que justificam a continuidade de uma política externa para Cuba que pode ser considerada anacrônica. Assim, est e estudo se propõe a compreender a complexidade do processo decisório que levou à quebra dessa tradição e a iniciativa de normalizar as relações entre Estados Unidos e Cuba. Utilizando o caso da normalizaçã... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The announcement of normalization of relations with Cuba made by President Obama broke with the austerity aspect that the United States Cuban Foreign Policy had since the Cuba Revolution of 1959. This study aims to analyze the dynamics that influence the United States foreign policy decision making process, observing the normalization of diplomatic relations with Cuba initiated by Barack Obama on December 17 of 2014. For more than fifty year s Cuba and the United States remained without official diplomatic relations due the United States antagonism to the government regime originated from the Cuban Revolution. Through the decades a tradition of austere policies to the Island was built, including several sectors and institutions of the United States government rooting political interests in it. Even with the end of the Cold Wars, the antagonist practices to Cuba were kept and the economic embargo to the Island that was initiated during the bipolar conflict was intensified and turned into law. The maintenance of those practices originated from a n outdated context leads to questioning which are the elements that justify the continuity of a foreign policy to Cuba that can be considered anachronical. Thus, this study seeks to understand the complexity of the decision making process that led to the break in such tradition and to the initiative of normalizing relations between the United St ates and Cuba. Using the normalization case, we present a conceptual discussion about mapp... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Jacobs, Matthew D. "A “Psychological Offensive”: United States Public Diplomacy, Revolutionary Cuba, and the Contest for Latin American Hearts and Minds during the 1960s." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1427980665.
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Mantovani, Riccardo. "The US-Cuba relations in the early sixties, the nineties and the recent reconciliationprocess : And the reciprocal effects on Russia, Canada and the Vatican." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-131614.
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The US-Cuba relations have been problematic for half a century; however, in December 2014, both countries announced the restoration of their bilateral ties. Over the decades, these relations have also had reciprocal effects on other countries like Russia, Canada and the Vatican. First of all, the thesis provides a brief historical background of the US-Cuba relations from 1898 to 1959 to understand their context before the Cuban Revolution. It then examines the main happenings of the US-Cuba relationship and its reciprocal effects on Moscow, Ottawa and the Holy See during three distinct time periods: the early sixties, the nineties and from 2008 to the present. In order to do this, the study is divided in three case studies, one for each interval, and analyses through the help of the realist, defensive realist and liberal theories the actions taken by these five countries to face the developments of the US-Cuba relations. It finds that Havana’s foreign policy has always been driven by the same wish for the survival of its revolution, the US still aims at changing the Cuban government although it is gradually reducing the sanctions against it, while Russia, Canada and the Vatican have basically kept unchanged their approach toward Cuba throughout the decades. Finally, the recent US-Cuba thaw is not completed yet because these two countries still have to tackle some crucial issues.
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DiMarco, Louis A. "Restoring order: the US Army experience with occupation operations, 1865–1952." Diss., Kansas State University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/6984.
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Doctor of PhilosophyDepartment of History
Mark P. Parillo
This dissertation examines the influence of the US Army experience in military government and occupation missions on occupations conducted during and immediately after World War II. The study concludes that army occupation experiences between the end of the Civil War and World War II positively influenced the occupations that occurred during and after World War II. The study specifically examines occupation and government operations in the post-Civil War American South, Cuba, the Philippines, Mexico, post-World War I Germany, and the major occupations associated with World War II in Italy, Germany, and Japan. Though historians have examined individual occupations, none has studied the entirety of the American army‘s experience with these operations. This dissertation finds that significant elements of continuity exist between the occupations, so much so that by the World War II period it discerns a unique American way of conducting occupation operations. Army doctrine was one of the major facilitators of continuity. An additional and perhaps more important factor affecting the continuity between occupations was the army‘s institutional culture, which accepted occupation missions as both important and necessary. An institutional understanding of occupation operations developed over time as the army repeatedly performed the mission or similar nontraditional military tasks. Institutional culture ensured an understanding of the occupation mission passed informally from generation to generation of army officers through a complex network of formal and informal, professional and personal relationships. That network of relationships was so complete that the World War II generation of leaders including Generals Marshall, Eisenhower, Clay and MacArthur, and Secretary of War Stimson, all had direct personal ties to individuals who served in key positions in previous occupations in the Philippines, Cuba, Mexico, or the Rhineland. Doctrine and the cultural understanding of the occupation mission influenced the army to devote major resources and command attention to occupation operations during and after World War II. Robust resourcing and the focus of leaders were key to overcoming the inevitable shortfalls in policy and planning that occurred during the war. These efforts contributed significantly to the success of the military occupations of Japan and Germany after World War II.
