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Journal articles on the topic 'Cultura; politica; fascismo'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Vari, Autori. "Rassegna bibliografica." ITALIA CONTEMPORANEA, no. 307 (April 2025): 231–68. https://doi.org/10.3280/ic307-oa3.

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Immaginari italiani - Cibo e identità - Le città nell'Italia repubblicana: politica, cultura e sport - Culture politiche del lungo Sessantotto - Le Sinistre di fronte al fascismo - Dopo i fascismi - Arte e architettura tra fascismo e antifascismo - Verso la crisi della "Prima repubblica"

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Dr., César Mortari Barreira, and Dr. Frederico Lopes de Oliveira Diehl Prof. "Editorial - Cultura em tempos sombrios." Revista Bindi : cultura, democracia e direito 02 (September 18, 2023): 8–17. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8356272.

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Diante dos desafios do nosso tempo, este editorial apresenta uma conexão entre cultura e política com o objetivo de melhor compreender o fascismo. Nossa hipótese é que o desenvolvimento da distinção sociedade/natureza tanto esclarece a peculiar concepção fascista de cultura – notadamente a partir de dois artigos inéditos de Norberto Bobbio publicados neste volume – como amplia o horizonte do enfrentamento democrático diante dos novos autoritarismos.

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LUZZATTO, SERGIO. "The Political Culture of Fascist Italy." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (1999): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002088.

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Mabel Berezin, Making the Fascist Self. The Political Culture of Interwar Italy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997), 264 pp., ISBN 0-801-43202-2.Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi, Fascist Spectacle. The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini's Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), 303 pp., ISBN 0-520-20623-1.Emilio Gentile, The Sacralization of Politics in Fascist Italy, trans. Keith Botsford (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1996), 208 pp., ISBN 0-674-78475-8; originally published as Il culto del littorio. La sacralizzazione della politica nell'Italia fascista (Rome-Bari:

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Boito Jr., Armando. "O CAMINHO BRASILEIRO PARA O FASCISMO." Caderno CRH 34 (June 25, 2021): 021009. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v34i0.35578.

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<p>O artigo analisa a natureza do governo Bolsonaro, da sua base social de apoio mais ativa e da crise política que lhe deu origem. Polemiza com a bibliografia clássica e atual sobre o fascismo e, operando com um conceito de fascismo inserido na tradição marxista, caracteriza o governo e sua base social como (neo)fascistas. Sustenta a necessidade de construir uma tipologia das crises políticas nas sociedades capitalistas e procura mostrar que a natureza e a dinâmica da crise política brasileira de 2015-2018 são típicas da crise política que dá origem ao fascismo. Insere o bolsonarismo no

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Fernandes, Sarah. "Franco Ciarlantini e a divulgação da literatura italiana no início do século XX." Wirapuru 5, no. 5 (2022): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6990011.

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O presente artigo pretende revelar o papel que Franco Ciarlantini, importante figura política italiana, teve nas trocas literárias entre a América do Sul – principalmente o Brasil – e a Itália, no início do século XX. Ciarlantini vai dedicar sua vida à divulgação da cultura italiana por meio, entre outros, da editora “<em>Alpes”</em> e da revista “<em>Augustea: politica, economia, arte”</em><em>,</em> fonte rica através da qual foi possível fazer um levantamento das aç&otilde

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Schargel, Sergio, and Julia de Oliveira Góes Guimarães. "Between Antifascism and Antifa: A Conversation with Mark Bray, Author of Antifa." Revista Brasileira de História 43, no. 92 (2023): 305–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1806-93472023v43n92-19.

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ABSTRACT Antifa, by Mark Bray, innovated in a field of study with wide coverage: fascism. Bray dared to look at the other and forgotten side: anti-fascism. In his book Antifa: The Anti-Fascist Handbook, Bray deals not with anti-fascism as mere opposition to fascism, but with a tradition of political combat that dates back to the beginnings of Mussolini’s Fascism. It is noticeable in Antifa, and even in the interview that follows, the combination between the two universes of the author. Bray, an academic historian at Dartmouth College, analyzes historical and contemporary fascisms, as well as t

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della Redazione, A. cura. "In questo numero." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 1 (March 2023): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2022-001007.

