Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cult of Dionysus

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Academic literature on the topic 'Cult of Dionysus'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Cult of Dionysus"

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Plácido Suárez, Domingo. "Los festivales dionisíacos: entre el gozo, el dolor y la gloria." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 13 (October 5, 2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.2749.

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Resumen: En Atenas, el escenario principal en época clásica era el teatro de Dioniso, vinculado al culto de este dios, lo que se ve transpuesto a los héroes en el desarrollo de la ciudad, en el paso de los cultos agrarios a fiestas cívicas, en un proceso de integración relacionado con las tiranías.Dioniso es el que ha dado a los hombres alegría y dolor, según Hesíodo. Él mismo es pues personificación de las contradicciones de la vida misma, en la que es difícil hallar el gozo en estado puro. Pero existía antes un culto heroico que se integra en las ciudades en su formación como poleis.Abstract: In Athens, the main stage in classical times was the theatre of Dionysus, linked to the worship of this god. This is transposed to the heroes in the development of the city, in the transition from the agricultural cults to civic celebrations, in an integration process relatedto the tyrannies. Dionysus is who has given to men joy and pain, according to Hesiod. It is thus a personification of the contradictions of life itself, in which it is difficult to find joy in its purest form. But before there was a heroic cult which is integrated in the cities in their formation as poleis.Palabras clave: Dioniso, teatro, culto heroico, cultos agrarios, poleisKey words: Dionysus, theatre, heroic cults, agricultural cults, poleis
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Hall, Joshua M. "Dionyseus Lyseus Reborn." Philosophy Today 66, no. 1 (2022): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday20211013429.

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Having elsewhere connected Walter Otto’s interpretation of Dionysus as a politically progressive deity to Huey P. Newton’s vision for the Black Panthers, I here expand this inquiry to a line of Otto-inspired scholarship. First, Alain Daniélou identifies Dionysus and Shiva as the dancing god of a democratic/decolonizing cult oppressed by tyrannical patriarchies. Arthur Evans sharpens this critique of sexism and heteronormativity, concluding that, as Dionysus’s chorus is to Greek tragedy, so Socrates’s circle is to Western philosophy. I thus call for the creation of a hybrid Dionysian-Socratic revolutionary philosophical chorus, modeled on Dionysus Lyseus (from -lysis), wielding philosophical analysis to loosen injustice’s bonds, as a vanguard of social justice. I find a handbook for this chorus’s creation in Euripides’s Bacchae, whose Dionysus is an ally of immigrant women, overthrower of Theban patriarchy, and international revolutionary. Finally, I offer a contemporary example of such a chorus that is based in my hometown in Alabama, namely, the Birmingham Philosophy Guild.
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Poliakova, O. O., and V. V. Asotskyi. "DIONYSUS CULT AS A PROTOTYPE OF AUTONOMOUS GENDER." Anthropological Measurements of Philosophical Research, no. 15 (May 28, 2019): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15802/ampr.v0i15.168865.

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Shevchenko, Tetiana. "Bust Thymiateria and Cult of Dionysus in Olbia." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 12, 2020): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2020.01.039.

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Heßler, Jan Erik. "Plato, Hyperides, and Hellenistic Cult Practice." Mnemosyne 71, no. 3 (April 24, 2018): 408–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342333.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the commemoration of the dead as practised in the Epicurean school: for this purpose, it first discusses the remembrance of the past and of the deceased as constitutive elements of the cult community of the Kepos. The community of the Epicureans is studied in the context of other contemporary associations and Hellenistic ruler cults, and with a view to (possible) connections with the cult of the god Dionysus. In a next step, the paper examines Epicurean testimonies on the subject of commemorating the dead in comparison with passages in Plato and theepitaphioi logoi, especially theepitaphioswritten by Hyperides. This way, some striking parallels emerge, and it becomes evident how deeply Epicurean doctrine and practice were embedded in the context of the late Classical and Hellenistic polis.
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Scolnic, Benjamin Edidin. "The Festival of Dionysus in 2 Macc 6:7b." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 2 (May 11, 2018): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491200.

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AbstractRecent scholarship has maintained that the Dionysian rites of 2 Macc 6:7b are not historical because evidence of this cult in Seleukid official policy is seen as meager at best. A review of AntiochusIV’s coinage, his procession at Daphne, his designation of Geron the Athenian as enforcer of the imposed cult, and other allusions to promiscuity in the Temple may indicate that this reference to Dionysian practices is at least plausible.
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Burges Watson, Sarah. "MOUSIKÊ AND MYSTERIES: A NIETZSCHEAN READING OF AESCHYLUS’ BASSARIDES." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000154.

