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Journal articles on the topic 'Cult of the skull'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Dias, Nélia. "Nineteenth-Century French Collections of Skulls and the Cult of Bones." Nuncius 27, no. 2 (2012): 330–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-02702006.

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This paper attempts to examine nineteenth-century French skull collections and to shed light on how, why, and when they came to play such a significant intellectual role in physical anthropology. It also seeks to analyze the notion of series of skulls and the sequential arrangement of skulls. It argues that this sort of collection gained particular relevance in Republican France, where the cult of dead bodies was replaced by the secular cult of bones.

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2

Aldenderfer, Mark S. "An early skull cult from Neolithic Turkey." Science 356, no. 6345 (June 29, 2017): 1346.7–1347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.356.6345.1346-g.

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3

Bondarchuk, Yaroslava. "Display of the Ancient Religious Bone Cults in the Late Acheulean–Mousterian Art." NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 4 (June 15, 2021): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-8907.2021.4.35-45.

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The relevance of research. One of the most important unsolved problems of cultural studies, religious studies, art history, and history is to determine the time of the origin of religious ideas: that of the beginning of the spiritual evolution of the mankind, which at a certain stage of development begins to master not only the material world but also tries to comprehend the supernatural transcendent reality. The views of scholars regarding the time of the birth of religious beliefs is divided into two opposing points of view. According to one of them, expressed in the works of R. Marett, F. Ratzel, V. Kabo, A. Zubov, religious representations were inherent in the primitive man since the beginning of existence. A serious argument against this version is the fact that art the site of Olduvai culture no object was found that did not have a utilitarian purpose and that could be interpreted as a cult object. However, this fact can be explained by the fact that the rational awareness of the highest supernatural power was preceded by its subconscious (intuitive) sensation, which did not require objectivation in cult objects. Religious ideas were primitive so that they did not need any cult objects. According to other scholars, one can speak of the emergence of religious ideas only from the moment when the cult artefacts appeared; the pre-religious period had lasted until the end of the Mousterian era. However, the discovery of a number of archaeological sites in the second half of the 20th century at the beginning of the 21st century makes it possible to move the beginning of the appearance of Religious beliefs back until the period of the late Acheulean–beginning of Mousterian era.The purpose of the article: to establish the time of the origin and evolution of the earliest religious beliefs associated with the cult of bones, based on the analysis of the most ancient artefacts currently known, which testify to the ritual activities of the primitive man. The considered artefacts lead to the conclusion that the most ancient evidence of the cults of bones belongs to the era of the late Acheulean and Mousterian. Animal bones were among the first objects that the primitive man singled out from the environment as sacred, and endowed with a supernatural ability to revive the lives of animals and humans. Symbolic compositions of bones and signs carved in them became sacred attributes used for magical rites. The first acts of the ritual symbolization marked the emergence of sacred art and magic, which, radically different from the directly useful work, passed into a special plane of connection of men with the supernatural force. The earliest monuments (Torralba, Ambrona, Azykh), which testify to magical actions with bones, date back to about 400–200 thousand years BC. Thus, more than 2 million years passed from the appearance of man (ca. 2.7 million years ago) to the emergence of religious ideas, which required objectification in cult items and the performance of certain rituals. Although it cannot be denied that the intuitive subconscious sense of the supernatural power has been inherent in man since the beginning of his existence, purposefully by cultic magical actions that called on higher powers for help, he began to practice from the period of the late Acheulean. In the Mousterian era, in addition to the cult of bones, the cult of the skull arose as a container of special energy capable of renewing human life. Despite the fact that there are only a few examples of skull burials in the Mousterian period, apart from Mount Circeo, in Zhoukoudian (1929), Ngandonga (1931–1933) and Steingheim (1933), it can be assumed that about 70–50 thousand years ago, along with burials, an undissected body could be another rite of separation of the skull, which as a container of a special vital energy of man was buried in some parts of the caves on piles of bones and stones, just as at about the same time separately buried the skulls of bears in stone boxes and niches in caves of Regurdu, Azykh, Drachenloh, Wildenmannlisloch, and others. Later, with the development of ideas about the soul, the cult of skulls is further developed, based on the realization of the power of the extracorporeal spiritual essence of the revered dead (= ancestors), the concentration of which requires a magical container.

