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Journal articles on the topic 'Cuba United States Cuba United States'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Sedliar, Yulia. "US policy of economic sanctions against Cuba in 1990s years." Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, no. 2 (2019): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-114-118.

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The US economic embargo against Cuba has been in place for fifty years. During that period, its rationale and goals have not changed. As it is stressed in the article, principal purpose of the US sanctions strategy is either to modify the international behavior of Cuba, which Washington regarded as a threat to US strategic interests in the Latin America region, or to eliminate the Cuban political regime entirely. Measured against these goals, the sanctions clearly have failed. Author examines key factors having restricted sanctions’ ability to achieve American proclaimed goals regarding to Cuba. In this context, it is underscored that controversial maintenance of the US embargo against Cuba among US allies directly affected the results of sanctions strategy against Cuba. It is stressed that since the early 1960s, when the United States imposed a trade embargo on Cuba, the centerpiece of U.S. policy toward Cuba has consisted of economic sanctions aimed at isolating the government. The United States embargo against Cuba is a commercial, economic, and financial embargo imposed by the United States on Cuba. An embargo was first imposed by the United States on sale of arms to Cuba on the 14th of March 1958, during the Fulgencio Batista regime. On October 19, 1960 the U.S. placed an embargo on exports to Cuba except for food and medicine after Cuba nationalized American-owned Cuban oil refineries without compensation. On February 7, 1962 the embargo was extended to include almost all imports. Currently, the Cuban embargo is enforced mainly through six statutes: the Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the Cuban Assets Control Regulations of 1963, the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992, the Helms–Burton Act 1996, and the Trade Sanctions Reform and Export Enhancement Act of 2000. The stated purpose of the Cuban Democracy Act of 1992 is to maintain sanctions on Cuba so long as the Cuban government refuses to move toward democratization and greater respect for human rights. The article emphasizes that The Helms–Burton Act further restricted United States citizens from doing business in or with Cuba, and mandated restrictions on giving public or private assistance to any successor government in Havana unless and until certain claims against the Cuban government were met.

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2

Domínguez, Jorge I. "US-Cuban Relations in the 1980s: Issues and Policies." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 1985): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165663.

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Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.

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3

Anthes, Richard, Alan Robock, Juan Carlos Antuña-Marrero, Oswaldo García, John J. Braun, and René Estevan Arredondo. "Cooperation on GPS Meteorology between the United States and Cuba." Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 96, no. 7 (July 1, 2015): 1079–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/bams-d-14-00171.1.

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Abstract In May 2014 a team of atmospheric and geodetic scientists from UNAVCO and the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR) sent and helped set up a global positioning system (GPS) receiver to measure atmospheric water vapor at the Grupo de Óptica Atmosférica de Camagüey (GOAC) at the Camagüey Meteorological Center in Camagüey, Cuba. The GPS receiver immediately began to produce observations of precipitable water, which are being shared with the international meteorological community. Obtaining permission from both sides to send a highly sensitive instrument from the United States to Cuba was not easy. This paper describes the series of events that led to this achievement, beginning with a North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) workshop in Rome, Italy, in 1994 in which Alan Robock met a young Cuban scientist named Juan Carlos Antuña and accepted him as a graduate student at the University of Maryland, College Park. The GPS meteorology connection began with a March 2007 visit of a delegation from the United States headed by then American Meteorological Society (AMS) President Richard Anthes to Havana, Cuba, at the invitation of the Cuban Meteorological Society president, Andrés Planas. These two threads led to this remarkable cooperation between Cuban and U.S. scientists. Several visits to Cuba beginning in 2010 by Robock, who met former President of Cuba Fidel Castro and the science advisor to the president of Cuba, played a significant role. This is another instance (the visit of the AMS delegation to China in 1974 was a prime example) of how communication and visits between meteorologists in countries that are at odds on many other issues can lead to lasting collaborations that benefit both countries as well as the international community.

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4

Miller, Rob. "Cuba and the United States." Theory & Struggle 117 (April 2016): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2016.10.

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5

C. Llano, Jorge. "Cuba and the United States in Democratic and Republican times: continuity or change?" Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 25–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-25-38.