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In chapter 12 of Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche describes Socrates as the new Orpheus, who rises up against Dionysus and murders tragedy: … in league with Socrates, Euripides dared to be the herald of a new kind of artistic creation. If this caused the older tragedy to perish, then aesthetic Socratism is the murderous principle; but in so far as the fight was directed against the Dionysiac nature of the older art, we may identify Socrates as the opponent of Dionysos, the new Orpheus who rises up against Dionysos and who, although fated to be torn apart by the maenads of the Athenian court of justice, nevertheless forces the great and mighty god himself to flee. As before, when he fled from Lycurgus, King of the Edonians, Dionysos now sought refuge in the depths of the sea, namely in the mystical waters of a secret cult which gradually spread across the entire world. (Trans. R. Speirs) (Cambridge, 1999), 64
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Matveychev, Oleg A. "The Russian Silver Age: Dionysianism Versus Principium Individuationis." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-21-28.

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The article examines the existence, development and historical fate of the famous Nietzschean antithesis “Apollonian and Dionysian” in Russian culture of the late 19th - early 20th century. The author considers reasons for the true triumph of Nietzsche in Russia during the Silver Age and the peculiarities of the reception of his ideas by the Russian intelligentsia. The emphasis in the work is on the ideas of V. Ivanov - the main guide, herald and living embodiment of the idea of Dionysianism in Russia (the works of almost all other authors who addressed this topic were written under his influence). The main stages of the formation of his original concept of the cult of Dionysus, perceived by Ivanov as a primarily a religious phenomenon, are analyzed (the thinker refuses to use the concepts “Apollonian” and “Dionysian” as metaphors to describe a particular cultural reality). Ivanov's most important idea was the presentation of the cult of Dionysus and the “religion of the suffering god” as a “preparation” for Christianity. In the "restoration" of the Dionysian cult, Ivanov sees the way to overcome the crisis of the modern world, based on the principium individuationis.
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Chlup, Radek. "Plutarch's Dualism and the Delphic Cult." Phronesis 45, no. 2 (2000): 138–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852800510153.

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AbstractThe article interprets Plutarch's dualism in the light of the Apollo-Dionysus opposition as presented in De E 388e-389c, arguing that Plutarch is no dualist in the strict sense of the word. A comparison of De E 393f-394a with De Iside 369b-d shows that it is only in the sublunary realm of Nature that Plutarch assumes a duality of two distinct Powers; at the higher levels of reality the divine is unified and harmonious. If Plutarch fails to emphasize this point clearly enough, it is because his primary philosophical interests were ethical, not metaphysical.
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Cazden, Joanna. "Dionysus, Demi Moore, and the Cult of the Distresssed Voice." Voice and Speech Review 3, no. 1 (January 2003): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23268263.2003.10739409.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cult of Dionysus"

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Koscheski, Jonathan J. "Drunk on new wine : Dionysian transformation and nascent Christianity." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1100.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
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Chouery, Viviane. "Le culte de Dionysos en Syrie romaine du Ier au IVeme siècle après J. -C." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040122.