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4

Fletcher, Alexandra, Jessica Pearson, and Janet Ambers. "The Manipulation of Social and Physical Identity in the Pre-Pottery Neolithic." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 18, no. 3 (October 2008): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774308000383.

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Mortuary practices of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic Near East have been identified with skull cult and ancestor worship, as a means of creating and eliminating social boundaries. Artificial cranial modification is recognized as related to these practices, but its incidence is under-recognized and the precise nature of its significance is rarely discussed. In this study a skull, not previously reported as artificially modified, was reassessed by radiography to provide further insight on this subject. The cranial modification identified must have occurred in childhood but did not dramatically alter the cranium. We therefore argue that the post-mortem treatment of artificially modified skulls should be viewed in the context of ritual practices that were of significance during life, not just after death.

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5

Arponen, Aki Voitto, Heli Maijanen, and Visa Immonen. "From Bones to Sacred Artefact." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 54, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 149–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.66687.

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The cult of saints and the subsequent interest in relics constituted one of the essential characteristics of medieval Western Christianity. In particular, relics and reliquaries are prime examples of the importance of materiality in devotion. In the present article we analyse one of the medieval skull relics of Turku Cathedral and its material characteristics in detail. Previous examinations undertaken in the 1920s and 1940s produced two theories of its origins and identification. By analysing the bone material and the narrative depiction of martyrdom embroidered on the silk wrapping, State Archaeologist Juhani Rinne connected the relic to St Henry, the patron saint of Finland and the cathedral, while State Archaeologist Carl Axel Nordman identified it as belonging to St Eric, the patron saint of the Kingdom of Sweden. By re-examining the central element of the skull relic, the bones, with osteological analysis and radiocarbon dating, we show both theories to be highly problematic. Our analysis reveals the complex material features of the skull relic and the medieval cult of relics.

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6

Goring-Morris, Nigel, and Liora Kolska Horwitz. "Funerals and feasts during the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B of the Near East." Antiquity 81, no. 314 (December 2007): 902–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00095995.

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Evidence for a Neolithic funeral feast has been excavated in northern Israel. A herd of eight wild cattle (aurochs) were slaughtered and joints of their meat placed in a pit which was covered over and the human burial laid on top. This was covered in turn with plaster, but the human skull was later removed through an accurately sited hole. It was the feast that began this funerary sequence, and the authors conservatively calculate that it provided a minimum of 500kg of meat. Given a 200g steak apiece this could theoretically feed some 2500 people, endorsing the authors' claim that the site was a central cult site serving surrounding villages. It is also suggested that the aurochs skulls, missing from the pit, may have been reserved for ritual purposes elsewhere, an early example of the Near Eastern bull cult that was later to have a long history in Europe.

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7

Razuvaev, Yuriy. "Cult Buildings on the Middle-Don Settlements of the Scythian Era." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (October 2020): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.4.8.

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Introduction. As a result of many years of excavations on settlements of the Skiphian era in the basin of the Middle Don the area of about 50 thousand square meters has been opened. However, buildings of the cult purpose are still not known. Methods and materials. The search for such structures is difficult due to the absence of pronounced sacral markers. However, according to publications and archival sources, structures unusual in configuration, stratigraphy and a set of accompanying materials have been selected. It was possible to identify four buildings of the 4th – 3rd centuries BC, characterized by unusual shape and layout, concentration of bonfires, ceramic and osteological materials, presence of anthropological residues. Analysis. Two buildings were located on a hillfort in the city of Semiluki, which is known for mass burials of its inhabitants. One area of about 9 square meters contained the burial of a woman and two children. In its three-part filling three hearths and sacrificial offerings, including dog bones, a female skull, fragments of ceramics, were preserved. Another 33 square meter building contained skulls and other remains of at least 13 people mixed with animal bones. Of the two buildings on the 1st hillfort near the village of Voloshino, one area of about 100 square meters had three hearths, another seven were located around. There were found a large amount of debris of stony vessels and antique amphorae in the filling and in the layer next to this structure. Another building with an area of about 18 square meters had a hearth and a bonfire. Its filling was saturated with fragments of ceramics and animal bones. Results. The buildings in question are not similar to dwellings or household structures. They are distinguished by the unique configuration of pits and internal space, uneven and dug by pits bottom. The bonfires present in the premises were not remnants of heating devices. They, like the accompanying finds, were related to the cult activities of the local population.