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For a comprehensive understanding, one as close to reality as possible, of the U.S.-Cuban relations it is necessary to study in detail the conceptual foundations and historical background of the U.S. foreign policy towards the Latin American region in general, and towards Cuba in particular. To this end, the author offers a retrospective overview of the U.S. policy in interaction with the Cuban state, taking as a starting point the very formation of the United States as a state from thirteen original colonies. The origins of the U.S.-Cuban interaction, the context of the victory of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, as well as the political motivation of American leaders, both Democratic and Republican, in the context of building relations with Cuba are examined. The political decisions of the U.S. leadership regarding Cuba are immersed into the global dynamics of world political processes and the positioning of the U.S. in the international arena in different periods. Building the sequence of the U.S. relations with the island the author comes to the conclusion that the dialogue with Cuba has always been from the position of force, and it is proven in the article that such approach, often accompanied by unfair destructive actions, remained in place even in the moment of warming, namely during the restoration of relations with Cuba in the years of Barack Obama’s presidency. The author is convinced that the solution of the conflict between the two countries will be realistically possible only when the U.S. government fully recognizes Cuba’s sovereignty and ambitions to be more actively involved in the regional and international agenda.

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6

Battle, Dolores E. "Healthcare and Education in the Republic of Cuba." Perspectives on Global Issues in Communication Sciences and Related Disorders 5, no. 2 (October 2015): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/gics5.2.75.

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Cuba has had many challenges to healthcare and education, particularly for its urban poor and rural citizens. The healthcare and education programs were restructured following the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959. The United States imposed an embargo on the country and ceased diplomatic relations in 1961. With the support of the Soviet Union, Cuba established programs that provide free healthcare and free education to all from preschool through university. The literacy rate in Cuba exceeds 99%. Its programs in health diplomacy and literacy promotion have worldwide recognition. With the end of the Cold War, Cuba was able to continue its programs of healthcare and education without Soviet support. In July 2015 a group of speech-language pathologists (SLPs) and hearing specialists visited Cuba to gain an understanding of the Cuban health diplomacy and education systems for persons with communication disorders. This article will look at healthcare services, health diplomacy, services for the deaf, and education in Cuba. With brief review of Cuba pre-and post-revolution it will present a review of Cuba healthcare and education today and a look at the future as the United States moves toward normalization of relations with Cuba.

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7

Liudmila, Ivkina. "Russian diplomacy and the liberal Russian press on the events of the Ten-Year War of Independence (1868-1878)." Latin-american Historical Almanac 28, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 54–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2020-28-1-54-85.

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The article examines Russia's position on the War of Independence in Cuba (1868-1878), which marked the beginning of a long process of national liberation. The tone of the reports of Russian diplomats from Spain and the United States was determined by the policy of neutrality and non-interference typical of Russia's foreign policy towards Spain after Аlexander II's accession to the Russian throne in 1855. Events of the liberation struggle of the Cuban people, methods and forms of liberation movement, the policy of the United States and Spain in relation to the war of independence in Cuba received coverage in the liberal Russian press, such publications as "World Illustration", "The Case", "The Herald of Europe". Articles and notes contained objective information about the events taking place in Cuba, expressed feelings of solidarity and support for the Cuban people, condemned the policy of Spain, which sought by any means to suppress the revolutionary process, criticized the Cuban policy of the United States, persecuted their vested economic interests and not interested in the independence of Cu-ba.

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8

WARD, MARIANNE, and JOHN DEVEREUX. "The Road Not Taken: Pre-Revolutionary Cuban Living Standards in Comparative Perspective." Journal of Economic History 72, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 104–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711002452.

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We examine Cuban GDP over time and across space. We find that Cuba was once a prosperous middle-income economy. On the eve of the revolution, incomes were 50 to 60 percent of European levels. They were among the highest in Latin America at about 30 percent of the United States. In relative terms, Cuba was richer earlier on. Income per capita during the 1920s was in striking distance of Western Europe and the Southern United States. After the revolution, Cuba slipped down the world income distribution. Current levels of income per capita appear below their pre-revolutionary peaks.