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Daniela L. Caglioti, War and Citizenship. Enemy Aliens and National Belong-ing from the French Revolution to the First World War (Silvia Salvatici)Elena Papadia, La forza dei sentimenti. Anarchici e socialisti in Italia (1870-1900) (Arianna Arisi Rota)Federico Mazzei, Cattolici di opposizione negli anni del fascismo. Alcide De Gasperi e Stefano Jacini fra politica e cultura (1923-1943) (Roberto P. Violi)Gianni Dore, Capi locali e colonialismo in Eritrea. Biografie di un potere su-bordinato (Alessandro Volterra)Alessandro Santagata, Una violenza "incolpevole". Retoriche e pratiche dei cattolici

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Bolt, Mikkel. "Senfascismens æstetisering af (den hvide) arbejderklasse." Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 49, no. 2-3 (2019): 78–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v49i2-3.6637.

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Late Fascism’s Aestheticization of the (White) Working Class: Notes for a Communist Art Theory The article presents a double take on what I propose to call late fascism in order to distinguish between the inter-war fascist movements and contemporary fascist parties and politicians. Firstly, I follow Walter Benjamin’s analysis of fascism as a question of aestheticization. Fascism is just as much a question of culture and ideology as a question of politics, and we need to map the specific fascist culture that contemporary fascist politicians produce. Secondly, I connect this analysis of fa

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Ferrarini, Fabio. "‘Mediterraneo baltico’: Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland (1933–9)." Modern Italy 25, no. 4 (2020): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2020.51.

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This article focuses on Italian Fascist propaganda in Finland. Federico Finchelstein (2010) characterised fascism as a global-transnational doctrine with diverse reformulations, ramifications and permutations. Therefore, the Finnish case-study is useful in the analysis of Mussolini's twin struggle against Soviet Communism and the increasing Nazi threat in the Baltic in the 1930s and 1940s. This article will examine how Mussolini tried to keep in touch with Finnish fascists after Hitler's rise to power. Organisations and groups like the Lapua Movement and the Finnish Patriotic People's Movement

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Vincenzini, Vincenzini. "El nacionalcatolicismo fascista de José Pemartín: entre el monarquismo circunstancial franquista y el monarquismo institucional tradicionalista." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 498–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.24.

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En este estudio analizaremos el recorrido de los católicos reaccionarios a partir de la Guerra de Independencia y su cambio de antinacionales a nacional-católicos hasta convertirse en fascistizados en el periodo entre la Guerra Civil y el estallido de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. En ese sentido cabe destacar la labor de José Pemartín. La centralidad del estudio la ocupan tres temas contenidos en su obra más importante, Qué es lo Nuevo: la diferencia de matices con respecto a los valores expresados por otros intelectuales nacional-católicos anteriores y contemporáneos a él; la tentativa de concil

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Sonnessa, Antonio. "The 1922 Turin Massacre (Strage di Torino): Working Class Resistance and Conflicts within Fascism." Modern Italy 10, no. 2 (2005): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500284242.

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SummaryThis article explores the reasons why Turin's Fascists launched a violent offensive against the local labour movement two months after the Fascist seizure of power. The article demonstrates that the residual resistance of the working class to Fascism was the major reason behind the Turin massacre. However, it also investigates other decisive factors for the violence of December 1922: the conflict between the national Fascist leadership and Turin Fascism and within the Turin fascio itself. The article challenges the interpretation, best exemplified by Renzo De Felice, that the Fascist vi

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Storchi, Simona. "The ex-Casa del Fascio in Predappio and the question of the “difficult heritage” of Fascism in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 24, no. 02 (2019): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.8.

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This article focuses on the history and reception of the ex-Casa del Fascio in Predappio, from the end of the Second World War to the current plans for its restoration and reuse as a study centre and a museum of Fascism. Taking into account changes in legislative, political, and cultural contexts, the article proposes an approach to the legacy of Fascist architecture in Italy based not just on its ideological charge, but also on cultural and political shifts, changes in legislation, and the complex relationships between the bodies in charge of the preservation and management of public heritage

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Rampello, Stefania. "Italian anti-Fascism in London, 1922–1934." Modern Italy 20, no. 4 (2015): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1353294400014812.

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Between the end of the Great War and the start of the Second World War, various Italians living in London, who for the most part had migrated there around the start of the twentieth century, started their own particular determined opposition to Fascism. Their initial aim was to counter Fascist monopolisation of London's Italian community, contesting control of the community's main associations, institutes and cultural bodies by the Fascio, which had been established in London in 1921. Subsequently, these anti-Fascists also sought contacts outside London's Little Italy, on the one hand with Bri

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Bauerkämper, Arnd. "Transnational Fascism: Cross-Border Relations between Regimes and Movements in Europe, 1922-1939." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 214–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534469.