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8

Gresky, Julia, Juliane Haelm, and Lee Clare. "Modified human crania from Göbekli Tepe provide evidence for a new form of Neolithic skull cult." Science Advances 3, no. 6 (June 2017): e1700564. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.1700564.

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9

Simonton, Deborah. "Threading the Needle, Pulling the Press: Gender, Skill and the Tools of the Trade in Eighteenth-Century European Towns." Cultural History 1, no. 2 (October 2012): 180–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2012.0020.

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10

Daragan, Marina N., and Petr A. Gavrish. "On Manifestations of the Cult of Human Skulls in the Knÿshovskoe Settlement Dating from the Scythian Period." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 23, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 251–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341319.

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Abstract Human remains have been found in many settlements and fortified settlements of the Scythian period in the forest-steppe zone of the Ukraine. Yet there are substantial differences between the nature of the finds and the circumstances of their positioning in the various settlements concerned. At some sites whole skeletons or parts of skeletons have been found in pits and in habitation levels. At others mainly (and sometimes even exclusively) human skulls or their fragments have been found. A picture of this kind was recorded, in particular, at the fortified settlement of Knÿshovskoe. This article examines the places where human skulls and fragments of the latter were found in the context of cultic and domestic buildings within the Knÿshovskoe settlement. Research was focused specifically on the positions of clay altars and the link between the latter and the anthropological remains within the site. Within the investigated area of the settlement, occupying half a hectare, 110 separate fragments of human skulls were found – 52 altars and 211 pits linked to various structures. Using spatial analysis based on gis-technology, a firm link was established between the clay altars, human skulls and also the skulls or skeletons of dogs, examples of cultic figurines, distaffs and clay cones. The areas in which altars and skulls were concentrated made it possible to regard most of these as having functioned simultaneously in a shrine. Analysis of each specific archaeological find of altars and skulls made it possible to single out certain “archaeological situations” demonstrating clear differences in specific cultic practices, a key component of which was the sacrificing of human heads. The shrine was being used no earlier than the second or third quarter of the 4th century bc. Establishing the existence of cultic practices involving human sacrifice could provide a crucial step towards an understanding of phenomena, occurring in the forest-steppe zone in the second half and at the end of the 4th century bc, which eventually led to the complete disappearance of the culture of the Scythian period in the forest-steppe and steppe zones at the end of the 4th century bc.

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11

Limberis, Natalya, and Ivan Marchenko. "The Sarmatian Burial from “Kirpichnyy” Barrow in Kuban Region." Nizhnevolzhskiy Arheologicheskiy Vestnik, no. 1 (July 2019): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/nav.jvolsu.2019.1.14.

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The paper is devoted to the rich Sarmatian burial from the destroyed mound. The burial was a pit with overlapping of narrow wooden poles or boards. The skeleton was laid stretched on its back, the skull was oriented to SSW. Sheep bones and an iron knife were located at the feet, near the pit wall. The assemblage of grave goods is quite various and informative: a bronze mirror, gold bracelets and earrings, necklaces with cornelian and chalcedony beads, glass beads on the legs and arms, flint nucleus, “whetstone” (assay stone), clay spindles, iron arrowheads and small grey clay bowl of Maeotian production. Cast mirrors of Prokhorov Type are often found in Sarmatian burial mounds of the Kuban region of the 3rd – 1st c. BC. The bead types are typical for the Hellenistic period. The gold earrings are late replicas of the “lionheaded” earrings of the Northern Black Sea group. The magical items (nucleus, assay stone) have the closest analogies in Sarmatian assemblages of the early 1st c. BC. The bronze fingerings of the late Latin type with spiral shields were spread in the Northern Black Sea region and among Kuban Maeotian tribes in the Roman period. However their appearance in this region probably refers to an earlier period. The gold jewellery, rich necklace, full quiver of arrows and items related to cult activities make it possible to attribute this assemblage to the category of elite burials of the Siracian nobility.

