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Journal articles on the topic 'Cult of Dionysus'
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Plácido Suárez, Domingo. "Los festivales dionisíacos: entre el gozo, el dolor y la gloria." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 13 (October 5, 2017): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.2749.
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Resumen: En Atenas, el escenario principal en época clásica era el teatro de Dioniso, vinculado al culto de este dios, lo que se ve transpuesto a los héroes en el desarrollo de la ciudad, en el paso de los cultos agrarios a fiestas cívicas, en un proceso de integración relacionado con las tiranías.Dioniso es el que ha dado a los hombres alegría y dolor, según Hesíodo. Él mismo es pues personificación de las contradicciones de la vida misma, en la que es difícil hallar el gozo en estado puro. Pero existía antes un culto heroico que se integra en las ciudades en su formación como poleis.Abstract: In Athens, the main stage in classical times was the theatre of Dionysus, linked to the worship of this god. This is transposed to the heroes in the development of the city, in the transition from the agricultural cults to civic celebrations, in an integration process relatedto the tyrannies. Dionysus is who has given to men joy and pain, according to Hesiod. It is thus a personification of the contradictions of life itself, in which it is difficult to find joy in its purest form. But before there was a heroic cult which is integrated in the cities in their formation as poleis.Palabras clave: Dioniso, teatro, culto heroico, cultos agrarios, poleisKey words: Dionysus, theatre, heroic cults, agricultural cults, poleis
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Hall, Joshua M. "Dionyseus Lyseus Reborn." Philosophy Today 66, no. 1 (2022): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday20211013429.
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Having elsewhere connected Walter Otto’s interpretation of Dionysus as a politically progressive deity to Huey P. Newton’s vision for the Black Panthers, I here expand this inquiry to a line of Otto-inspired scholarship. First, Alain Daniélou identifies Dionysus and Shiva as the dancing god of a democratic/decolonizing cult oppressed by tyrannical patriarchies. Arthur Evans sharpens this critique of sexism and heteronormativity, concluding that, as Dionysus’s chorus is to Greek tragedy, so Socrates’s circle is to Western philosophy. I thus call for the creation of a hybrid Dionysian-Socratic revolutionary philosophical chorus, modeled on Dionysus Lyseus (from -lysis), wielding philosophical analysis to loosen injustice’s bonds, as a vanguard of social justice. I find a handbook for this chorus’s creation in Euripides’s Bacchae, whose Dionysus is an ally of immigrant women, overthrower of Theban patriarchy, and international revolutionary. Finally, I offer a contemporary example of such a chorus that is based in my hometown in Alabama, namely, the Birmingham Philosophy Guild.
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Poliakova, O. O., and V. V. Asotskyi. "DIONYSUS CULT AS A PROTOTYPE OF AUTONOMOUS GENDER." Anthropological Measurements of Philosophical Research, no. 15 (May 28, 2019): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15802/ampr.v0i15.168865.
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Shevchenko, Tetiana. "Bust Thymiateria and Cult of Dionysus in Olbia." Archaeology, no. 1 (March 12, 2020): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2020.01.039.
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Heßler, Jan Erik. "Plato, Hyperides, and Hellenistic Cult Practice." Mnemosyne 71, no. 3 (April 24, 2018): 408–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342333.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the commemoration of the dead as practised in the Epicurean school: for this purpose, it first discusses the remembrance of the past and of the deceased as constitutive elements of the cult community of the Kepos. The community of the Epicureans is studied in the context of other contemporary associations and Hellenistic ruler cults, and with a view to (possible) connections with the cult of the god Dionysus. In a next step, the paper examines Epicurean testimonies on the subject of commemorating the dead in comparison with passages in Plato and theepitaphioi logoi, especially theepitaphioswritten by Hyperides. This way, some striking parallels emerge, and it becomes evident how deeply Epicurean doctrine and practice were embedded in the context of the late Classical and Hellenistic polis.
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Scolnic, Benjamin Edidin. "The Festival of Dionysus in 2 Macc 6:7b." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 2 (May 11, 2018): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491200.
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AbstractRecent scholarship has maintained that the Dionysian rites of 2 Macc 6:7b are not historical because evidence of this cult in Seleukid official policy is seen as meager at best. A review of AntiochusIV’s coinage, his procession at Daphne, his designation of Geron the Athenian as enforcer of the imposed cult, and other allusions to promiscuity in the Temple may indicate that this reference to Dionysian practices is at least plausible.
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Burges Watson, Sarah. "MOUSIKÊ AND MYSTERIES: A NIETZSCHEAN READING OF AESCHYLUS’ BASSARIDES." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 455–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000154.
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In chapter 12 of Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche describes Socrates as the new Orpheus, who rises up against Dionysus and murders tragedy: … in league with Socrates, Euripides dared to be the herald of a new kind of artistic creation. If this caused the older tragedy to perish, then aesthetic Socratism is the murderous principle; but in so far as the fight was directed against the Dionysiac nature of the older art, we may identify Socrates as the opponent of Dionysos, the new Orpheus who rises up against Dionysos and who, although fated to be torn apart by the maenads of the Athenian court of justice, nevertheless forces the great and mighty god himself to flee. As before, when he fled from Lycurgus, King of the Edonians, Dionysos now sought refuge in the depths of the sea, namely in the mystical waters of a secret cult which gradually spread across the entire world. (Trans. R. Speirs) (Cambridge, 1999), 64
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Matveychev, Oleg A. "The Russian Silver Age: Dionysianism Versus Principium Individuationis." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-21-28.
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The article examines the existence, development and historical fate of the famous Nietzschean antithesis “Apollonian and Dionysian” in Russian culture of the late 19th - early 20th century. The author considers reasons for the true triumph of Nietzsche in Russia during the Silver Age and the peculiarities of the reception of his ideas by the Russian intelligentsia. The emphasis in the work is on the ideas of V. Ivanov - the main guide, herald and living embodiment of the idea of Dionysianism in Russia (the works of almost all other authors who addressed this topic were written under his influence). The main stages of the formation of his original concept of the cult of Dionysus, perceived by Ivanov as a primarily a religious phenomenon, are analyzed (the thinker refuses to use the concepts “Apollonian” and “Dionysian” as metaphors to describe a particular cultural reality). Ivanov's most important idea was the presentation of the cult of Dionysus and the “religion of the suffering god” as a “preparation” for Christianity. In the "restoration" of the Dionysian cult, Ivanov sees the way to overcome the crisis of the modern world, based on the principium individuationis.
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Chlup, Radek. "Plutarch's Dualism and the Delphic Cult." Phronesis 45, no. 2 (2000): 138–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852800510153.
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AbstractThe article interprets Plutarch's dualism in the light of the Apollo-Dionysus opposition as presented in De E 388e-389c, arguing that Plutarch is no dualist in the strict sense of the word. A comparison of De E 393f-394a with De Iside 369b-d shows that it is only in the sublunary realm of Nature that Plutarch assumes a duality of two distinct Powers; at the higher levels of reality the divine is unified and harmonious. If Plutarch fails to emphasize this point clearly enough, it is because his primary philosophical interests were ethical, not metaphysical.