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In recent debates about transnational and inter-cultural approaches in historiography, crossborder relations have usually assumed a positive connotation for mutually enriching the parties involved. However, research on bilateral relationships between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism and of fascist movements in other European states demonstrate that transnational exchange is normatively ambivalent, i.e. it can comply with our aims, wishes and expectations or not. This contribution will present evidence for the attractiveness of Italian Fascism and German Nazism throughout Europe in

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Griffin, Roger. "Fascism’s Modernist Revolution: A New Paradigm for the Study of Right-wing Dictatorships." Fascism 5, no. 2 (2016): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00502002.

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This article highlights the progress that has been made within fascist studies from seeing ‘fascist culture’ as an oxymoron, and assuming that it was driven by a profound animus against modernity and aesthetic modernism, to wide acceptance that it had its own revolutionary dynamic as a search for a Third Way between liberalism and communism, and bid to establish an alternative, rooted modern culture. Building logically on this growing consensus, the next stage is to a) accept that modernism is legitimately extended to apply to radical experimentation in society, economics, politics, and materi

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Di Martino, Giovanna. "The Living Archive." Fascism 12, no. 2 (2023): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-bja10063.

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Abstract This article discusses the practices of documentation and archiving related to classical performance in the Italian Fascist regime, and their implications for the study of fascist art and culture more widely. The first part discusses a number of institutions as the sites of Italian Fascism’s archiving of classical performance. The second part, drawing on the work of Eric Ketelaar and Amalia G. Sabiescu, considers how Italian Fascism made use of the historically connoted ‘cultural tools’ of ancient Greek theatre as ‘living archives’. It discusses the aesthetic means that came to charac

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MAMMONE, ANDREA. "The Transnational Reaction to 1968: Neo-fascist Fronts and Political Cultures in France and Italy." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (2008): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004384.

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AbstractA transnational analysis of neo-fascism in France and Italy can elucidate historical processes that are usually only analysed within a specific national context or deemed to be by-products of individual nation-states. This article highlights the crucial importance of 1968 in the development of neo-fascist electoral and political strategies in both countries, as well as in the rise of extremist cultural activism. It reveals similar reactions to the hegemony of the political left over popular and youth culture as well as a striking commonality of ideals. Through the examination of a rela

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Franco, Andrea. "Bystree, Vyse, Sil'nee: lo sport russo e sovietico dalle origini al disgelo." MONDO CONTEMPORANEO, no. 2 (May 2021): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mon2020-002011.

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Il presente articolo prende in esame alcuni aspetti rilevanti della storia dello sport in Urss, risalendo fino alle lontane origini in epoca zarista, e analizza come il movimento sportivo si sviluppò in Unione Sovietica. Il saggio prende in esame l'evoluzione dell'approccio con cui il potere sovietico, nei suoi primi anni di vita, guardò allo sport, dapprima rinnegandone la dimensione agonistica, cui veniva preferito il movimento di massa, che veniva associato ad un solidarismo di matrice marxista-leninista. Nel corso degli anni successivi la politica sovietica nei confronti dello sport mutò v

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Bernstein, Sanders Isaac. "On the Uses and Abuses of Fascism." American Literary History 35, no. 1 (2023): 445–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajac242.

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Abstract This essay reviews Bruce Kuklick’s Fascism Comes to America: A Century of Obsession in Politics and Culture (2022). It discusses how the book contributes to ongoing debates about defining fascism by offering a wide-ranging historical survey of the term’s use in the US and by, ultimately, questioning the term’s analytic value. Fascism Comes to America tracks the concept in the US over the past century, drawing on journalism, mass entertainment, and academic scholarship to illuminate its many contradictory applications. Considering both evolving uses of fascism leading up to World War I

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Lawrence, Jon. "Fascist violence and the politics of public order in inter-war Britain: the Olympia debate revisited*." Historical Research 76, no. 192 (2003): 238–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00174.