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Le culte de Dionysos a été introduit en Syrie dès la conquête d’Alexandre le Grand (333 avant J. -C. ), et sa large diffusion dans la région à l'époque hellénistique, était due à ses successeurs, les ptolémées et les séleucides. L'image du dieu conquérant et civilisateur a favorisé la survie de son culte à l'époque romaine, où il a connu un succès sans précèdent. Aux deux premiers siècles après J. -C. , Dionysos a été adoré en Syrie, et particulièrement à Palmyre, comme dieu des morts. Pendant près de quatre siècles, les syriens ont illustré les épisodes du cycle dionysiaque sur divers monuments: monnaies, mosaïques, reliefs, sarcophages et même sur les reliefs architecturaux des édifices publics et religieux, avec des schèmes iconographiques gréco-romains, et parfois locaux. Le grand nombre des représentations bacchiques recensées dans notre corpus montre la popularité de ces thèmes, l'importante place qu'a occupée Dionysos dans le panthéon syrien entre le Ier et le IVème siècle ap. J. -C. , et la survivance de son culte jusqu'à la fin du paganisme. La popularité de Dionysos en Syrie romaine s'explique aussi par le phénomène du syncrétisme religieux qui a eu lieu aux deux premiers siècles après J. -C. , et qui a favorisé son assimilation avec un nombre de dieux indigènes, dieux de la végétation et du renouveau, qui meurent et qui renaissent périodiquement. Dieu mystique, dieu de la vigne et du vin, dispensateur de joie et des plaisirs, dieu du banquet, du théâtre et des spectacles, Bacchus a suscité chez les syriens une grande ferveur religieuse. Enfin, nombreuses sont les sources littéraires qui attestent du culte de Dionysos dans les traditions des villes de la Syrie romaine
The cult of Dionysus was introduced in Syria as early as the conquest of Alexander the Great (333 B. C. ), and its large diffusion in the region at Hellenistic period, has been favored by his successors, the Ptolemes and the Seleucids. The imagery of Dionysus, as civilisator god, favored the survey of the dionysiac cult during the roman period, when it knows a great success. During the two first centuries b. C. , Dionysus has been adored in Syria, and specially in Palmyra, as god of dead persons. Over almost four centuries, the Syrians illustrated the episods of the dionysiac cycle on different monuments: coins, mosaics, reliefs, sarcophagus, and on the architectural reliefs of the public and religious buildings, while following the Greco-Roman, or local schemes. The numerous Bacchic representations grouped in our catalogue, explain the popularity of these themes, the important place that Dionysus occuped in the Syrian pantheon between the first and the fourth centuries a. D. , as well as the survival of his cult until the end of paganism. We can also explain the popularity of Dionysus in roman Syria, through the religious syncretic phenomenon's, which favored, during the two first centuries a. D. , the assimilation of Dionysus with some Syrians gods: gods of vegetation and the revival of the nature, who die and born again periodically. Mystic god, god of vine and wine, god of gladness and pleasure, god of banquet, theatre and spectacles, Bacchus has provoked the devotion of Syrian people's. Finally, numerous are the historic documents which attest the cult of Dionysus in the traditions of roman Syria cities
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Le, Guen Brigitte. "Les associations de technites dionysiaques à l'époque hellénistique /." Nancy : Paris : Association pour la diffusion de la recherche sur l'Antiquité ; diff. de Boccard, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37716738t.

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Cuynat, Pascale. "Bacchus et l'imagerie dionysiaque en Gaule du Ier au IVe siècle de notre ère." Paris 4, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA040196.

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A partir d'un recensement de 1149 représentations dionysiaques, on a mis en évidence la faible place que tenait Bacchus dans le panthéon gallo-romain entre le premier et le quatrième siècle de notre ère. Cette imagerie est introduite en Gaule dès la conquête de la provincia, au premier siècle avant notre ère. Sa large diffusion dans les provinces gauloises a été favorisée par les échanges économiques et sociaux assures par Rome et par les commerçants italiens, en particulier par les negotiatores vinarii. Pendant près de quatre siècles les gallo-romains reproduisent les épisodes du cycle dionysiaque par l'intermédiaire des techniques artisanales les plus variées, en restant fidèles aux schèmes iconographiques gréco-romains. La popularité de ces thèmes au deuxième siècle et leur survivance, s'expliquent par les liens indissociables qui s'étaient établis entre l'image de Bacchus - dieu du vin - et la prospérité des activités vinicoles en Gaule. Bien que présent dans la vie domestique, culturelle, politique, religieuse et funéraire des gallo-romains, Bacchus n'a pas suscité chez eux une grande ferveur religieuse. Seuls quelques hommes d'origine grecque, orientale ou bien danubienne ont eu foi en liber pater. Il apparait à travers cette étude, que les figurations bachiques avaient aux yeux des gallo-romains, un caractère plus prophylactique que spirituel ou mystique
After having recorded 1149 dionysiac representations, the insignificant role played by Bacchus in the gallo-roman pantheon between the first and the fourth centuries a. D. Was inferred. This imagery was introduced in Gaul as early as the conquest of the provincia during the first century b. -c. Its large diffusion in the Gallic provinces has been favoured by the economic and social exchanges settled by Rome and the Italian tradesmen, especially the negotiatores vinarii. Over almost four centuries, the gallo-romans used to illustrate the episodes of the dionysiac cycle through miscellaneous artisanal techniques while following the graeco-roman schemes. The indissociable links that had been connected between the image of Bacchus, the god of wine, and the prosperity of the gaulish wine-explain the prosperity of these themes in the second century, as well as their survival. Though attested in the domestic, cultural, political and funeral life of the gallo-romans, Bacchus has not arisen a great devotion. Only a few people of Greek, oriental or danubian origin did worship liber pater. This study reveals that the bachic representations had for the gallo-romans a more prophylactic than spiritual or mystical character
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Fox, Tatiana Eileen. "The Cult of Antinous and the Response of the Greek East to Hadrian's Creation of a God." Ohio University Art and Sciences Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouashonors1399414457.