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Cazden, Joanna. "Dionysus, Demi Moore, and the Cult of the Distresssed Voice." Voice and Speech Review 3, no. 1 (January 2003): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23268263.2003.10739409.
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Mendes, João Pedro. "Filosofia e tragédia." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 2, no. 1 (February 3, 2018): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v2i1.628.
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Both Philosophy and Tragedy are derived from ancient Greek religion. The former appeared when myths ceased to satisfy the curiosity and the desire of those thinkers who searched for a rational explanation of the origin of the universe; the latter, at the moment that were established cult performances of scenes from the life, the passion and the apotheosis of lhe god Dionysus in which were brougth out the problems and uncertanties of mankind. In order to search for the meaning of life the Dionysic elements of extreme extasy were joined to the Apollonian reason and dream. In tragedy one discusses the problem of existence by means of the fusion of mythos and logos (Pohlenz). The essence of trragedy lies in the confrontation of Man with destiny or, fellowing Claudel, with its antithesis: freedom.
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Matveychev, Oleg A. "Apollonian and Dionysian: the Life and Fate of a Famous Metaphor." History of Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2021-26-1-53-61.
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The article examines the genesis, development and historical fate of the famous Nietzschean antithesis “Apollonian and Dionysian”. The content and consequences of the discussion on the “Birth of Tragedy” by F. Nietzsche between U. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff and E. Rohde are analyzed. The heuristic potential of this metaphor is evaluated. The author draws attention to the fact that the opposition between the “cult of Apollo” and “the cult of Dionysus” was never practiced in Ancient Greece itself. At the same time, Nietzsche's scheme turned out to be extremely long lived; not only for numerous writers and publicists, but also for scientists of various specializations who used it liberally.
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Lomelí Bravo, Eduardo Sebastián. "Purificación y sacrificio. El orfismo y su herencia dionisiaca-apolínea." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 28 (December 3, 2015): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2015.28.473.
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The quest for the divine in humankind led the orphics to gather around the form of Dionysus. However, this cult was reformed from an Apollonian point of view, which allowed believers to eliminate the bacchic rituals and the particular sanguinary sacrifices demanded by such divinity. These changes can be explained, as shown in this article, by the concept of purity that Orpheus’ followers had.
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Pilipovic, Sanja. "Votive relief from Barovo (Scupi): Contribution to study of the Liber and Libera cult in Upper Moesia." Starinar, no. 55 (2005): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta0555081p.
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This paper will represent a votive relief built in the south wall of the refectory of St. Nikola's church in Barovo, to the south of Skopje. Iconographic analysis will show that it is the representation of Liber and Libera, or Dionysus and Ariadne. In addition, the significance of this relief will be considered in comparison with other monuments of this cult in the territory of the province of Upper Moesia.
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Näsström, Britt-Mari. "The rites in the mysteries of Dionysus: the birth of the drama." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 18 (January 1, 2003): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67288.
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The Greek drama can be apprehended as an extended ritual, originating in the ceremonies of the Dionysus cult. In particular, tragedy derived its origin from the sacrifice of goats and the hymns which were sung on that occasion. Tragedia means "song of the male goat" and these hymns later developed into choruses and eventually into tragedy, in the sense of a solemn and purifying drama. The presence of the god Dionysus is evident in the history and development of the Greek drama at the beginning of the fifth century B.C. and its sudden decline 150 years later. Its rise seems to correspond with the Greek polis, where questions of justice and divine law in conflict with the individual were obviously a matter of discussion and where the drama had individual and collective catharsis (purifying) in mind.
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Kirkpatrick, Jonathan. "The Jews and their God of Wine." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2013-0012.
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AbstractIn the period between the two revolts of the Jews of Palestine against Roman rule some non-Jews sought to identify the God of the Jews with their own god of wine, Dionysus or Liber. The actual evidence suggests three things. The cult of the Temple at Jerusalem was seen by outsiders to be characterised by an association with, and the use of, wine, an impression Jews did nothing to counteract. Second, outsiders acted on this impression, both as part of the cognitive step of identifying the God of the Jews with Dionysus, and, possibly, making gifts to the Temple, while it stood, of wine-related dedications. Third, this was a characterisation Jews were willing to embrace themselves, even at times of revolt. It should be emphasised that there is no evidence for any change in actual Temple practice. The wine libations, presumably, were poured as prescribed with their sacrifices, and nobody drank of the libations, least of all the priests.
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Macchione, Vincenzo Elio Junior, and Davide Mastroianni. "La proibizione dei bacchanalia tra la Magna Grecia e l'Etruria." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 58, no. 1-4 (December 2018): 641–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2018.58.1-4.36.
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Summary In the Greek world, the celebrations of Dionysus were different: the Rural Dionysia and the City Dionysia, the Lenee, the Antestèrie, the Oscofòrie, the Ascalia and the Bacchanalia. During the Bacchanalia, women ran, danced and screamed in the woods, and fell prey to Dionysian inebriation. In 186 BC, the Roman Senate issued a decree that limited the cult of Bacchus Dionysus in Rome and in Italy, because of sexual abuses (see Livy, Ab Urbe condita 39. 8 – 39. 18). The diffusion of Bacchanalia was a risk for people and for the dignitas of Rome. In 1640 in Tiriolo, Calabria, during the excavation for the foundations of the so-called Palazzo Cicala, a bronze inscription and fragments of columns were found; the inscription had the original text of Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus with which, in 186 BC, the Roman Senate forbade the Bacchanalia. In Latium, during the excavation of the so-called Domus delle Pitture in Bolsena, directed by the École Française de Rome, between 1964 and 1982, a fragment of a throne's base and a cherub's leg were found in a layer of ashes in an underground room. Another 150 pieces of the throne, including ribbons and fragments of a panther head, were recovered in a specific spot of the room. Fragments, carefully restored and reassembled, compose an object called Trono delle Pantere of Bolsena, datable between the end of the 3rd century BC and the early years of the 2nd century BC. The left and rear sides are better preserved. The first represents a panther sitting on a throne with a cherub on his knees while it grabs at the ears of beast; the rear side represents a pattern with wings blocked by ribbons. The front side is completely destroyed. The throne has different sets of problems on its religious meaning and its decoration, where the Dionysiac theme is clear. The panther, the cherubs and the ribbons recall the Dionysus sphere, during which he was hidden inside a cave. Indeed, the underground room of Bolsena was appropriated to Bacchanalia. This paper intends to link Tiriolo and Bolsena, through the specific cases of two cities; in the first we have a proof of the enforcement of the law in 186 BC, and in the second we have an evidence of its application, with the destruction of a throne and of a Bacchic shrine.
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Amitay, Ory. "Dionysos in Jerusalem and the Historicity of 2 Macc 6:7." Harvard Theological Review 110, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816017000074.