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9

Chelala, César. "Relations Between the United States and Cuba." JAMA 275, no. 7 (February 21, 1996): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.1996.03530310065035.

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10

Martínez-San Miguel, Yolanda. "Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States." Latino Studies 3, no. 3 (November 2005): 443–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.lst.8600153.

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11

McPherson, Alan. "Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States." Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-86-1-143.

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12

May, R. E. "Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States." Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (March 1, 2006): 1435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4485935.

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13

Rampersad, Indira. "Turbulence Within the Cuban Diaspora in South Florida." Practicing Anthropology 31, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.31.2.h0861m819n640268.

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United States-Cuba policy has varied significantly during the five decades since the first waves of Cuban immigrants came to the United States. The disproportionate impact that the earliest immigrants had on US-Cuba relations has created a deep social, political and economic schism between this group and the later waves. Though these later migrants now constitute a "moderate majority' in South Florida, they nonetheless endure a double marginalization because of their alienation at both the state and community levels. I conclude that the 2008 transfer of power from Fidel Castro to Raúl Castro, combined with a reconfiguration of the power structure in south Florida to which President Obama seems poised to pander, signal that the much anticipated change in US-Cuba policy may not be forthcoming.

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14

Pertierra, Anna Cristina. "If They Show Prison Break in the United States on a Wednesday, by Thursday It Is Here." Television & New Media 13, no. 5 (May 2, 2012): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476412443564.

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This article describes practices of informal digital media circulation emerging in urban Cuba between 2005 and 2010, drawing from interviews and ethnographic research in the city of Santiago de Cuba. The Cuban new media landscape is supported by informal networks that blend financial and social exchanges to circulate goods, media, and currency in ways that are often illegal but are largely tolerated. Presenting two case studies of young, educated Cubans who rely on the circulation of film and television content via external hard drives for most of their media consumption, I suggest that the emphasis of much existing literature on the role of state censorship and control in Cuban new media policy overlook the everyday practices through which Cubans are regularly engaged with Latin and U.S. American popular culture. Further, informal economies have been central to everyday life in Cuba both during the height of the Soviet socialist era and in the period since the collapse of the Soviet Union that has seen a juxtaposition of some market reforms alongside centrally planned policies. In the context of nearly two decades of economic crisis, consumer shortages and a dual economy, Cuban people use both informal and state-sanctioned networks to acquire goods ranging from groceries to furnishings and domestic appliances. Understanding the informal media economy of Cuba within this broader context helps to explain how the consumption of commercial American media is largely uncontroversial within Cuban everyday life despite the fraught politics that often dominates discussions of Cuban media policy.

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15

Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.

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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.

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16

Goodwin, Jamie. "The Double Character of Cuban Protestantism and Philanthropy." Religions 9, no. 9 (September 7, 2018): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9090265.

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In Cuba and the United States, Protestant institutions exist that are both reflective and nonreflective about their culture’s influence on belief and practice. The case of Cuba sheds light on how Christian churches and voluntary associations operate in an authoritarian regime. Despite the tension and enmity that have typified Cuba’s geopolitical relationship with the United States since the colonial days, cross-cultural Christian philanthropic partnerships exist. The “doble carácter” (double character) of Cuban Protestant churches has grown out of both collaboration with, and resistance to U.S.-style evangelicalism (Arce Valentín 2016). Adaptations of liberation theology, adopted among Cuban Christians, provide an influential counterweight to the mighty Western theological and philanthropic tradition (González 2012). The nature of this engagement influences Cuban civil society, the survival of the Cuban regime, and provides an extreme case for cross-cultural philanthropy worldwide. This socio-historical account utilizes the data collected from personal interviews with Cuban Protestant leaders, primary sources found in the library at the San Cristobal Presbyterian Seminary and Cuban theological journals, and a qualitative analysis of literature on Cuba, Protestants, missions, philanthropy, nongovernment organizations (NGOs) and civil society.

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17

Kasatkina, Kateryna. "Peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under Conditions of Break Off Diplomatic Relations in the 1960’s." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 8 (2019): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.08.03.