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Griffith, Kyle C. "The Unmaking of an Embargo: How Policy Entrepreneurs at the Individual, State, and National Levels are Creating New Paths for Policy Change in Modern United States-Cuba Relations." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2148.
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Throughout the Cold War antagonisms of the twentieth century, the United States (US) championed greater global economic cooperation and an embrace of free market principles to encourage economic growth. Post World War II, passage of the Bretton Woods Agreement institutionalized this political agenda effectively establishing the rules of global commerce. The result has been increased economic participation and trade liberalization. One of the last remaining vestiges of Cold War hostility and impediments to trade is the US economic embargo of Cuba, in place since 1960. Increasingly seen as a policy failure, the US has taken steps in the past two years to normalize relations with Cuba. At the same time, after extended conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic recession, and political polarization over the last fifteen years the US finds itself in a position of ambiguity towards additional foreign commitments. American efforts to open Cuba to two-way commerce serve both national security and economic foreign policy agendas. For Cubans, removal of the embargo represents an opportunity for normal relations with the world’s largest economy and access to capital and markets that come with it. The purpose of this study is to test the theory political economy, which attempts to understand society through the intersection of economic, political, and social functions, using US-Cuba diplomacy as a case study (Yin, 2009). Working within a multiple streams framework, the investigator examined how economic policy is changed under politically ambiguous conditions through a series of 20 semi-structured qualitative interviews and content analysis of secondary data sources (Zahariadis, 2014). Specifically, the study explored the behavior of interested individuals from the US and Cuba, so-called policy entrepreneurs, and their influence on the policymaking process during an open policy window. Research results suggest that policy entrepreneurs operate at the individual, state, and national scales of society using a variety of symbols to create and broaden opportunities for policy change. Across all three levels, US and Cuban policy entrepreneur’s behavior is guided by the search for rationality in ambiguous times, but their agency is bounded by the institutionally determined parameters of what is legally and politically acceptable.
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Vasquez, Cesar A. "A History of the United States Caribbean Defense Command (1941-1947)." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2458.
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The United States Military is currently organized along the lines of regional combatant commands (COCOMs). Each COCOM is responsible for all U.S. military activity in their designated area of responsibility (AOR). They also deal with diplomatic issues of a wide variety with the countries within their respective AORs. Among these COCOMs, Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), whose AOR encompasses all of Central and South America (less Mexico) and the Caribbean, is one of the smallest in terms of size and budget, but has the longest history of activity among the COCOMs as it is the successor to the first joint command, the United States Caribbean Defense Command (CDC 1941-1947).
Existing from 1941 to 1947, the CDC was tasked with protecting the Panama Canal, the Canal Zone, and all its access points as well as defending the region from Axis aggression and setting up a series of U.S. bases throughout the Caribbean from which to project U.S. military power after World War II. Throughout its short history, however, the CDC was plagued with the same types of resource scarcity that its successor commands would later experience. Early successes, as well as the progress of the war saw to it that the original mission of the Command was quickly rendered moot. Ironically, it was partially the success of the U.S. war effort that kept the CDC from ever reaching its full potential. Nevertheless, the CDC evolved into something different than had originally been envisioned. In the end, it became the model that other COCOMs would follow after November 1947 when the system of regional combatant commands was formally established. Although some research has been conducted into the history of these commands, this dissertation is the first academic attempt to chronicle the history of the United States Caribbean Defense Command.