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12

Thacker, Alan. "Popes, Patriarchs and Archbishops and the Origins of the Cult of the Martyrs in Northern Italy." Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 51–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000851.

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Although exceptional skill and learning have been devoted to the origins of martyr cult, undeniably this grand and highly distinguished tradition has been shaped by certain widely shared and long-standing assumptions. In particular, while great scholars such as Duchesne and Delehaye have exhibited a strong (and very proper) scepticism about particular legends, there has in general been a predisposition to accept at face value the underlying context as presented by the post-Constantinian Church. Most historians of the martyrs have followed hagiographical tradition and accepted that, as Pope Leo I claimed in the mid-fifth century, ‘uncounted numbers’ of the faithful had died in the imperial persecutions and were marked out as endowed with power ‘to help those in danger, to drive away sickness, to expel unclean spirits and to cure infirmities without number’. That carefully constructed picture, however, only emerges in the late fourth and fifth centuries, and it is the circumstances and processes which shaped its emergence that will be examined here.

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13

Garfinkel, Yosef. "Ritual Burial of Cultic Objects: The Earliest Evidence." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 4, no. 2 (October 1994): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300001062.

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This article deals with the ritual burial of cultic objects in the Near East during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. These items are not grave goods associated with human burials but objects buried on their own because of their ritual significance. A systematic survey of the depositional context of anthropomorphic statues, plastered skulls and other cultic objects from a large number of sites indicates clearly that the earliest evidence for this concept can be traced to the early agricultural communities of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period of the seventh millennium bc. The custom was a ritual institution for the disposal of worn-out and unwanted cultic items. A further analysis of twelve other symbols and artistic components emphasizes the importance of the seventh millennium bc as a formative era for the cult and mythology of the ancient Near East.

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14

Szady, Joanna. "Biography in the Museum." Biografistyka Pedagogiczna 5, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36578/bp.2020.05.24.

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This article presents the biography of Saint Zygmunt Szczęsny Feliński (1822–1895), which is the basis for the exhibition in the museum dedicated to the memory of this outstanding nineteenth-century figure of the Polish Church. The cognitive and educational potential of Archbishop Feliński's life is emphasised in the narrative layer of the exhibition by means of modern multimedia solutions. The museum uses various forms of visual message, aimed both at viewers who prefer traditional exhibition solutions, as well as those with high skill levels and technological expectations. The Museum of St Zygmunt Feliński plays an important role in the historical education process and popularises the biography of the archbishop as a role model for life and action. By spreading the cult of the saint, it also meets the religious needs of visitors through contact with the material and spiritual heritage of the exhibition’s protagonist.

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15

Coltman, Jeremy D., Guilhem Olivier, and Gerard van Bussel. "AN EFFIGY OF TEZCATLIPOCA FROM THE BILIMEK COLLECTION IN VIENNA." Ancient Mesoamerica 31, no. 2 (2020): 343–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536119000324.

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AbstractMost representations of Tezcatlipoca, the supreme sorcerer of Late Postclassic central Mexico, come from the codices of the Mixteca-Puebla tradition. This important deity was also represented, however, in statues, wall paintings, bas-reliefs, as well as head-shaped ceramic pieces, the latter of which are little-known and poorly studied. In this study, we offer a detailed analysis of one of the best examples of Tezcatlipoca head-shaped ceramic pieces sheltered in the Bilimek Collection at the Weltmuseum in Vienna. We compare the Tezcatlipoca effigy head of Vienna with similar pieces from the Colección Fundación Televisa in Mexico City, the Museo Regional de Cholula, and the Museo del Valle de Tehuacán, all representations being fine examples of the Eastern Nahua artistic tradition. The similarity between the iconography on the Tezcatlipoca pedestal in Vienna and the murals of Ocotelulco and Tizatlan, Tlaxcala, are particularly striking, sharing representations of skulls, hands, and a motif we have identified as a mirror. We also analyze in detail the links between the iconography of Tezcatlipoca with that of the Macuiltonaleque. Finally, we propose the possibility of a ritual use of these ceramic vessels, associated with the ingestion of pulque in the framework of a Tezcatlipoca drinking cult.