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Abstract This article uses press reports, pamphlet literature, politicians' diaries, parliamentary debates and Home Office/police papers at the Public Record Office to sustain two main arguments. Firstly, that contrary to recent revisionist accounts, revulsion at fascist violence played an important part in the failure of Mosley and British fascism. It is shown that the furore over blackshirt violence at Olympia in 1934 served to alienate Conservative opinion from fascist ‘extremism’ both in parliament and in the press, and also convinced both British Union of Fascists and communist leaders th

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Medici, Lorenzo. "Italy’s Cultural Diplomacy: From Propaganda to Cultural Cooperation." Świat Idei i Polityki 18, no. 1 (2019): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip201902.

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Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultur

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La Penna, Daniela. "Fabio Fernando Rizi. ‘Coraggio nel presente e fiducia nell’avvenire’: Politica e cultura sotto il fascismo nel carteggio tra Benedetto Croce e Giovanni Laterza dal 1925 al 1943." Quaderni d'italianistica 42, no. 2 (2022): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v42i2.39714.

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Cammelli, Maddalena Gretel. "Fascism as a style of life." Focaal 2017, no. 79 (2017): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2017.790108.

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In the European context, where the rise of right-wing movements and parties indicates the emergence of an integral Europe, Italy represents a country where the fascist past grants these political formations significant identitarian security. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted with a contemporary neofascist movement called CasaPound active in Italy, this article proposes to take seriously the activists’ definition of themselves as “third-millennium fascists.” This article examines the network that CasaPound has built around its movement to analyze the presence fascist political culture

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Punzo, Maurizio. "Il “salotto” di Anna Kuliscioff e Critica Sociale." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 54, no. 1 (2020): 312–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014585820912905.

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Studio o salotto che fosse, la stanza come “luogo” nel quale si manifestavano, oltre agli affetti famigliari di Filippo e Anna, l’elaborazione e il dialogo politici della coppia più celebrata del socialismo italiano, Turati e Kuliscioff, merita l’attenzione di storici e critici letterari. Vi passò fior fiore di personaggi che fecero la storia della politica e della cultura di quei decenni, in particolare nell’ambito laico socialista, contribuendo alla formazione di un buon numero di futuri combattenti contro il fascismo. Ricco di citazioni di testimoni di quei decenni, il saggio fornisce al le

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Martin, Thaddeus D. "Addressing Fascism: A New Politics of Experience?" Philosophies 9, no. 5 (2024): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies9050152.

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(1) Background: The rise of fascism in American and, indeed, throughout the world, prompts a question: why does fascism remain persistent in human existence? The question is one that Karl Jaspers might have asked regarding the origin and goal of history. The political description of fascism is not adequate to describe the lived experience of those drawn to it, and to assume such people to be irrational does not suffice. Rather, culture provides semiotic structure, which is phenomenologically embodied by people in a Mitwelt. (2) Results: Perhaps what is needed is not a political description of

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GOTTLIEB, JULIE. "Body Fascism in Britain: Building the Blackshirt in the Inter-War Period." Contemporary European History 20, no. 2 (2011): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777311000026.

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AbstractIn recent years scholars have devoted a great deal of attention and theorisation to the body in history, looking both at bodies as metaphors and as sites of intervention. These studies have tended to focus on the analysis of bodies in a national context, acting for and acted upon by the state, and similarly the ever-expanding study of masculinity continues to try to define hegemonic masculinities. But what if we direct our gaze to marginal bodies, in this case Blackshirt bodies who act against the state, and a political movement that commits assault on the body politic? This article ex

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Gardell, Mattias. "‘The Girl Who Was Chased by Fire’: Violence and Passion in Contemporary Swedish Fascist Fiction." Fascism 10, no. 1 (2021): 166–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-10010004.

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Abstract Fascism invites its adherents to be part of something greater than themselves, invoking their longing for honor and glory, passion and heroism. An important avenue for articulating its affective dimension is cultural production. This article investigates the role of violence and passion in contemporary Swedish-language fascist fiction. The protagonist is typically a young white man or woman who wakes up to the realities of the ongoing white genocide through being exposed to violent crime committed by racialized aliens protected by the System. Seeking revenge, the protagonist learns ho

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STEWART-STEINBERG, SUZANNE. "SEXUAL CAUSALITY." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 1 (2018): 221–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000033.