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In his masterful translation and commentary on the Second Book of Maccabees, Daniel Schwartz devotes a short appendix to the historicity of the information provided in chapter 6, verse 7:ἤγοντο δὲ μετὰ πικρᾶς ἀνάγκης εἰς τὴν κατὰ μῆνα τοῦ βασιλέως γενέθλιον ἡμέραν ἐπὶ σπλαγχισμόν, γενομένης δὲ Διονυσίων ἑορτῆς ἠναγκάζοντο κισσοὺς ἔχοντες πομπεύειν τΔιονύσῳ.And with bitter compulsion they were led each month to a banquet for the King's birthday, and as there was a Dionysia festival, they were forced to parade carrying ivy in honor of Dionysos.In the opening paragraph of his discussion of the verse, Schwartz states: “This verse refers to two elements in Antiochus’ persecution in Jerusalem: monthly celebrations of the king's birthday and the cult of Dionysus. Concerning both there is room to suspect that they reflect the Ptolemaic context of our author more than the realities of Seleucid Jerusalem.” In other words, he doubts the historicity of the information provided in the verse, making it an imaginative creation either by Jason of Kyrene or by the anonymous redactor of 2 Macc.
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Obidina, Yulia S. "Bacchanalia as a political threat: the fate of the cult of Dionysus in republican Rome." Vestnik of the Mari State University. Chapter “History. Law 7, no. 2 (2021): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30914/2411-3522-2021-7-2-158-165.
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Shevchenko, T. M. "OLBIAN TERRACOTTA BUSTS WITH HANDMADE CUPS AND ADORNMENTS." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 28, no. 3 (September 22, 2018): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2018.03.12.
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Analysed is a series of bust thymiateria with handmade details: stephanes, earrings, and buttons fastening chiton on shoulders. Handmade cups on their heads were not the headdress, but the functional details, and were probably used in some rituals as containers for incenses. A detailed analysis shows that several of them were produced in a single mould, two items produced not in Olbia, and on some of them tainia on the personage’s head were shown already in a mould. It is traced that the busts are close to Olbian semi-figures of bigger size with more elaborate, though also handmade, adorations. Stylistically, this group can be dated by the first half of the 3rd century BC. Almost all of them come from the excavations at dwelling quarters and were probably used in family cults. They were often found with other terracottas’ fragments, namely, with images of the Mother of the Gods and Dionysus.
These busts belong to one of several groups of Hellenistic thymiateria. They are the least definite for attribution. Personages of other groups present the reliable features of their relation to the cults of the Mother of the Gods, Aphrodite, and Dionysus. Similar thymiateria from other Ancient Greek centres represent images of the same circle of the gods. Here, an attention to decorations and the clothes can only indirectly indicate for an image of Aphrodite or a participant of her cult, while spherical adornments attached most often to the temples, together with tainia on the heads of several items, can be hypothetically a part of a wreath made of ivy fruits, as on the heads of Dionysiac characters. Consequently, there are no reliable grounds yet for a definite attribution of these thymiateria’s images. There are also no grounds to see Demeter or Kore-Persephone in them. The study of other groups of Olbian busts-thymiateria is perspective for the further attribution.
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Gnezdilova, Elena. "MYTHOLOGY OF ORPHEUS IN CLASSICAL CULTURAL TRADITION." Проблемы исторической поэтики 19, no. 3 (September 2021): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15393/j9.art.2021.9542.
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The article examines the peculiarities in the formation of the Orpheus mythologeme in the ancient cultural tradition. An analysis of the works of ancient authors, including Pindar, Aeschylus, Euripides, Apollonius of Rhodes, Virgil and Ovid allows to single out the specifics of creating the image of Orpheus. The latter is seen by the above-mentioned authors not only as a poet and musician who had lost his beloved Eurydice, but also as the founder of cult rites known as Orphic mysteries. “Orphism” as a system of religious and philosophical views became most widespread in the era of Peisistratus in the 6th century BC in Attica. Dionysus, revered by the Orphic, was important for farmers as a deity of eternal rebirth and powerful natural forces. In the ancient cultural tradition, the image of Orpheus develops under a double sign: both Apollo and Dionysus. The ideas of Orphic philosophy can be found in the religious and philosophical teachings of the Pythagorean school and in the writings of Plato. The original transformation of the Orphic-Pythagorean ideas and the mythologeme of Orpheus occurs in Virgil’s Georgics and Ovid’s Metamorphoses, which are also the subject of this article. The comparative historical analysis of artworks and philosophical treatises of antiquity carried out in the course of this study indicates that the mythologeme of Orpheus in the ancient cultural tradition is an example of the embodiment of the syncretic unity of art and religion in the archaic consciousness.
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Bremmer, Jan. "Attis: A Greek God in Anatolian Pessinous and Catullan Rome." Mnemosyne 57, no. 5 (2004): 534–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525043057892.
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AbstractIn my contribution I attempt a new analysis of the myth and ritual of Attis and its reception in Catullan Rome. I argue (1) that the attempts to identify Attis with the Herodotean Atys are unconvincing, as they are based on Hermesianax's poem, which intended to provide an aetiology for a taboo on the pig in Pessinous; (2) that Attis starts to appear in the Greek world in the middle to the third quarter of the fourth century BC; the mention in Demosthenes should be taken as referring to his own time, not to that of Aeschines' mother; (3) that a careful comparison of Timotheus' account with that of Pausanias enables us to reconstruct the Phrygian myth and ritual of Pessinous as well as its gradual development, whereby special attention is given to Kybele, Agdistis, Attis and his festival, and the eunuch Galli; (4) that the religious aspects of Catullus 63 show a close identification of the cult of Kybele with that of Dionysus.
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Pidlypska, Alina. "Ideological and philosophical principles of thematization of ballet criticism by Akim Volynsky." National Academy of Managerial Staff of Culture and Arts Herald, no. 2 (September 17, 2021): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-3209.2.2021.240060.
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The purpose of the article is to identify the main ideological and philosophical principles of thematization of ballet criticism by Akim Volynsky. Methodology. The research was carried out on the basis of theoretical generalizations, systematization, comparison, using the chronological principle and culturological approach. Scientific novelty. For the first time, the main ideological and philosophical principles of thematization of the ballet criticism of Akim Volynsky are revealed. Conclusions. For А. Volynsky, the concepts of "mind" and "spirit" were synonymous, which testifies to the effectiveness and productivity of his critical academic modernist (symbolist) ballet discourse, educational, focused on the harmony of rational and spiritual principles of intention. Unlike many contemporaries who professed the cult of Dionysus, Volynsky considered Apollo the highest symbol of spirituality and intellectuality in man. But he argued that the "Apollonian" revival in the culture of that time was opposed by a too strong and all-pervading chaotic "Dionysian" principle. Volynsky traces the evolution of classical ballet from ancient cults and seeks to comprehend its psychological content. He believed that criticism should be non-ideological, artistic, based on absolute idealistic values, which caused a wide range of opinions of theorists and practitioners of ballet art: from harsh condemnation (A. Gvozdev, A. Piotrovsky, I. Sollertinsky) to recognizing the importance of the critic's theoretical intentions for in its time (V. Gaevsky, R. Zakharov). A. Volynsky contributed to the institutionalization of ballet criticism in the Russian Empire and in the Soviet Union, differentiating it into professional and amateurish.
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Popovych, Yaroslava. "ΠΆΘΟΣ AS THE STRUCTURAL ELEMENT OF THE TRAGEDY “THE BACCHAE” BY EURIPIDES." Studia Linguistica, no. 19 (2021): 116–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/studling2021.19.116-126.