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Fitzpatrick, Mary Kathryn. "REVIVING THE CULT OF DIONYSUS: LEVERAGING STORYTELLING CAPABILITIES OF AFIANES WINES TO AN INTERNATIONAL AUDIENCE." Master's thesis, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/139524.

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Attrell, Daniel. "Dionysian Semiotics: Myco-Dendrolatry and Other Shamanic Motifs in the Myths and Rituals of the Phrygian Mother." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/7857.

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The administration of initiation rites by an ecstatic specialist, now known to western scholarship by the general designation of ‘shaman’, has proven to be one of humanity’s oldest, most widespread, and continuous magico-religious traditions. At the heart of their initiatory rituals lay an ordeal – a metaphysical journey - almost ubiquitously brought on by the effects of a life-changing hallucinogenic drug experience. To guide their initiates, these shaman worked with a repertoire of locally acquired instruments, costumes, dances, and ecstasy-inducing substances. Among past Mediterranean cultures, Semitic and Indo-European, these sorts of initiation rites were vital to society’s spiritual well-being. It was, however, the mystery schools of antiquity – organizations founded upon conserving the secrets of plant-lore, astrology, theurgy and mystical philosophy – which satisfied the role of the shaman in Greco-Roman society. The rites they delivered to the common individual were a form of ritualized ecstasy and they provided an orderly context for religiously-oriented intoxication. In the eastern Mediterranean, these ecstatic cults were most often held in honour of a great mother goddess and her perennially dying-and-rising consort. The goddess’ religious dramas enacted in cultic ritual stressed the importance of fasting, drumming, trance-inducing music, self-mutilation, and a non-alcoholic ritual intoxication. Far and wide the dying consort worshiped by these cults was a god of vegetation, ecstasy, revelation, and salvation; by ingesting his body initiates underwent a profound mystical experience. From what limited information has survived from antiquity, it appears that the rites practiced in the eastern mystery cults were in essence traditional shamanic ordeals remodeled to suit the psychological needs of Mediterranean civilization’s marginalized people. This paper argues that the myths of this vegetable god, so-called ‘the Divine Bridegroom,’ particularly in manifestation of the Phrygian Attis and the Greek Dionysus, is deeply rooted in the life-cycle, cultivation, treatment, consumption of a tree-born hallucinogenic mushroom, Amanita muscaria. The use of this mushroom is alive and well today among Finno-Ugric shaman and this paper explores their practices as one branch of Eurasian shamanism running parallel to, albeit in a different time, the rites of the Phrygian goddess. Using extant literary and linguistic evidence, I compare the initiatory cults long-assimilated into post-agricultural Mediterranean civilization with the hallucinogen-wielding shaman of the Russian steppe, emphasizing them both as facets of a prehistoric and pan-human magico-religious archetype.
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VOLEK, Jan. "ANALÝZA SOUČASNÉHO ŽIVOTNÍHO STYLU PODLE GILLESE LIPOVETSKÉHO A MICHELA MAFFESOLIHO: KOMPARACE A KONFRONTACE VYBRANÝCH TÉMAT, PROBLÉMŮ A KONTROVERZÍ." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-170671.

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The thesis analyzes and compares the approaches of two authors dealing with phenomena in contemporary society. It focuses mainly on issues of lifestyle and values. The thesis asks questions related to socialization and individualization of society. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first part is about definition of the basic terms (postmodernism, lifestyle, values). The second part is devoted to the concept of Gilles Lipovetsky. The third part focuses on the concept of Michel Maffesoli. In the fourth section, there is a comparison of these two concepts, where we are primarily focused on tracing argumentation clashes and controversies. In the final part, there is the presentation of the main questions and ideas, that come out on the basis of this comparison.
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Books on the topic "Cult of Dionysus"

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I, Ivanov V. Dionis i pradionisiĭstvo. Sankt-Peterburg: Aleteĭi͡a︡, 1994.

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Lekatsas, Panagēs G. Dionysos: Katagōgē kai exelixē tēs Dionysiakēs thrēskeias. 2nd ed. Athēna: Hetaireia Spoudōn Neoellēnikou Politismou kai Genikēs Paideias, 1985.