Research into this topic involved combing through the Archives of the United States Southern Command in its offices in Miami, Florida (SOUTHCOM Archives), as well as the CDC archives in Record Group 548 in the U.S. National Archives II in Suitland, Maryland. Secondary sources as well as references regarding treaties and international agreements were also consulted as necessary.
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Gustavsen, John Andrew. "Tension under the Sun: Tourism and Identity in Cuba, 1945-2007." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/298.
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My dissertation on Cuban tourism links political, economic, social, and cultural history to show how the development of tourism on the island between 1945 and 2007 has been crucial in helping to cultivate identities for Cuba and the Cuban people on multiple levels. I focus on three distinct periods - 1945 to 1958, 1959 to 1979, and 1980 to 2007. While significant shifts occurred within each of these three phases, this periodization best illuminates the relationship between tourism development and identity. The fall of the Soviet Union, for example, certainly altered the pace of the industry's growth. Arrivals soared beginning in the 1990s, yet much of the institutional framework for conditioning the relationships between touristic actors had been established years earlier. Cuban planners had begun to target a range of specific markets by 1980, over a decade before the economic strife of the 'Special Period' in the early 1990s virtually forced them to move in this direction. For the entire period between 1945 and 2007, tourism and Cuban identity were linked in two very important ways. Tourism provided a lens for foreign visitors to view the island, its people, and its culture; to know what it meant to be Cuban. As well, the industry offered a framework for powerful interests to control the behaviors of Cuban citizens; to instruct them on how to be Cuban.
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Mengana, Castañeda Milagro. "La política externa cubana hacia América Latina : continuidades y rupturas 1959-2018 /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/183309.
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Orientador: Luis Fernando AyerbeBanca: Suzeley Kalil Mathias
Banca: Roberto Moll
Banca: Carolina Silva Pedroso
Banca: Luiza Rodrigues Mateo
Resumo: O objetivo geral da tese foi elucidar os elementos de continuidade e ruptura da política externa cubana em sua dimensão latino-americana entre 1959 e 2018, levando em consideração os métodos de exportação/apoio da Revolução ou de política formal e informal em um contexto de diferença entre Cuba e os Estados Unidos e o objetivo de integração da referida política. Em virtude deste objetivo, foi desenvolvida uma secção introdutória. No segundo capítulo, foram estabelecidos os elementos incidentes da política externa cubana e suas características até 2018, bem como o papel dos Estados Unidos da América e os choques externos nas mudanças dessa política externa. O terceiro capítulo identificou e analisou os agentes de mudança no contexto cubano e o seu papel na determinação ou execução da política externa da ilha, analisando o papel dos Presidentes do Conselho de Estado e do Conselho de Ministros, as inter-relações existentes entre os órgãos executivo e legislativo, a sociedade civil e as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias no sistema político cubano. O último capítulo analisou as relações da Ilha com a região com base nas dinâmicas de Revolução/Formal, Formal/Informal e Isolamento/integração. Desta forma, as rupturas e continuidades da política externa cubana para a América Latina foram estabelecidas entre 1959 e 2018, oferecendo maior ênfase ao nível internacional na sua relação com a política externa cubana.