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The article is an attempt to analyze the peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960s. The article focuses on factors which influenced on the formation of the US policy towards Cuba and determined the nature of its qualitative changes in the given period. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson against Fidel Castro’s regime. There is also described the work of the Special Group Augmented that prepared for the new phase of the «Cuban project» – Operation «Mongoose». As a result of the research the author comes to the conclusion, that peculiarities of the US Policy towards Cuba under conditions of break off diplomatic relations in the 1960’s had changed. President Kennedy’s policies were characterized by different methods and approaches. It included both covert operations and sabotage against F. Castro’s regime, as well as political and economic pressure on Cuba. However, such US policy had the opposite effect. Cuba had established relations with the Soviet Union. The confrontation between the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba led to The Cuban missile crisis. After the crisis was resolved the USA was forced to suspend operation «Mongoose». In addition, John F. Kennedy had attempted to establish a secret back channel of communication with F. Castro. After his death, preliminary for negotiations between Washington and Havana were discontinued. The new President Lyndon Johnson did not allow the normalization of relations with Cuba on Castro’s terms and while he was in power. He made an effort to destabilize the Castro’s regime by making an engaging immigration policy for Cubans who lived in the United States or desired come to the country and got a permanent residence. At the end of Johnson’s presidency, the United States took part in the Vietnam war, but the problem of U.S.-Cuban relations remained unresolved.

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18

PÉREZ, LOUIS A. "Fear and Loathing of Fidel Castro: Sources of US Policy Toward Cuba." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006387.

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The Cuban Revolution shattered some of the most important policy formulations by which the United States had traditionally defined its place and defended its interests in the western hemisphere, for which Fidel Castro has been inalterably held responsible. Much of US policy towards Cuba during the past forty years has been driven by a determination to punish Cuba for the transgressions of Fidel Castro and a determination to resist a modus vivendi with Cuba as long as he remains in power.

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19

Frolova, Elena. "Healthcare in Cuba." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2001-11.

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Besides the fact that it is located in the Western Hemisphere, belongs to island states of the Caribbean, and Fidel Castro has been its undisputed leader for a long time, what do we know about Cuba? In your opinion, the indigenous people of the island are surely black people, and only few know that Cuba is home to more than 100 thousand Chinese people, who came to the country many years ago to develop nickel reserves. At the same time, it turns out that 65 % of the Cuban population is white-skinned, and the problem of aging on the island is as topical as in Japan. With a more detailed study of life in this country, it turns out that Cuba is ahead of Brazil in terms of its development, occupies 33rd place according to its life expectancy (ahead of the United States, China and the United Arab Emirates), and has the lowest infant mortality rates in the Western Hemisphere after Canada. One of the most honorable professions in Cuba is the specialty of a physician, and, in total, about 70 thousand specialists with higher medical education work in the country with 11 million population. On the whole, this country has a rich history, and the history of health care development in Cuba is very interesting and informative.

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20

Streeby, Shelley. "Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (review)." Americas 63, no. 2 (2006): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0174.

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21

Flashnick, Jon M. "Writing to Cuba: Filibustering and Cuban Exiles in the United States (review)." Cuban Studies 38, no. 1 (2007): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cub.2008.0019.

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22

Pecequilo, Cristina Soreanu, and Clarissa Nascimento Forner. "The United States and Cuba: An Intermestics Agenda." Meridiano 47 - Journal of Global Studies 16, no. 147 (March 13, 2015): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20889/m47e16004.

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23

Rotter, Andrew J., and Morris H. Morley. "United States Capitalism and the Containment of Cuba." Reviews in American History 16, no. 4 (December 1988): 636. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2702366.

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24

Martínez, Milagros. "Academic Exchange between Cuba and the United States." Latin American Perspectives 33, no. 5 (September 2006): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x06292417.

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25

Graddy-Lovelace, Garrett. "United States-Cuba Agricultural Relations and Agrarian Questions." Journal of Agrarian Change 18, no. 1 (October 23, 2016): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joac.12190.

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26

Latell, Brian. "The United States and Cuba: Future security issues." Studies in Comparative International Development 34, no. 4 (December 2000): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687445.

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27

Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.

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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.