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16

Becker, Sara K., and Sonia Alconini. "Head Extraction, Interregional Exchange, and Political Strategies of Control at the Site of Wata Wata, Kallawaya Territory, Bolivia, During the Transition between the Late Formative and Tiwanaku Periods (A.D. 200-800)." Latin American Antiquity 26, no. 1 (March 2015): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.26.1.30.

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This study focuses on trophy head taking during the transition between the Late Formative period and Tiwanaku period (A.D. 200-800) based on evidence from a dedicatory offering found at the site of Wata Wata, east of the Titicaca Basin. Although trophy-head taking was common in other precontact Andean cultures, evidence of the practice among cultures from this region is usually present only in iconography and not in actual physical remains. We explore the nature of this find and its placement within the trade and ceremonial center of Wata Wata. The three individuals included in the offering underwent various levels of violence at or around the time of death, including beheading, cranial and facial fracturing, defleshingjaw removal, and possible eye extraction. Such violence makes it unlikely that the heads were offered as part of a cult to revere ancestors. We argue that these heads, entombed in a ritual cache and sealed with a capstone, embody a strategic metaphor to remove authority and influence from the individuals, because skulls can be Andean symbols of power in life and the afterlife. The violent acts carried out on these crania may also have been a way to advertise broader changes during this transitional period in the Kallawaya region, a strategic exchange corridor between ecological zones in the Central Andes.

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17

Valančiūnas, Deimantas. "Introduction. From Highbrow to Lowbrow: Studies of Indian B-grade cinema and beyond." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 12, no. 2 (January 1, 2011): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2011.1.3936.

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Vilnius University Cardboard skulls decorating the book of the dead’s pink cover―the Necronomicon; intoxicated young ladies having a ‘kitty party’ then gang raping their male servant; secret agents 077 and 707 serving the nation; a shape-shifting monster’s head rotates 180 degrees while tracing a doomed bride in red and the list of similar images is far from exhaustive. The above mentioned aesthetical and narrative cinematic devises just happen to come from a variety of Indian films―usually ascribed to the ‘lower’ cinematic cultures and labeled as exploitative, B-grade or even ‘trash’ cinema. Often despised and ridiculed by academicians, critics, and the big budget film industries while at the same time enjoying vast popularity in smaller urban centers and towns, these Indian low budget films co-exist with Bollywood and other major industries―yet work by their own sets of rules and agendas. These films remain a part of the national as well as global film consumption, even if slightly overshadowed by the blockbuster or Arthouse cinemas. Despite the changing trends in India’s film productions and aesthetics, the low budget cinema retains its cult status throughout the country―and this is most evident while taking a stroll down the Grant Road in Mumbai, lined up with numerous video stalls and offering enormous amounts of cheaply produced ‘3 films in 1’ type of DVDs: the genre selection ranging from action (fight) to horror; from mythological to soft-core sex films.

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18

Mary, Arthur, and Kristina Valendinova. "Cult Fixion." Recherches en psychanalyse 12, no. 2 (2011): 124a. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rep.012.0124a.

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Mary, Arthur. "Cult Fixion." Recherches en psychanalyse 12, no. 2 (2011): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rep.012.0125.

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20

Nguyen, Diana Khoi. "Cult Leader." Iowa Review 46, no. 2 (September 2016): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.7741.

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21

Müller-Sievers, Helmut. "Büchner-cult." MLN 112, no. 3 (1997): 470–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.1997.0036.

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22

Fears, J. Rufus. "IMPERIAL CULT." Classical Review 52, no. 2 (September 2002): 319–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.2.319.

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23

Milius, Susan. "Cult Anthrax." Science News 163, no. 8 (February 22, 2003): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4014376.