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Ancient Greek tragedies remain not only a source of aesthetic pleasure for modern readers, but also the subject of multi-vector research, and represent an interesting linguistic material at the same time. In particular, on the history of the formation of modern scientific terminology, the definition of sources and methods of terminological nomination. We have chosen the term πάθος (pathos) as the object of our diachronic research, which has a complex semantic structure and an expressive emotional connotation. The origins of the connotation point to the existing connection between pathos and Greek tragedy, which was first noticed by the philosopher Aristotle in his treatise Poetics. He also used this term in his other work “Rhetoric”, no longer in the negative meaning of “suffering”, as in the first case, but in the positive meaning of “emotionality”, appealing to emotions as an obligatory component of any orator’s speech. In our study, we tried to determine the motivation and reasons for the transition of the term “pathos” from the sphere of literature and philosophy (a structural component of Greek tragedy, a rhetorical means) into the language of modern medicine (the word-forming elements patho–, -pathicity, -pathic) and the ways of its semantic transformation. Based on the material of ancient Greek tragedy of Euripides “Bacchae”, we analyzed the concept of “pathos” at the level of actions that cause a camp of emotional stress, as well as at the verbal level, examining the lexemes that convey this state. We have determined that the culturological component of these mantic transformations of the term πάθος is closely related to the cult of the god Dionysus, who, having endured severe suffering, became for the ancient Greeks a symbol of renewal and rebirth. The unique feature of the resurrection of Dionysus evoked in the audience a feeling of catharsis – one of the most important emotional components of Greek tragedy. As a result of our research, we have identified the key moments of the tragedy “Bacchae”, where Euripides described strong physical and mental suffering of the heroes, which were supposed to evoke empathy in viewers or readers and bring them closer to a state of catharsis. Linguistic analysis of these fragments helped us to conclude that the source of metaphorization of medical terminology (patho-, -pathic) is associated with Greek tragedy and indicates the existence of a linguocultural parallel with the mythological complex describing life and suffering, death and rebirth of the Greek god Dionysus.
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Vaganova, Natalia A. ""DIONYSIAN RELIGION" OF VYACHESLAV IVANOV AS A SUBJECT OF THE STUDY OF RELIGION: SETTING OF THE PROBLEM." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2018): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2018.2.162-169.
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This article presents an attempt to reconstruct the so-called “Dionysian religion” of Vyacheslav Ivanov. Some original pre-religia, which was designated by Ivanov as a primitive “female monotheism” or telimonotheism, in its cult aspect, represents “female orgiasm” or the worship of an “invariably-residing female deity”. In the process of its historical evolution, it requires a “male correlate in the face of a periodically born and dying God” - and eventually finds it in the person of Dionysus, i.e., in the building up the Dionysian religion, which in its essence is still determined by the archetypal feminine principle. It is important that Ivanov's work is built on extremely extensive factual material, including a vast arsenal of documentary evidence and interpretive principles. At the same time, his innovation consisted in the rejection of positivistic methods and in the search for a way of more adequate penetration into the ancient religious consciousness. At the end of the proposed excursion it is noted that the Dionysian theory of Ivanov, already sufficiently well studied by philosophers and philologists, has not yet been awarded by the attention of religious scholars and historians of religion, and the more so theologians...
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Østerud, Erik. "The Acteon Complex: Gaze, Body, and Rites of Passage in ‘Hedda Gabler’." New Theatre Quarterly 18, no. 1 (February 2002): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x02000131.
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Hedda Gabler has long been acknowledged as among the most problematic as well as one of the greatest of Ibsen's plays, requiring a delicate balance to be struck in production between a clearly defined social context and the need to express Hedda's existential selfhood. Here, Erik Østerud, developing a view of the play which as early as 1893 recognized it as ‘waltz tunes over an abyss of nothingness’, defines the three distinct ‘worlds’ around which Hedda circles – those characterized by Aunt Julie, the red-haired singer, and Judge Brack – and her struggles to reconcile Løvberg's impetuous idealism with Brack's facade of conformity. Calling upon a wide range of cultual references, but with a vision focused on the actuality of the play's scenography, Østerud sees the separate social groupings as at once interlocked through a mythic analogy with the cult of Dionysus, and in more contemporary terms giving us an ‘overview of the total economy of sexuality within a bourgeois society that is dominated by panoptical supervision and strong sexual repression’. Erik Østerud is Professor of Scandinavian Literature at the University of Trondheim, having previously taught at Aarhus, Berkeley, and Oslo. His most recent publication is Theatrical and Narrative Space (Aarhus University Press, 1998).
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Afonasina, Anna. "An Ideal Religion for an Ideal State." Ideas and Ideals 12, no. 4-2 (December 23, 2020): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2020-12.4.2-330-350.
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All of us have an idea of the ideal conditions in which we would like to live. They will vary according to the degree of ambition and level of education. However, people have common wishes since we don’t live in isolation (perhaps with rare exceptions) and we require guarantees from other people that they are willing to accept certain rules and conditions for the best possible coexistence. Plato was the first to look for such general or even necessary requirements to create an ideal social structure. He considers different aspects of social reality – the division of society into classes, the specifics of upbringing and education, even the physical structure of the city and its religion. The article is devoted to the consideration of religious practices, associated cult activities and holidays. In ancient Greece, religion permeated all areas of human life. It would be more correct to say that religion simply did not exist separately from everyday life. Of course, we can distinguish major religious events in the form of solemn organised processions marking the change of seasons, dedicated to the harvest or some other memorable dates. But more often, religious practices were tightly woven into people’s lives, so that even political and military actions were accompanied by an offering to the gods or consultation with the oracle. Understanding the role that religious activity plays in educating citizens, Plato does not seek to create an entirely new popular religion, but as a philosopher interested in the common good, he begins to interpret the images of traditional Greek gods differently. He focuses most of his attention on Zeus, Dionysus and Aphrodite. By comparing traditional notions of the gods with the way Plato portrays them, we conclude that the philosopher has done serious work to rationalise their images. Zeus ceases to be a famous womanizer and head of Olympus, and acquires the traits of a creator, the only good god who is incapable of any evil or injustice. The raucous fun, dancing and intoxication that used to be the cause of many misfortunes and associated with Dionysus are now being declared useful in terms of testing strength and honesty on the one hand, and, on the other, are understood as a necessary means of getting rid of negative energy and bringing people together. The uncontrolled erotic desire sent by Aphrodite is seen by Plato as behavior that is unacceptable in the citizens of an ideal state, and so he develops the doctrine of the two Aphrodites, heavenly and vulgar, in which the heavenly Aphrodite is declared to be a certain stimulus that leads the soul to the supreme good.
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Bruce, Scott G. "Michael Lapidge, Hilduin of Saint-Denis: The Passio S. Dionysii in Prose and Verse. Leiden: Brill, 2018, xiii, 897 pp." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.74.