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Torres, Kelly M., Samantha Tackett, and Meagan C. Arrastia-Chisholm. "Cuban American College Students’ Perceptions Surrounding Their Language and Cultural Identity." Journal of Hispanic Higher Education 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2019): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1538192718822324.

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Four waves of Cuban immigrants have arrived to the United States from the early 1960s with the fourth wave still in progress. The changing reasons these immigrants fled Cuba have resulted in diverse characteristics for each wave of immigration. This qualitative study investigated Cuban American students’ perceptions of their cultural background and Spanish proficiencies. The results of this study indicate that all participants possessed limited Spanish proficiencies and a strong desire to maintain their heritage. Implications are discussed in light of the current political climate in the United States.

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29

Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Nargis Zaman, and Zahir Shah. "United States Fundamental Interests in Chile and Cuba: A Historical Study." Global Regional Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 218–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).17.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of 1960’s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in 1970’s decade the United States faced the same threat of communism (in form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established their strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched military coup in 1973 resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in region

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30

McKercher, Asa. "A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00551.

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With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.

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Walker, William O. "Security, insecurity, and the U.S. presence in the Caribbean." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 75, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2001): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002554.

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[First paragraph]Bay of Pigs Declassified: The Secret CIA Report on the Invasion of Cuba. PETER KORNBLUH (ed.). New York: The New Press, 1998. viii + 339 pp. (Paper US$17.95)Psywar on Cuba: The Declassified History of U.S. Anti-Castro Propaganda. JON ELLISTON (ed.). Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1999. 320 pp. (Paper US$ 21.95)Intelligence and the Cuban Missile Crisis. JAMES G. BLIGHT & DAVID A. WELCH (eds.). London: Frank Cass, 1998. x + 234 pp. (Cloth US$ 47.50)Live by the Sword: The Secret WarAgainst Castro and the Death of JFK. Gus Russo. Baltimore MD: Bancroft Press, 1998. xvi + 619 pp. (Cloth US$ 26.95)From Pirates to Drug Lords: The Post-Cold War Caribbean Security Environment. MICHAEL C. DESCH, JORGE I. DOMI'NGUEZ & ANDRÉS SERBIN (eds.). Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. viii + 161 pp. (Paper US$19.95)Cuba, the Caribbean, and the United States have been frequently and intimately linked for more than a century. Because of the status of the United States as a global power, viewing their common histories from the vantage point of the United States is understandable. Such a perspective consigns the Caribbean, and to a lesser extent Cuba, to the role of passive actors in the making of much of their own histories. Several recent publications, though written for very different purposes, permit us to ask whether Cuba and the Caribbean have not been more active participants in their recent histories than U.S. predominance in the region would seem to allow.

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32

Khan, Abdul Zahoor, Ahmed Ali, and Sajjad Ali. "United States Intervention and the Following Hegemony in Cuba and Chile: A Critical Appraisal." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 343–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).24.

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US hegemony as the result of its interventions in Cuba and Chile is a historical reality. The United States used to be scared that the imposition of Communism had minimized the Americans dominance over there under the policy of nationalization. Although, the United States had tried his luck in Cuba twice, in decades of the 1960s, to vanish communism dangerous roots, but unfortunately faced defeat. Again in the 1970s decade, the United States faced the same threat of communism (in the form of Salvador Allende regime) in Chile. Chile has blessed with such rich mineral resources like Cuba, so the United States also had similarly established its strong hold inform of different significant companies. In order to prevent the power of Salvador Allende and his nationalization policy, the United States had launched a military coup in 1973 that resulted in success that also helps to minimize the communism threats in the region.

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33

Falk, Pamela S. "The US - Cuba Agenda Opportunity or Stalemate." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 1 (1997): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166502.

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With the passage by the 104th Congress of the Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity Act of 1996 (Helms-Burton), signed into law by the president on 12 March 1996, relations between the United States and Cuba became the subject of quietly intense international discourse. Whether this multinational concern serves simply to strain US relations with its European and Latin American allies or to precipitate fundamental change in Cuba depends largely on the actions of President Clinton and, of course, on those of his nemesis, Cuba’s President Fidel Castro.

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Healy, David F., and Louis A. Perez. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy. The United States and the Americans." Journal of Southern History 58, no. 3 (August 1992): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210192.