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24

Smith, Roger. "Cult Leader?" Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 42, no. 10 (October 1997): 883–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/000084.

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25

Horowitz, David Mark. "“Cult” Wine?" Journal of Food Products Marketing 18, no. 1 (January 2012): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10454446.2012.627291.

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26

McIntyre, Gwynaeth. "Imperial Cult." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 1–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340003.

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Abstract As political power in Rome became centered on the emperor and his family, a system of honors and titles developed as one way to negotiate this new power dynamic. Classified under the collective heading ‘imperial cult’, this system of worship comprises religious rituals as well as political, economic, and social aspects. This article surveys the range of ancient literary sources and modern scholarly debates on how individuals became gods in the Roman world. The case studies illustrate how cult practices, temples, and priesthoods were established, highlighting the careful negotiation required between the emperor, imperial family, Senate, and populace in order to make mortals into gods.

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27

Algernon, S. R. "Cargo cult." Nature 511, no. 7507 (July 2014): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/511118a.

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28

Rostova, Natalia, and Josefine Olsen. "Cult Fiction." Index on Censorship 37, no. 1 (February 2008): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220701882723.

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29

Fuchs, Lyra Walsh. "Cult Capitalism." Dissent 68, no. 2 (2021): 6–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2021.0030.

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30

Frame, Grant, and A. R. George. "The Royal libraries of Nineveh: New evidence for king Ashurbanipal's Tablet Collecting." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001388.

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The two tablets published here for the first time, BM 45642 and BM 28825, are edited together for good reason, for the historical background of both texts is very probably the same episode in King Ashurbanipal's drive to acquire scribal learning. Where BM 28825 concerns the reception of the Assyrian king's demand for tablets among the citizens of Babylon, BM 45642 deals with the reaction of scholars of nearby Borsippa to a similar royal message. BM 45642 is the better preserved of the two tablets, and allows a fuller understanding of both texts' formal characteristics and of the contextual background. Consequently we present it first.The text inscribed on BM 45642 (81-7-6, 35) is a letter, though not a typical one. It begins with an extremely deferential address to Ashurbanipal (11. 1–4). Following a series of standard royal epithets, the address pays homage to the Assyrian king as the divinely appointed suzerain of Assyria and Babylonia. It goes on to record Nabû's patronage of the king, and to acknowledge his skill in Nabû's special field of writing, an expertise already well known from Ashurbanipal's own inscriptions. These clauses are chosen with care, for the writer is evidently a scholar from Borsippa, Nabû's cult-centre. With them he invokes a certain feeling of mutual fellowship. The name of the sender is expected at the end of the address, but although the end of 1. 4 is broken there does not seem to be a name there, and we have restored instead nilt[apra umma] “we send word as follows”. In this the text departs from normal Neo-Babylonian usage, perhaps because it is not a regular letter but, as becomes clear, a formal and collective communication on behalf of all the scholars of Borsippa.

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31

Andi Hakim, Mohammad. "HOW TO WRITE ENGLISH WELL (THE ANALYSIS OF WRITING TEST AND ITS ALTERNATIVE GUIDELINE)." Vision: Journal for Language and Foreign Language Learning 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/vjv4i21598.

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Writing seems to be the most diffi cult skill in acquiring Eng-<br />lish as a foreign language. In order tobe able to write correctly, the<br />students should have suffi cient knowledge for formulating an idea<br />towrite and of how to organize the language and the content of<br />their writing. On the other hand, writing assessment also became an<br />important aspect to evaluate a writing result. It is relevance to use<br />the good standard for doing assessment in students writing result.<br />Through break down the construction of the paragraphs will help<br />teachers or lecturers in investigating the content and variables in a<br />text.This research tries to investigate the writing test concepttaken<br />from STKIP Nusa Indonesia at the English Language Education<br />Program. Thepurpose is to evaluate the writing test concept and give<br />an alternative test guideline.The fi rst step is taking test document<br />for writing intermediate from STKIP Nusa Indonesia arranged by<br />the lecture. The second step is reading some kinds of test while<br />choosing the appropriate test for it. The third step is identifying the<br />writing test and its scoring guideline, concept and assessment. The<br />fourth step is analyzing the weaknesses and strengths from the test<br />concept. The fi fth step is reformulates the test guideline and make<br />some recommendations for better writing assessment. The results<br />of the paper show that test concept is not appropriate to imple-<br />ment, because of its weaknesses. The researcher reformulates the<br />test concept as the recommendation.