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In 1987, Michael Lapidge made a momentous announcement in the pages of Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch. In a late eleventh-century manuscript from Winchester (Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 535, fols. 1r-37r), he had discovered an anonymous ninth-century poem over 2000 lines long about the life and passion of Saint Dionysius. This poem, he argued, was a long-lost work of Abbot Hilduin (814-840) of the abbey of St. Denis in Paris, <?page nr="380"?>who had a vested interest in promoting the cult of his patron saint. Lapidge’s labor in bringing this poem to print has taken three decades, with good reason. He realized early on that the Passio S. Dionysii was a work of reécriture hagiographique derived from Hilduin’s better known prose Passio S. Dionysii, but this text had not been edited since 1574 and was consulted most frequently in Migne’s error-ridden nineteenth-century reprint in the Patrologia Latina. A new edition of the poem’s prose source was clearly in order, but that text was in turn dependent on a handful of other Latin texts about Dionysius, including older passiones, letters, hymns, and liturgical fragments. These ancillary texts too, Lapidge decided, deserved new editions.
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Mojsik, Tomasz. "Hermippus FGrH 1026 F84: Dionysius I, the theatre and the cult of the Muses in Syracuse." Klio 99, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 485–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0034.
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Summary: In the current essay, I focus on the issues related to the origins and functions of a cult of the Muses in Syracuse. The research hypothesis may be defined as follows: the cult of the Muses appeared or already existed in Syracuse at the end of the 5th or at the beginning of the 4th century at the latest, and it was connected with the theatre. It is also very plausible that there is a connection between a place of cult and the practice of collecting mementos of famous authors. The question is inseparably linked with the interpretation of a passage written by Hermippus of Smyrna, the assessment of the parallel testimony given by Lucian, and the evaluation of the reasons behind the actions of Dionysius I described there. Thus, the present article aims at providing a proper context in which the information recounted by Hermippus might seem probable and Dionysius' motives – understandable.
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Peirce, Sarah. "Visual Language and Concepts of Cult on the "Lenaia Vases"." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 59–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011074.
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"Lenaia vases" is the traditional title given to a group of some seventy fifth-century Attic vases, black- and red-figure. These vases have in common that they show a cult-image of Dionysos, consisting of a mask or masks on a column, in combination with the conventional Attic imagery of the revelling ecstatic female worshippers usually called "maenads." The vases are important and their meaning much debated because they seem to hold out the promise of providing otherwise unavailable information about historical bacchic religion. There is no consensus on the character of the historical information of these scenes. In an older view the imagery records the appearance of enacted ritual; in a newer view, the imagery "discusses," in a fashion analogous to language, concepts about Dionysiac religion. This paper proposes a reinterpretation of a coherent subset of the "Lenaia vases," based on a linguistic reading of the imagery. This subset consists of twenty-eight red-figure stamnoi, a group that has traditionally been the focus of studies of the "Lenaia vases." I analyze the vases as describing, in conventional visual terms of reference, a rite of theoxenia celebrated by ecstatic female worshippers. The imagery says that these worshippers perform a thysia, offer Dionysos a banquet of meat and wine, and celebrate a symposion and komos. It also comments on the practice of such rituals by women, saying that they derive honor from these actions. These rituals find parallels in historical evidence for Dionysiac theoxenia and banquets; the scenes thus may provide additional evidence that Dionysiac celebrations took this form. The scenes, however, are not about the historical enactment of such rituals, and still less a visual record of such enactments. Rather, their message, conveyed by the interweaving of mythical and social references, is that for the worshipper of Dionysos the worlds of myth and of the polis are one.
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Wallensten, Jenny. "Karpophoroi deities and the Attic cult of Ge. Notes on IG II2 4758." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 7 (November 2014): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-07-11.
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Karpophoros, fruit-bearing, is an epithet easily considered as “literary”, i.e., a poetic name with little or no relation to cult. The epigraphic sources, however, clearly show us that gods thus named were offered divine worship. The epithet is found in connection with several deities. Goddesses of agriculture, such as Demeter, and Ge, the Earth, naturally carry this name, but so do Zeus, Dionysos and a goddess known as “The Aiolian”, who was sometimes associated with Agrippina. This paper surveys deities known as karpophoroi and examines what their cult entailed. Its focus is, however, on a brief Acropolis inscription, IG II2 4758, where Ge is honoured as Karpophoros, in accordance with an oracle. The case study provides insights into the Attic cult of Ge, the epithet Karpophoros, as well as the use and function of epithets within Greek dedicatory language.
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Barbosa, Leandro Mendonça. "The Foreigner and the Autochthonous: Dionysius in the Mediterranean." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 2, no. 2 (December 28, 2011): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v2i2p20-40.
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Tratar da questão mítica do nascimento e da vida do deus Dioniso é o que propõe este artigo. A intenção é trabalhar os conceitos de estrangeiro e autóctone em uma mesma unidade, na tentativa de construir um panorama, de como o culto e a própria imagem de Dioniso difundiu-se nos ambientes mediterrânicos Grécia e Ásia Menor.
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Koemoth, Pierre P. "Osiris, Dionysos et le culte royal à l'île de Séhel." Chronique d'Egypte 81, no. 161-162 (January 2006): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.2.309302.
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Garner, Richard. "Dionysos at Large. Marcel Detienne , Arthur GoldhammerAncient Mystery Cults. Walter Burkert." History of Religions 32, no. 1 (August 1992): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/463311.
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Herrero de Jáuregui, Miguel. "Dionysos mi-cuit : l’étymologie de Mésatis et le festin inachevé des Titans." Revue de l'histoire des religions, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 389–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhr.5210.
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Argos, João Esteiam De. "Wine and stone: Dionysus and the material expression of the theater on the urbanism of archaic and classical Greece." Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia. Suplemento, supl.12 (October 28, 2011): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2594-5939.revmaesupl.2011.113565.
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O objetivo desta pesquisa é buscar uma melhor compreensão do papel desempenhado pelo culto de Dioniso na cidade grega da época arcaica e clássica. Partimos do princípio de que o teatro como instituição grega expressa a presença do culto de Dioniso na pólis e de que o ambiente construído expressa elementos organizacionais da sociedade e interage com ela. Nossa intenção é, a partir de uma amostragem definida, estudar o teatro grego em seus aspectos físicos/materiais, focalizando sua inserção no disciplinamento do espaço na cidade-estado grega. Ainda que seja impossível ignorar a documentação escrita e a bibliografia existente sobre o teatro grego na Atica, pretendemos ampliar a nossa perspectiva, lidando com material arqueológico proveniente de outras pólis. Nosso recorte cronológico estará constituído pelos séculos VI ao III a.C
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Förster, Hans. "Die Perikope von der Hochzeit zu Kana ( Joh 2:1-11) im Kontext der Spätantike." Novum Testamentum 55, no. 2 (2013): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341420.
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Abstract One focus of the interpretation of the Wedding at Cana ( John 2:1-11) is usually the abundance of wine. The amount of water in the six large jars, which is changed into wine, seems to be enormous. However, the amount is traditionally not put into the context of the average consumption of wine in antiquity. Archaeological and papyrological sources suggest that—in the context of antiquity—the amount seems not to be extraordinarily large. Rather, the amount of wine seems to be sufficient just for a “common household.” This is important for the interpretation of the entire passage: The “abundance of wine” is very often related to the hypothesis that this supposed abundance is to be seen in the context of the attempt to surpass the cult of Dionysos.