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Close on the thematic heels of her groundbreaking Sex after Fascism, Dagmar Herzog offers us in her new book Cold War Freud: Psychoanalysis in an Age of Catastrophes a further elaboration on her earlier thesis about the complex relationship between sex and politics. Sex after Fascism made an immensely productive but counterintuitive argument, one that crucially relied on the proposition of three historical periods, each defined by its particular relationship with sex(uality). Herzog claimed, first, that German fascism was not sexually repressive; second, that the immediate postwar environment

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Colacicco, Tamara. "The British Institute of Florence and the British Council in Fascist Italy: from Harold E. Goad to Ian G. Greenlees, 1922–1940." Modern Italy 23, no. 3 (2018): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.19.

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The first British cultural institute on foreign soil was founded in Florence in 1917. However, it was the creation of the British Council in London in 1935 that marked the beginning of the strengthening of the British cultural presence abroad. The aim of this drive was to promote knowledge of British culture and civic and political life overseas, to defend national prestige and, given the escalating expansionist policies of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, to encourage the preservation of dialogue between the major European powers, underpinned by democratic principles. Bridging a gap in researc

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Miscamble, Wilson D. "The Limits of American Catholic Antifascism: The Case of John A. Ryan." Church History 59, no. 4 (1990): 523–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169147.

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Writing in the midst of World War II, the Italian exiles Gaetano Salvemini and Giorgio La Piana charged that the Catholic church in America had bestowed its blessing upon Benito Mussolini and fascism.1 In discussing this charge the historian John Diggins admitted that “at first glance it does appear that the American clergy had indeed composed a political choir in behalf of Fascism.”2 Diggins portrayed a large number of Catholic clergy led by figures like Cardinal William O'Connell of Boston and Father Charles E. Coughlin who found occasion to praise Mussolini. He outlined the views of the maj

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Santomassimo, Gianpasquale. "Metabolizzare il fascismo." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 77 (May 2009): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-077010.

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- Santomassimo discusses Luca La Rovere's book The Inheritance of Fascism. The A. reconstructs the ample discussions that developed in the immediate postwar period in cultural circles - and among the young - about the responsibilities, consensus and legacies of the regime in the history of the Republic, that refute the widespread image of Italians as opportunistic "turncoats" in the postwar years. What emerges from the study are the limits of the debate on the "metabolization" of Italian fascism in the subsequent period, particularly since the 1960s, in contrast to that in Germany about the re

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Kallis, Aristotle. "Neither Fascist nor Authoritarian: The 4th of August Regime in Greece (1936-1941) and the Dynamics of Fascistisation in 1930s Europe." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 303–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x534504.

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The 4th of August regime in Greece under Ioannis Metaxas has long been treated by theories of ‘generic fascism’ as a minor example of authoritarianism or at most a case of failed fascism. This derives from the ideas that the Metaxas dictatorship did not originate from any original mass ‘fascist’ movement, lacked a genuinely fascist revolutionary ideological core and its figurehead came from a deeply conservative-military background. In addition, the regime balanced the introduction ‘from above’ of certain ‘fascist’ elements (inspired by the regimes in Germany, Italy and Portugal) with a pro-Br

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Gentile, Emilio. "Mussolini's charisma." Modern Italy 3, no. 02 (1998): 219–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532949808454805.

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SummaryMussolini was the prototype of twentieth-century charismatic dictators. His personal charisma antedated the founding of Fascism and the formal construction of collective charisma through the movement and the personality cult. First forged in the socialist movement, Mussolini's charisma assumed a new guise when he became a supporter of Italy's intervention in the First World War. He acquired an aura for the third time as Fascist leader. There were always tensions between the Duce and Fascism as the latter embodied the collective charisma of a movement. Nevertheless, Fascist ideology and

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Gramith, Luke. "Minders of the Clock and Starvers of the People: Everyday Fascism and the Grassroots Logic of Revolutionary Defascistization in Monfalcone, Italy, 1922–1946." European History Quarterly 52, no. 2 (2022): 268–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221085121.

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Although much is known about the political and legal contours of post-dictatorial transitions in twentieth-century Southern Europe, less is known about the process of resolving contradictory purge aspirations at the national and local levels, let alone how new social imaginaries emerged at the grassroots level informed by the everyday experiences of dictatorship. This article provides a bottom-up account of defascistization in the Italian town of Monfalcone, where a distinctly social-revolutionary logic of defascistization emerged independent of Marxism and tied to the town's everyday experien

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Donátková, Zuzana. "Futurismus a fašismus." Historica. Revue pro historii a příbuzné vědy 12, no. 2 (2021): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/historica.2021.12.0009.