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Lutjens, Sheryl. "Cuba Today and Tomorrow: Reinventing Socialism By Max Azicri. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000. 396p. $55.00 cloth, $24.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402234334.

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Max Azicri writes with acumen on the Cuban revolution in the very different decades of the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s, and he offers an insightful assessment of the changes and challenges of the 1990s. His objective is to answer the puzzle of what he calls the “Cuban miracle”: the island's surprising survival in the face of the deep economic crisis associated with the collapse of the socialist bloc and the ongoing “punitive” policies of the United States. Azicri is not the only scholar to attempt an interpretation of Cuba in the 1990s. Susan Eckstein (Back from the Future: Cuba Under Castro, 1994), Ken Cole (Cuba: From Revoution to Development, 1998), Julia Jatar-Hausman (The Cuban Way: Capitalism, Communism, and Confrontation, 1999), and Robin Blackburn, (“Putting the Hammer Down on Cuba,” New Left Review, July-August 2000 (4): 5–36) are among those who have examined the nexus of Cuba's past and future in the post–Cold War context. An explosion of travel writing also demonstrates the intrigue of contemporary Cuba, as does the list of new detective thrillers—some of them bestsellers—with a Cuba setting. Azicri's book has a distinctive place in this literary landscape.

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Poyo, Gerald E., and Louis A. Perez. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy." Journal of American History 78, no. 3 (December 1991): 1134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078926.

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Fernandez, Damian J., and Louis A. Perez. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1992): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515562.

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Lowenthal, Abraham F., and Louis A. Perez. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 2 (1991): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044752.

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Abreu, Maria T., Oriana M. Damas, Felipe Neri Piñol Jiménez, and Roberto Cañete Villafranca. "United States–Cuba Research Collaborations: Opening Bridges for Gastroenterology." Gastroenterology 152, no. 6 (May 2017): 1267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/j.gastro.2017.03.011.

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Tollefson, Jeff. "Cuba forges links with United States to save sharks." Nature 526, no. 7574 (October 2015): 488–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/526488a.

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Lindau, Juan, Louis A. Perez, Georges Fauriol, and Eva Loser. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 548. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151769.

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Fernández, Damián J. "Cuba and the United States: Ties of Singular Intimacy." Hispanic American Historical Review 72, no. 2 (May 1, 1992): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-72.2.282.

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43

Justin W. R. Turner. "1970s Baseball Diplomacy between Cuba and the United States." NINE: A Journal of Baseball History and Culture 19, no. 1 (2010): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nin.2010.0018.

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Camacho, Jorge. "Voces femeninas en la guerra de independencia de Cuba: Lila de Luáces y Eva Adán de Rodríguez." Caracol, no. 20 (December 23, 2020): 486–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2317-9651.i20p486-511.

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During the war of independence in Cuba, which started in 1868 and lasted ten years, a number of texts appeared in Cuba and the United States detailing the conflict. All of these texts were written by men with the exception of one, published in the US, that was written by a woman. In this article I discuss this testimony and I compare it with another one published in Cuba after the war, also written by another female survivor. I discuss the way violence and the self is represented in these narrations, and most importantly how they build an archive of deeds to criticize Spain’s official (hi)story of the Cuban conflict.

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Babin, Angela. "Health and Care of Performing Artists in Cuba." Medical Problems of Performing Artists 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21091/mppa.2007.2016.

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IN MARCH 2007, 15 health professionals and artists from the United States travelled to Cuba to learn firsthand about the Cuban healthcare system and also to see the Cuban approach to artists' health and safety. We went as part of a U.S.-licensed charter program with the goal of research exchange. This program offered us a view of the healthcare facilities and presentations with health professionals as well as rehearsals and performances by performing artists and performing arts students. We met the healthcare personnel who care for the artists and learned about techniques they use to mitigate health hazards to these artists. Thus, in our brief glimpse of Cuba, we were graciously hosted, entertained, and informed.

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Yordanov, Radoslav. "Conflicting visions? Cuba in the eyes of a Soviet spy and an American diplomat." International Affairs 95, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 917–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz118.