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Pairault-Massa, Françoise Hélène. "En quel sens parler de la romanisation du culte de Dionysos en Étrurie ?" Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 99, no. 2 (1987): 573–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1987.1559.
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YILDIRIM, Yaşar Serkal. "Metropolis Resepsiyon Salonu Mozaikleri Üzerindeki Balık ve Kuş Figürleri Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme / Analysis of Bird and Fish Figures on the Reception Hall Mosaics of Metropolis Theatre." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 5, no. 4 (January 5, 2017): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v5i4.594.
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<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>7.00 x 8.25 m. measured place which is located between housing ruins in the eastern part of the Metropolis Theatre is called reception hall. This place decorated with colorful mosaics and wall paintings also having a good handcrafted floor is dated back to Roman Empire period. Besides Dionysos, Ariadne, Meinad, and Eros holding a wineglass figures related with Dionysos cult on the mosaic; theatre masks, fish and bird figures all together demonstrate that it could be used as a banquet hall for official invitations during theatre plays. </p><p>These fish and bird figures have great importance to analyze the nutrition habits of antique cities, especially metropolis, which has few materials that could be read. The various fish and bird figures on the reception hall were examined by expert zoologists to try to identify the factors such as, this fish and birds’ species, their habitats and if they were eatable or not. The paper also tries to find out the nutrition habits of Metropolis community using the found data from ancient sources and obtained from this research.</p><p><strong><br /></strong></p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Metropolis tiyatrosunun doğusunda konut kalıntıları arasında 7.00 x 8.25 m. Ölçülerindeki mekân Resepsiyon Salonu olarak adlandırılmaktadır. Tabanı oldukça iyi bir işçilik gösteren renkli mozaiklerle ve duvar resimleri ile bezenmiş mekân Roma Dönemine tarihlenmektedir. Mozaik üzerinde Dionysos, Ariadne, Meinad ve elinde içki kadehi tutan (kantharos) Eros figürleri gibi Dionysos kültü ile ilişkili figürlerinin yanı sıra tiyatro masklarının, balık ve kuş figürlerinin yer alması, buranın tiyatro gösterileri sırasında resmi davetlerin verildiği ziyafet salonu olarak kullanıldığını düşündürtmektedir.</p><p>Bu balık ve kuş figürlerinin, özellikle okunabilir maddi kalıntıların az olduğu Metropolis gibi antik kentlerdeki toplumların beslenme anlayışının çözümlenmesinde büyük öneme sahiptir. Resepsiyon Salonu mozaiklerindeki çeşitli balık ve kuş figürleri uzman zoologlarla incelenerek balıklar ve kuşların türleri, yaşam alanları ve yenilip yenilmediği gibi unsurlar tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Elde edilen veriler antik kaynaklardaki bilgiler ve ortaya çıkartılan buluntular ile birleştirilerek Metropolis toplumunun beslenme şekli anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır.</p>
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Seaford, Richard. "The eleventh ode of Bacchylides: Hera, Artemis, and the absence of Dionysos." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 118–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632635.
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The eleventh ode of Bacchylides begins and ends at Metapontum. But most of it is devoted to two myths about Tiryns. The first of these is the insult to Hera by the daughters of King Proitos and their consequent madness: they leave Tiryns to roam in the wild, until with the permission of Hera they are cured by Artemis, to whom they then build, with their father, an altar. The second is the earlier quarrel at Argos between the brothers Proitos and Akrisios which led to the foundation by Proitos of Tiryns. The latter myth is framed by the former, and the correspondences between the two are carefully implied: the story of the Proitids begins and ends with the foundation of the altar and cult of Artemis at Lousoi in the Arcadian mountains (41, 110), while the inner story begins and ends with the foundation of Tiryns (60-1, 80-1). Just as the girls’ departure from Tiryns led to the establishment of the altar, so the men left Argos and founded Tiryns. Both the joins between the stories are cemented by the idea of departure from a town (55-61, 80-4). Both stories move from a strange piece of folly to consequent suffering, prayers, divine ‘stopping’ of the suffering (76, 108), and finally the building of walls or altar. Similarly Alexidamos, deprived of an earlier Olympic victory by the ‘wandering wits’ of the judges, is now having his Pythian victory celebrated at Metapontum.
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Pilipovic, Sanja. "The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos a contribution to the study of ancient cults in upper Moesia." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839059p.
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The triad Zeus, Herakles and Dionysos has been attested in Upper Moesia by the relief from the village of Bukovo near Negotin, eastern Serbia. The Roman supreme god was frequently shown in association with other deities but the presence of Bacchus and Hercules in such associations is Greek rather than Roman in origin. The association of Liber and Hercules was promoted by the emperor Septimius Severus, a native of the city of Leptis Magna whose patron gods were concurrently Liber and Hercules. Septimius even granted the dii patrii a sort of official recognition as patrons of the dynasty he founded. The village of Bukovo where the relief was found had not been known as an archaeological site. There is no specific evidence for the worship of Jupiter in that area, while the worship of Herakles is attested on the sites of Rovine and Tamnic near Negotin. The relief is close to north-Macedonian reliefs in style, and reflects Hellenistic and Thracian influence in associating the cults of Dionysos and Herakles. The depicted deities are compatible and close to Septimius Severus? official religion. The central position of the supreme god indicates his importance as well as the fact that the other two deities are associated to him, as his children patrons of nature and fertility in the underground and aboveground worlds. It is also important to note that the relief confirms Hellenistic religious influences in the area of the Upper Moesian limes.
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Topper, Kathryn R. "Dionysos Comes to Thrace: The Metaphor of Corrupted Sacrifice and the Introduction of Dionysian Cult in Images of Lykourgos’s Madness." Arethusa 48, no. 2 (2015): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2015.0009.
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Krausmuller, Dirk. "Christian Platonism and the Debate about Afterlife." Scrinium 11, no. 1 (November 16, 2015): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00111p21.
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In the sixth and seventh centuries the belief in an active afterlife and its corollaries, the cult of the saints and the care of the dead, came under attack by a group of people who claimed that the souls could not function without their bodies. Some defenders of the traditional point of view sought to rebut this argument through recourse to the Platonic concept of the self-moved soul, which is not in need of the body. However, the fit between Platonism and traditional notions of the afterlife was not as complete as might first be thought. This article focuses on two Christian thinkers, John of Scythopolis and Maximus the Confessor, who were deeply influenced by Platonic ideas. In his Scholia on the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius John states clearly that after death the souls of ordinary human beings are inactive whereas the souls of the spiritual elite have entered the realm of eternal realities, which is entirely separate from this world. The case of Maximus is more complex. One of his letters is a spirited defence of the posthumous activity of the soul. However, in his spiritual writings he outlines a conceptual framework that shows a marked resemblance to the position of John of Scythopolis.
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Levina, Tatiana V. "UNCREATED LIGHT AND DAZZLING DARKNESS: BYZANTIUM OF AVANT-GARDE." Articult, no. 3 (2021): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2021-3-40-55.