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Hjelm, Ingrid. "Cult centralization as a device of cult control?" Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 13, no. 2 (January 1999): 298–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09018329908585159.

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Myers, Peter. "Cult and cult-like pathways out of adolescent addiction." Journal of Child & Adolescent Substance Abuse 1, no. 4 (1991): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10678289109512332.

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Myers, Peter L. "Cult and cult‐like pathways out of adolescent addiction." Journal of Adolescent Chemical Dependency 1, no. 4 (January 1991): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j272v01n04_06.

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Jameson, Michael H., and David Gill. "Greek Cult Tables." Classical World 87, no. 6 (1994): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351574.

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Regan, Richard J. "Regulating Cult Activities." Thought 61, no. 2 (1986): 185–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/thought19866121.

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37

Zima, András. "Cult or spirit?" Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 53, no. 2 (December 2008): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aethn.53.2008.2.2.

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ROUS, Benjamin D. "Forms of Cult?" BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 82, no. 2 (July 31, 2007): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.82.2.2020781.

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Hanlon, Michael. "Cargo Cult Science." European Review 21, S1 (July 2013): S51—S55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000124.

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There is plenty of stuff out there that looks like science, sounds like science and yet which is no more science than the ‘cargo cult’ aircraft and landing strips constructed by Pacific Islanders in the 1940s and 1950s were functional technology. My talk is not so much about the usual suspects – homeopathy, crystal healing, UFOs and the like – but other areas of cargo-cult science that sit far closer to the high altar of respectability. We take far too much for granted in science, and this can be seen in the replicability (or otherwise) of peer-reviewed studies, the phenomenon of publication bias, the so-called Decline Effect and the persistence of folk myths such as the one that describes how aeroplanes fly.

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Han, Dong-Gu. "Centralization of Cult." Korean Journal of Old Testament Studies 16, no. 3 (October 2010): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24333/jkots.2010.16.3.257.

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Cassidy, Marsha Francis. "Cult Television (review)." symploke 14, no. 1 (2006): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sym.2007.0006.

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Ensemble, Critical Art. "Performing a Cult." TDR/The Drama Review 44, no. 4 (December 2000): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/10542040051058555.

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The Critical Acts Ensemble, CAE for short, is a tightly knit group of artists exploring intersection between art, technology, critical theory, and political activism. We have given CAE a big chunk of space to present and explain their work. Added to that is a critical essay by TDR Contributing Editor Rebecca Schneider.

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Parker, Robert. "GREEK CULT IMAGES." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.111.

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Shetty, Priya. "A cult collection." Lancet 363, no. 9415 (April 2004): 1169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(04)15923-0.

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Dunn, Stanley. "Cargo cult science." Oral Surgery, Oral Medicine, Oral Pathology, Oral Radiology, and Endodontology 82, no. 4 (October 1996): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1079-2104(96)80292-7.

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Hall, Philip F. "The Consensus Cult." Journal SOGC 22, no. 1 (January 2000): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0849-5831(16)30114-8.

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Hall, Airen. "“Cult” or Religion?" Teaching Theology & Religion 14, no. 4 (October 2011): 355–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9647.2011.00739.x.

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Gill, Robin. "Cult books revisited." Theology 120, no. 2 (February 23, 2017): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16676670.

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This is the first article of new series for Theology on ‘Cult books revisited’. Written in this instance by the Editor, it re-evaluates Joseph Fletcher’s Situation Ethics, setting it into context and assessing its strengths and weaknesses.

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Peters, Ted. "Cult books revisited." Theology 120, no. 3 (April 24, 2017): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x16684417.

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Gorringe, Tim. "Cult books revisited." Theology 120, no. 4 (June 29, 2017): 246–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x17698408.

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