Abstract: The general objective of research was to elucidate the elements of continuity and rupture of Cuban foreign policy in its Latin American dimension between 1959 and 2018, taking into consideration the methods of export / support of the Revolution or of Formal and Informal politics in a context of dispute between Cuba and the United States and the objective of Integration. Under this objective an introductory section was developed. In the second chapter, incidental elements were established in the Cuban foreign policy and its features until 2018, the role of the United States of America and the external shocks in the changes of this foreign policy. The third chapter identified and analysed the agents of change in the Cuban context and their role in the determination or execution of the island's foreign policy, analysing the role of the Presidents of the Council of State and the Council of Ministers, the existing interrelations between the executive and legislative bodies, civil society and the Revolutionary Armed Forces within the Cuban political system. The last chapter analyzed the relations of the Island with the region based on the dynamics of Revolution/Formal, Formal/Informal and Isolation/integration. In this way, the ruptures and continuities in Cuban foreign policy towards Latin America were established between 1959-2018, giving greater emphasis to the international level in its relationship with Cuban foreign policy.
Resumen: La tesis tuvo como objetivo general dilucidar los elementos de continuidad y ruptura de la política externa cubana en su dimensión latinoamericana entre 1959 a 2018, teniendo en consideración los métodos de exportación/apoyo de la Revolución o de política Formal e Informal en un contexto de diferendo entre Cuba y los Estados Unidos y el objetivo de Integración de la referida política. En virtud de este objetivo se desarrolló un acápite introductorio. En el segundo capítulo, se establecieron los elementos incidentes en la política externa cubana y sus rasgos hasta 2018, el papel de los Estados Unidos de América y los choques externos en las mudanzas de esta política externa. En el tercer capítulo se identificaron y analizaron los agentes de cambios del contexto cubano y su papel en la determinación o ejecución de la política externa de la isla, analizándose el papel de los Presidentes del Consejo de Estado y el Consejo de Ministros, las interrelaciones existentes entre los órganos del poder ejecutivo y legislativo, de la sociedad civil y de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias dentro del sistema político cubano. En el último capítulo se analizó las relaciones de la isla con la región a partir de las dinámicas Revolución/Formal, Formal/Informal y de Aislamiento/integración. De este modo, se establecieron las rupturas y continuidades en la política exterior cubana hacia América Latina entre 1959-2018, dando mayor énfasis al nivel internacional en su relación con la política exter... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)
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Lamrani, Salim. "De Fulgencio Batista à Fidel Castro : Cuba et la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis 1956-1959." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040172.
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Les relations entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis sont conflictuelles depuis plus d’un demi-siècle, plus précisément depuis l’arrivée de Fidel Castro au pouvoir le 1er janvier 1959. Cette étude porte sur le régime du général Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) et plus particulièrement sur la guerre civile cubaine – période de vingt-cinq mois allant du débarquement des révolutionnaires cubains menés par Castro le 2 décembre 1956 à la fuite de Batista le 1er janvier 1959. L’analyse de cette période est cruciale pour comprendre les raisons de l’émergence d’un puissant mouvement à Cuba et de la transformation politique, économique et sociale la plus radicale de l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, mettant ainsi un terme à près de soixante ans d’hégémonie étasunienne sur l’île des Caraïbes (1898-1958). Elle permet également de saisir les enjeux actuels du conflit bilatéral qui oppose Washington et La Havane. L’interventionnisme des Etats-Unis, tant politique que militaire, dans les affaires internes cubaines en vue de protéger leurs propres intérêts économiques et stratégiques était une norme qui était de mise durant toute la période républicaine (1902-1958). L’objectif de cette étude consiste à analyser en profondeur la politique étrangère de l’administration Eisenhower vis-à-vis de Cuba durant toute la guerre civile cubaine qui opposa principalement le Mouvement 26 Juillet de Castro et ses alliés au régime de Batista. L’hostilité persistante de Washington à l’égard de Cuba vingt ans après la disparition de l’Union soviétique illustre le constat que les rapports bilatéraux entre les deux nations ne peuvent être analysés seulement à l’aune de la Guerre FroideRelations between Cuba and the United States have been troubled for more than half a century, more precisely since Fidel Castro's arrival to power on January 1, 1959. This study concerns the regime of General Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) and particularly the Cuban civil war - the twenty-five month period from the landing of Cuban revolutionaries led by Castro on December 2, 1956 to the flight of Batista on January 1, 1959. The analysis of this period is crucial to understanding the reasons for the emergence of a powerful movement in Cuba and the most radical political, economic and social transformation in the history of Latin America, which ended nearly sixty years of American hegemony over the Caribbean island (1898-1958). It also provides an understanding of the essence of the current bilateral conflict between Washington and Havana. U.S. intervention, both politically and militarily, in Cuban internal affairs in order to protect its own strategic and economic interests was the norm throughout Cuba's Republican era (1902-1958). The aim of this study is an in depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Eisenhower administration towards Cuba throughout the Cuban civil war, which primarily pitted Castro's 26th of July Movement and his allies against the Batista regime. Washington's persistent hostility towards Cuba twenty years after the demise of the Soviet Union illustrates the finding that bilateral relations between both nations can not be analyzed only through the framework of the Cold War