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Avant-Garde painters were amazed by fifteenth to sixteenth century “old style” Russian icons, which saw the light of the day in the early twentieth century after two centuries of prohibition. In the seventeenth century, ascetic had been replaced by “Western” mimetic images. Icons had a massive impact on Mikhail Larionov, the founder of Rayonism, who wrote that “Russian icon painters <…> were strongly drawn towards abstraction”. In 1913 he organized an exhibition of his Rayonnist paintings with rays of light reflected from objects. Kazimir Malevich was also influenced by icons. In his theoretical writings, he refers to Gospels. Launching his Suprematism at the “0,10 Exhibition” in 1915, Malevich placed his masterpiece in the “beautiful corner”, as an icon. Alexandre Benois said that the Black Square is a “cult of emptiness, darkness, ‘nothing’”. It will be justified that it was another type of darkness, connected to the concepts of “uncreated light” and “dazzling darkness” in Dionysius the Areopagite and Gregory Palamas’ theology. I refer to Pavel Florensky and Sergey Bulgakov’s philosophy to demonstrate how an application of Palamas’ theory, hesychasm, was reflected in fifteenth-sixteenth-century icon-painting and later in Avant-Garde theory and paintings, in particular by those of Larionov and Malevich.
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Christodoulou, Georgios, and Charles Delattre. "Cris rituels, auloi et tambourins. Paysage sonore et identités dans les Bacchantes d’Euripide." Synthesis 28, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): e096. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/1851779xe096.
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Cris rituels, auloí et tambourins sont mentionnés à plusieurs reprises dans le texte des Bacchantes d’Euripide. La pièce crée ainsi un univers sonore fictif, un tissu de références auditives qui se superpose à la musique réellement perçue par les spectateurs, dans le contexte de la première performance aux Dionysies à Athènes. Notre étude articule ces deux espaces sonores, en analysant en particulier le rôle de l’aulós. Cet instrument présente en effet une apparente contradiction: il est ce qui donne rythme et mélodie au festival athénien, mais il est aussi l’un des emblèmes du culte étranger. Nous montrons comment la configuration des sonorités propres aux Bacchantes multiplie les références sonores, et crée un espace sonore qui est un espace de médiation et de conciliation des identités.
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Mojsik, Tomasz. "HELICONIAN NYMPHS, OEDIPUS’ ANCESTRY AND WILAMOWITZ'S CONJECTURE (SOPH. OT 1108)." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (May 2019): 119–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881900051x.
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The third stasimon of Oedipus Rex (OT) is the climax of the play, separating the conversation with the Corinthian messenger from the interrogation of the shepherd, so crucial for the narrative. Indeed, the question τίς σε, τέκνον, τίς σ’ ἔτικτε, critical for the plot, comes right at the beginning of its antistrophe. Sophocles, however, offers no easy answer to it. Instead, he provides yet another narrative misdirection, one that—for the last time—suggests that the paths of the king of Thebes and of his predecessor may have been divergent: the possibility that Oedipus’ divine ancestry would question the prophecy of Apollo. After enumerating Pan, Hermes and Apollo himself as possible parents, the song also mentions Dionysus and the ‘Heliconian nymphs’. The reference to Helicon has perplexed the readers for many years, since the text seems to focus on Cithaeron as the ‘birthplace’. As a result, editions and translations prefer the conjecture ἑλικωπίδων (Νυμφᾶν) proposed by U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff in 1879, over Ἑλικωνί(α)δων, the form present in all manuscripts. In this paper I argue that an analysis of our sources for Heliconian cults, an assessment of the performative context, and a close reading of the stasimon and its place in the narrative, all suggest that the manuscript reading should be retained.
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Menozzi, Oliva. "Extramural rock-cut sanctuaries in the territory of Cyrene." Libyan Studies 46 (August 14, 2015): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2015.3.
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AbstractChieti University's team in Libya has been mapping and studying the extraordinary patrimony in rupestrian architecture, looking at both funerary and sacred spaces. Particular attention has been paid to the rock-cut sanctuaries in the areas to the east (Ain Hofra/Bu Miliou areas) and to the west (Baggara and Budrag) of Cyrene, which also represent the most problematic zones for looting and vandalism. Therefore, the principal need for these areas has been to plan a project of mapping and recording that is as systematic as possible for this huge patrimony. The resulting data, coming from surveys, non-invasive geo-prospecting, laser scanning of the main monuments, diagnostic mapping of the damaged monuments, as well as from the excavations, have been recorded in a multilayer GIS. In combination with the surveys, a series of excavations have also been organised in several areas in order to have stratigraphic information from sample areas, which have been chosen on the basis of both their typology/monumentality and the degree of risk of damage and looting. These sanctuaries are generally located on the steep slopes of deep canyons, typically associated with water springs, wild landscape, chthonian cults and also, therefore, funerary areas. They are generally monumentalised and emphasised by rock-cut architecture. Among the most interesting finds are the sanctuaries of Budrag and Ain Hofra, with votive inscriptions, rocky altars and shrines. Particularly interesting is the discovery of a rocky high-relief statue of Dionysus, attesting a possible open-air sanctuary in the area of Baggara. It is a unique example of rocky sculpture in Cyrene and it could be one of the best-preserved examples from the Greek world. Distinguishable by their topography, architectonic features and distance from the town, these rocky sanctuaries attest to a reciprocal osmosis between Greco-Roman and Libyan cultural, artistic and ritual elements. The levels of hybridisation and reciprocity vary from case to case and from period to period, suggesting different degrees of Greco-Roman impact, which seem to be, generally speaking, inversely proportional to the distance from Cyrene, giving space and voice to the cults and rites of the local tribes.
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Kadurina, A. O. "SYMBOLISM OF ROSES IN LANDSCAPE ART OF DIFFERENT HISTORICAL ERAS." Problems of theory and history of architecture of Ukraine, no. 20 (May 12, 2020): 148–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31650/2519-4208-2020-20-148-157.