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Abstract This review essay considers the books Raúl Castro: un hombre en revolución by Nikolai S. Leonov and Our woman in Havana: a diplomat's chronicle of America's long struggle with Castro's Cuba by Vicki Huddleston. One would be hard-pressed to find more qualified observers with first-hand experience of Cuba's politics than Nikolai Leonov and Vicki Huddleston. A former chief of KGB's analytical department, Leonov held several medals and decorations, including the Ernesto Che Guevara First Degree Order of the Cuban Council of State. Huddleston, on the other hand, headed the Cuban Affairs of the State Department and in 1999 became the first woman to lead the United States' Interests Section in Havana. Both authors offer in their accounts two visions of Cuba which rather complement each other. The keen revolutionary eye of the Soviet spy leans towards temporality. He saw Cuba in East–West terms, where historically the decade-old American aggressive plans and Soviet's withdrawal pushed the island into a corner. On the other hand, the seasoned American diplomat, well versed in the complex ebb and flow between her state and its southern neighbour, sides with positivity. To her, Cuba is a ‘natural ally’ to the United States. Our woman in Havana admits there is more to the erstwhile Cold War, and with this Ambassador Huddleston's seeks to awaken the ‘better angels’ of US foreign policy towards the island nation.

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Hershberg, James G. "The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (April 2004): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254740.

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Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between the United States and Cuba as the two countries' mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible method to resolve the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent” policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban—Brazilian relationship. Thefirst part of this two—part article sets the scene for an in—depth look at the Cuban missile crisis, which will be covered in Part 2 of the article in the next issue of the journal.

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Jordan, Evan J., B. Bynum Boley, Whitney Knollenberg, and Carol Kline. "Predictors of Intention to Travel to Cuba across Three Time Horizons: An Application of the Theory of Planned Behavior." Journal of Travel Research 57, no. 7 (July 30, 2017): 981–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047287517721370.

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As the relationship between Cuba and the United States evolves, many Americans are entertaining the idea of travel to Cuba. This study used the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) to examine predictors of US residents’ intentions to travel to Cuba across three time horizons: 1 year, 5 years, and 10 years. TPB constructs were administered to a cross-sectional panel of US residents. Results varied by time horizon, with US residents’ negative attitudes toward Cuba having a positive and significant influence on their intention to visit Cuba within one year. This finding suggests that some US residents match Plog’s Allocentric profile of tourists and that the current “rough edges” of Cuba are what attract them to travel in the short rather than long term. Findings from this study provide baseline data that is valuable for Cuban and American tourism organizations, should the US market become more accessible.

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Perez, Louis A. "The Pursuit of Pacification: Banditry and the United States' Occupation of Cuba, 1889–1902." Journal of Latin American Studies 18, no. 2 (November 1986): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00012049.

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On 1 January, 1899, the noon ceremony in Havana was brief but solemn. The Spanish flag was lowered, the United States flag raised. Officers of both countries exchanged formal salutes and informal salutations, whereupon the official ceremony came to an end. After nearly a century of covetous preoccupation with the island, the Unites States assumed formal possession of Cuba.

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Alberto Lopez-Arevalo, Jorge, Francisco Garcia-Fernandez, and Rafael Alejandro Vaquera-Salazar. "The Intra and Inter Industry Trade of Cuba (2000-2014)." Journal of International Business and Economy 17, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 80–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51240/jibe.2016.2.6.

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The aim of this study is to analyze Cuba’s foreign trade with three main partners during the so-called Special Period, a result from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. With the absence of the Mutual Economic Assistance Council (MEAC), Cuba had to make structural changes in its economy and foreign trade. A center-periphery model of doing business between Cuba and its trade partners was implemented. Under this model, China became Cuba’s main supplier of manufactured goods and Cuba supplied raw materials. Foreign trade in Cuba was limited due to the economic embargo from the United States. Nowadays, the relation between these two countries has become more of a trading collaboration. The United States has turned into one of Cuba’s main food suppliers, while Cuba exports art pieces and antiquities to that country. Russia also became a main exporter of manufactured goods and machinery to Cuba, just as China. In return, Cuba is sending raw materials to both of those countries.

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