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Ismajlov, Rufat. "First day of the Cuban Missile Crisis: Airstrike, Invasion or Blockade? : Analysis of the Inter- and Intragroup conflicts inpolitical decision making outcome by U.S. government with regard to the situation in Cuba, during October the 16th 1962, within Bureaucratic Politics Approach." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5309.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis has been considered by political scientists and historians as one of the most critical point in U.S. – Soviet relations during the Cold War and probably the only case of the possibility of the nuclear exchange was on highest level. The Cuban Missile Crisis was considered to be a part of continued political game of the ideological struggle between the leaders of United States and Soviet Union. However, the fact of the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba created situation for U.S. government to decide what course of actions should be taken and not escalate a further confrontation, which could lead to a mutual nuclear exchange. The suggestions to such course of actions were coming from different members of the Executive Committee of the National Council or EXCOMM, which did make impact on U.S. president’s decision making in relation to Soviet installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba in October 1962. The focus of this study relied on outcome of the decisions taken on secret meetings within the Executive Committee of the National Security Council or EXCOMM (included U.S. president as member of this committee) during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The results of this study show if inter – and intragroup conflicts within EXCOOM made such impact on decision making outcome.
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Diamonds, Herman Pule. "US foreign policy toward Southern Africa - 1975 to 1990: the case of the Namibian Independence struggle." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5719_1256719748.
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This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of succesive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study
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Rossodivito, Anthony M. "The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
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Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
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Kilian, Clive Linton. "The status of the Al Qaeda and Taliban detainees at Guantanamo bay." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/826.
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The United States of America has in its custody several hundred Taliban and Al Qaeda combatants who were captured after the September 11, 2001 attack and during the war in Afghanistan. These prisoners are incarcerated at the Guantanamo naval base in Cuba. The treatment given to these detainees has elicited widespread criticism, as well as unprecedented intellectual and legal debates regarding prisoners of war. In order to fully understand the position of the Guantanamo Bay detainees, one has to be aware of the origins of the prisoner-of-war phenomenon. From biblical times, through the countless conflicts that were waged across the globe through the ages, the concept of “prisoner of war” gradually evolved. Growing concern for the plight of prisoners of war was paralleled by the development of the laws of war, which sought to regulate the conduct of combatants during an armed conflict. The laws of war that have bearing on modern day States are those documented in the Geneva Conventions. The Geneva Conventions regulate armed conflicts and set out the requirements for prisoners of war, as well as their trial rights. The United States, in declaring the Guantanamo Bay detainees “unlawful combatants” or “illegal enemy combatants”, terms which are undefined in International Law, have sought to evade the prescripts of the Geneva Conventions. In direct contravention of the Geneva Conventions, the Guantanamo Bay detainees are denied the right to humane treatment, a fair trial and due process of the law. Prior to Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, the United States’ position was challenged with very little success. The Supreme Court, in Hamdan vs Rumsfeld, directed the president to accord the detainees the protections of the Third Geneva Convention. The relief brought by this decision was very short lived. In September 2006 the United States Congress passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006. This Bill gives the president of the United States unfettered power in dealing with anyone suspected of being a threat to the State, as well as the authorisation to interpret and apply the Geneva Conventions according to his sole discretion.