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Background.Rosa, as the "Queen of Flowers" has always occupied a special place in the garden. The emergence of rose gardens is rooted in antiquity. Rose is a kind of “tuning fork” of eras. We can see how the symbolism of the flower was transformed, depending on the philosophy and cultural values of society. And this contributed to the various functions and aesthetic delivery of roses in gardens and parks of different eras. Despite the large number of works on roses, today there are no studies that can combine philosophy, cultural aspects of the era, the history of gardens and parks with symbols of the plant world (in particular roses) with the identification of a number of features and patterns.Objectives.The purpose of the article is to study the symbolism of rosesin landscape gardening art of different eras.Methods.The historical method helps to trace the stages of the transformation of the symbolism of roses in different historical periods. The inductive method allows you to move from the analysis of the symbolism of roses in each era to generalization, the identification of patterns, the connection of the cultural life of society with the participation of roses in it. Graph-analytical method reveals the features of creating various types of gardens with roses, taking into account trends in styles and time.Results.In the gardens of Ancient Greece, the theme of refined aesthetics, reflections on life and death dominated. It is no accident that in ancient times it was an attribute of the goddesses of love. In antiquity, she was a favorite flower of the goddess of beauty and love of Aphrodite (Venus). In connection with the legend of the goddess, there was a custom to draw or hang a white rose in the meeting rooms, as a reminder of the non-disclosure of the said information. It was also believed that roses weaken the effect of wine and therefore garlands of roses decorated feasts, festivities in honor of the god of winemaking Dionysus (Bacchus). The rose was called the gift of the gods. Wreaths of roses were decorated: statues of the gods during religious ceremonies, the bride during weddings. The custom of decorating the floor with rose petals, twisting columns of curly roses in the halls came to the ancient palace life from Ancient Egypt, from Queen Cleopatra, highlighted this flower more than others. In ancient Rome, rose gardens turned into huge plantations. Flowers from them were intended to decorate palace halls during feasts. In Rome, a religious theme was overshadowed by luxurious imperial greatness. It is interesting that in Rome, which constantly spreads its borders, a rose from a "female" flower turned into a "male" one. The soldiers, setting out on a campaign, put on pink wreaths instead of helmets, symbolizing morality and courage, and returning with victory, knocked out the image of a rose on shields. From roses weaved wreaths and garlands, received rose oil, incense and medicine. The banquet emperors needed so many roses, which were also delivered by ships from Egypt. Ironically, it is generally accepted that Nero's passion for roses contributed to the decline of Rome. After the fall of the Roman Empire, rose plantations were abandoned because Christianity first associated this flower with the licentiousness of Roman customs. In the Early Middle Ages, the main theme is the Christian religion and roses are located mainly in the monastery gardens, symbolizing divine love and mercy. Despite the huge number of civil wars, when the crops and gardens of neighbors were violently destroyed, the only place of peace and harmony remained the monastery gardens. They grew medicinal plants and flowers for religious ceremonies. During this period, the rose becomes an attribute of the Virgin Mary, Jesus Christ and various saints, symbolizing the church as a whole. More deeply, the symbolism of the rose was revealed in Catholic life, when the rosary and a special prayer behind them were called the "rose garden". Now the rose has become the personification of mercy, forgiveness, martyrdom and divine love. In the late Middle Ages, in the era of chivalry, roses became part of the "cult of the beautiful lady." Rose becomes a symbol of love of a nobleman to the wife of his heart. Courtesy was of a socially symbolic nature, described in the novel of the Rose. The lady, like a rose, symbolized mystery, magnificent beauty and temptation. Thus, in the Late Middle Ages, the secular principle manifests itself on a par with the religious vision of the world. And in the Renaissance, the religious and secular component are in balance. The theme of secular pleasures and entertainments was transferred further to the Renaissance gardens. In secular gardens at palaces, villas and castles, it symbolized love, beauty, grace and perfection. In this case, various secret societies appear that choose a rose as an emblem, as a symbol of eternity and mystery. And if the cross in the emblem of the Rosicrucians symbolized Christianity, then the rose symbolized a mystical secret hidden from prying eyes. In modern times, secular life comes to the fore, and with it new ways of communication, for example, in the language of flowers, in particular roses. In the XVII–XVIII centuries. gardening art is becoming secular; sesame, the language of flowers, comes from Europe to the East. White rose symbolized a sigh, pink –an oath of love, tea –a courtship, and bright red –admiration for beauty and passionate love [2]. In aristocratic circles, the creation of lush rose gardens is in fashion. Roses are actively planted in urban and suburban gardens. In modern times, rose gardens carry the idea of aesthetic relaxation and enjoyment. Many new varieties were obtained in the 19th century, during the period of numerous botanical breeding experiments. At this time, gardening ceased to be the property of the elite of society and became publicly available. In the XX–XXI centuries. rosaries, as before, are popular. Many of them are located on the territory of ancient villas, palaces and other structures, continuing the tradition.
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Osek, Ewa. "Juliana Apostaty mit o Heliosie." Vox Patrum 55 (July 15, 2010): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4351.
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The present paper is a brief study on Julian the Apostate’s religion with the detailed analysis of the so called Helios myth being a part of his speech Against Heraclius (Or. VII), delivered in Constantinople in AD 362. In the chapter one I discuss veracity of the Gregory of Nazianzus’ account in the Contra Julianum (Or. IV-V) on the emperor’s strange Gods and cults. In the chapter two the reconstruction of the Julian’s theological system has been presented and the place of Helios in this hierarchy has been shown. The chapter three consists of the short preface to the Against Heraclius and of the appendix with the Polish translation and commentary on the Julian’s Helios myth. The Emperor’s theosophy, known from his four orations (X-XI and VII-VIII), bears an imprint of the Jamblichean speculation on it. The gods are arranged in the three neo-Platonic hypostases: the One, the Mind, and the Soul, named Zeus, Hecate, and Sarapis. The second and third hypostases contain in themselves the enneads and the triads. The Helios’ position is between the noetic world and the cosmic gods, so he becomes a mediator or a centre of the universe and he is assimilated with Zeus the Highest God as well as with the subordinated gods like Apollo, Dionysus, Sarapis, and Hermes. The King Helios was also the Emperor’s personal God, who saved him from the danger of death in AD 337 and 350. These tragic events are described by Julian in the allegorical fable (Or. VII 22). The question is who was Helios of the Julian’s myth: the noetic God, the Hellenistic Helios, the Persian Mithras, the Chaldean fire, or the Orphic Phanes, what is suggested by the Gregory’s invective. The answer is that the King Helios was all of them. The Helios myth in Or. VII is the best illustration of the extreme syncretism of the Julian’s heliolatry, where the neo-Platonic, Hellenistic, magic, and Persian components are mingled.
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Hutchinson, Valerie J. "The cult of Dionysos/Bacchus in the Graeco-Roman world: new light from archaeological studies - C. GASPARRI , “BACCHUS,” LIMC III.1 (1986) 540–566, with III.2, 428-456. - C. AUGÉ , “DIONYSOS (IN PERIPHERIA ORIENTALI),” LIMC III.1 (1986) 514-31, with III.2, 406-19 - S. BOUCHER , “BACCHUS (IN PERIPHERIA OCCIDENTALI),” LIMC IV.1 (1988) 908-23, with IV.2, 612-31. - S. F. SCHRÖDER , RÖMISCHE BACCHUSBILDER IN DER TRADITION DES APOLLON LYKEIOS. STUDIEN ZUR BILDFORMULIERUNG UND BILDBEDEUTUNG IN SPÄTHELLENISTISCH-RÖMISCHER ZEIT (Giorgio Bretschneider, Roma 1989). Pp. xii + 216, 31 black and white plates. ISBN 88-7689-020-3. - I. MANFRINI-ARAGNO , BACCHUS DANS LES BRONZES HELLÉNISTIQUES ET ROMAINS: LES ARTISANS ET LEUR RÉPERTOIRE (Bibliothèque historique vaudoise, Lausanne 1987). Pp. 190, 84 p. of black and white plates. ISBN 28-8028-034-6. - B. HUNDSALZ , DAS DIONYSISCHE SCHMUCKRELIEF (Tuduv-Studien, Reihe Archäologie, Band 1, München 1987). Pp. xvii + 311, 32 p. of black and white plates. ISBN 3-88073-236-1." Journal of Roman Archaeology 4 (1991): 222–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775940001566x.
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