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Fol, Aleksandŭr. Trakiĭskii͡a︡t Dionis. Sofii͡a︡: Univ. izd-vo "Sv. Kliment Okhridski", 1991.

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Fol, Aleksandur. Der Thrakische Dionysos. Sofia: Universtätsverlag "St. Kliment Ochridski", 1993.

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Ricapito, Giuseppe. Euripide e il dionisismo. Bari: Cacucci, 1988.

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Guazzelli, Teresa. Le antesterie: Liturgie e pratiche simboliche. Firenze: Firenze libri, 1992.

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Dionysos, Bacchus: Kult und Wandlungen des Weingottes. München: Callwey, 1986.

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Håkansson, Carina. In search of Dionysos: Reassessing a Dionysian context in early Rome. Göteborg: University of Gothenburg, 2010.

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Casadio, Giovanni. Storia del culto di Dioniso in Argolide. Roma: GEI, 1994.

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Die Vereine der dionysischen Techniten im Kontext der hellenistischen Gesellschaft: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte, Organisation und Wirkung der hellenistischen Technitenvereine. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cult of Dionysus"

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Leinieks, Valdis. "The Cult of Dionysos." In The City of Dionysos, 153–75. Wiesbaden: Vieweg+Teubner Verlag, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-12402-3_8.

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Rocchi, Maria. "Le Tombeau D'amphion et de Zéthos et les Fruits de Dionysos." In Archaeology and Fertility Cult in the Ancient Mediterranean, 257–66. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Company, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/zg.15.26roc.

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Odisheli, Manana. "The Cult of Dionysus in Ancient Georgia." In Ancient Theatre and Performance Culture Around the Black Sea, 373–99. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316756621.018.

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Meyza, Henryk. "A mask of ἡγεμών θεράπων with ὄγκος(?) from Paphos." In Classica Orientalia. Essays presented to Wiktor Andrzej Daszewski on his 75th Birthday, 379–86. DiG Publisher, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.37343/pcma.uw.dig.9788371817212.pp.379-386.

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An accidental discovery from the ‘̕Hellenistic House’ turned out to be a marble fragment of a larger statue, identified by specific characteristics as a likeness of a theatrical mask. Masks were initially related to the cult of Dionysus. The apotropaic and soteriadic character of masks was reflected in their funerary use, and has developed into symbolism of peace, well being and abundance. As a symbol of Dionysus they were used as decoration in various circumstances, with whole sets of dramatic and comedy personages put on display in galleries, often in the peristyles of residents of the wealthy. In the case of the Paphos find, the asymmetric rendering of the features of this small unfinished piece make it half-angry and half-prying, somewhere between the Principal Slave and some other New Comedy persona as listed in the Onomastikon of the lexicographer Pollux.
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"MYSTERY-CULT." In Dionysos, 63–89. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203358016-14.

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"2. The Ass in the Cult of Dionysus as a Symbol of Toil and Suffering." In Painter and Poet in Ancient Greece, 41–70. B. G. Teubner, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110953060.41.

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Jillions, John A. "The Archeology of Divine Guidance in Corinth." In Divine Guidance, 31–45. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190055738.003.0003.

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This chapter looks at some of the archeological discoveries in Corinth that reflect popular attitudes toward the gods, religious experience, and divine guidance. The most prominent was the healing cult centered in the Temple of Asklepios, where interpretation of dreams was a key feature. Other sites and household shrines would have brought to mind Fortuna, family ancestors, the oracle of Delphi, and mythical stories of divine intervention with a Corinthian slant (Venus, Medea, Glauce, Bellerophon, Sisyphus, Dionysus). But for an alternative point of view, there was the tomb of Diogenes the Cynic (fourth century BCE), who settled in Corinth “to be where fools were thickest.” He was highly critical of superstitious piety and advised instead to follow the inscription at Delphi, “Know Thyself.” He concluded that oracles are deceptive not because the gods are deceitful but because human beings are incapable of properly understanding the gods.
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"Chapter VII: The Cult of Dionysos." In The City of Dionysos, 153–76. B. G. Teubner, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110953053.153.

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"EPIPHANY AND TRANSFORMATION: Dionysos." In Ancient Greek Cults, 140–57. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203356982-15.

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Casadio, Giovanni. "Chapter 2 Dionysus in Campania: Cumae." In Mystic Cults in Magna Graecia, 33–45. University of Texas Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/719026-004.

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