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Auran, Jean-François. "La politique étrangère des États-Unis en Afrique Australe de 1975 à 1995 : ses aspects-militaires, de l’indifférence indulgente, aux covert actions puis auCapacity Building." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30070/document.
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Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s’agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l’Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l’effondrement de l’empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à divers titres. Avec la fin de la guerre du Viêt Nam, Cuba et l’URSS lancent une politique expansionniste en Afrique. Ces deux paramètres vont créer les conditions d’un regain d’intérêt pour cette région et donner à l’Afrique du sud une rôle central au moment où les opinions publiques s’invitent dans la lutte contre l’apartheid.Les caractéristiques et composantes de cette politique, le processus de décision, ses acteurs multiples et variés constituent un sujet d’étude particulièrement riche. Quelle est la réelle part d’approche régionale de celle plus globaliste ? Quelles spécificités entre administrations démocrates et républicaines ?Au niveau militaire, il y a eu une certaine indulgence vis-à-vis du programme nucléaire et biologique sud-africain ainsi que le maintien de liens très forts entre les militaires des deux pays. L’utilisation des covert-actions de la CIA, l’appui du Zaïre, l’implication de l’OTAN et la résistance des états de la ligne de front constituent autant d’aspects de cette histoire très richeThe United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu’s Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history
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Saiani, Renato Cesar Santejo [UNESP]. "Liberdade hipotecada: o processo de independência cubana na imprensa brasileira (1895-1902)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93358.
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saiani_rcs_me_assis.pdf: 3458931 bytes, checksum: 1b37b68c55cf03b9278c191187c4eec2 (MD5)O presente trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar de forma comparada a produção dos periódicos Jornal do Commercio e O Estado de S. Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 1895 e 1902, acerca do processo de independência cubana e suas diversas configurações e desdobramentos. Procuraremos, fundamentalmente, compreender como cada jornal se posicionou em relação ao conflito hispano-cubano e à posterior intervenção norte- americana, quais foram os aspectos privilegiados por cada um e se houve mudanças na postura dos mesmos em relação ao conflito que se desenvolvia em Cuba
The present study has as the main objective to analyse in a comparative form the production of the newspapers Jornal do Commercio and O Estado de S. Paulo, in the period between the years 1895 and 1902, about the process of Cuban independence and its various configurations and deployments. We will seek to fundamentally understand how each newspaper was positioned in relation to the Spanish-Cuban conflict and the subsequent U.S. intervention, what the privileged aspects of each were and whether there were changes in their positions in relation to the conflict that developed in Cuba
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Brown, Christopher J. "Redefining the Face of America Abroad: Architecture of Diplomacy." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1584015607111365.
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Šplíchalová, Eva. "Projednávání amerických sankcí proti Kubě na půdě Valného shromáždění OSN." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261792.
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The United States imposed the longest lasting sanction regime on Cuba in 1960 as a result of strained relations in recent years. Each US administration modified form of the sanctions regime, depending on the attitude toward the Cuban issue. General Assembly, the highest authority of the UN, adopts not legally binding but politically significant resolutions. Resolution condemning US sanctions regime has been adopted annually since 1992. Discussion on changes of the sanction regime in the General Assembly is a sign of reflection on current events and unrigid process of resolutions adoption. The main purpose is to determine whether the changes of the sanction regime were mentioned in the discussions on the adoption of the resolutions. The result of the analysis shows the reflection of the events in the speeches of ambassadors. The amount of mentioned events in speeches depends whether they were positive or negative step toward easing the embargo, and also how important the event was.