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The article maps the relationship between the Italian Futurist movement and fascism from a general perspective. It deals with the relationship between the leader of Futurism F. T. Marinetti and Benito Mussolini from the beginning of their cooperation in 1915 to the end of the Second World War. Throughout its era, Futurism identified itself with Italy’s social and political climate. Futurism was one of the ideological sources for fascism and it was one of the movements that formed Fasci di Combattimento in 1919. But after Mussolini came to power, fascist cultural politics aesthetically preferre

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Kallis, Aristotle. "The Transnational Co-production of Interwar ‘Fascism’: On the Dynamics of Ideational Mobility and Localization." European History Quarterly 51, no. 2 (2021): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914211006307.

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Interwar fascism achieved sensational international reach through the appeal and circulation of a set of generic ideological norms and political practices. Therefore, models of analysis must accommodate alternative local interpretations, adaptations, and a wide range of varied outcomes in the process of its diverse local translations. In this article, I propose the new trans-disciplinary mobility paradigm as a productive methodological extension of the transnational approach in fascism studies. I focus on the fluid dynamics of transnational circulation of ‘fascist’ ideas and political innovati

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OLIVEIRA, Marcos Antônio Bessa. "(Des)política para corpos-política na arte, na cultura e na educação." INTERRITÓRIOS 6, no. 10 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i10.244891.

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RESUMOArte, Educação, Política compõem uma tríade compreendida historicamente no Ocidente como interdependentes. Entretanto, arte, educação e políticas ocidentais não estão compreendidas para corpos aquém dos padrões de raça, gênero e classe edificados pelo pensamento que arquitetou o projeto moderno europeu levado à expansão em todo mundo no século XVI. Igualmente, histórico e contemporaneamente, políticas têm definido, no caso do Brasil em níveis federal, estaduais e municipais, atuações e ações de corpos e sobre os corpos na arte, na educação e na própria política. Considerando a histórica

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Fonio, Chiara, and Stefano Agnoletto. "Surveillance, Repression and the Welfare State: Aspects of Continuity and Discontinuity in post-Fascist Italy." Surveillance & Society 11, no. 1/2 (2013): 74–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v11i1/2.4449.

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This paper seeks to explore political, cultural, legal and socio-economic legacies of the Fascist regime (1922-1943) in Italy. With the fall of the regime, in fact, the overall surveillance apparatus did not fade away. Former fascists were not purged from political and cultural life and very few were found guilty. The transition to democracy was thus marked by a substantial continuity of men and institutions (Della Porta and Reiter 2004) due to the active involvement of ex-OVRA (Organization of Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism) officers in public institutions (Author 2011). It comes as

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Ridolfi, Maurizio. ""Al di lŕ della destra e della sinistra"? Tradizioni e culture politiche nell'Italia repubblicana." MEMORIA E RICERCA, no. 41 (February 2013): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mer2012-041004.

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A sharp contrast between left and right arose in Italy especially after World War Two, as a legacy of the conflict between fascism and anti-fascism, which had developed between the two wars. However, at this cleavage was added the majority and hegemonic centre pole represented by Christian Democracy (both anti-fascist than anti-communist), which would make more mobile the identity boundaries and more marked the dissonances between the reality of political-administrative life and the self-representation of left and right widespread cultures. A history of politics truly attentive to the social a

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Huyssen, Andreas. "BEHEMOTH LEVANTA-SE NOVAMENTE: REFLEXÕES SOBRE O FASCISMO NO SÉCULO XXI / Behemoth rises again: reflections on 21st-Century Fascism." arte e ensaios 26, no. 40 (2020): 319–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37235/ae.n40.22.

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O presente texto é adaptado de Prophets of Deceit Redivivus – palestra proferida em 8 de junho de 2019 no Museu de História Alemã em Berlim, em conferência sobre Mosse’s Europe: New Perspectives in the History of German Judaism, Fascism, and Sexuality. A conferência discutiu proximidades e diferenças entre a atual situação política nos Estados Unidos e o fascismo entreguerras, nacional socialista. O texto foi originalmente publicado em julho de 2019, em n+1 Magazine, disponível em: https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/behemoth-rises-again/.Palavras-chave: Teoria Crítica; Marxismo cu

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Iordachi, Constantin. "Introduction: Fascism in Interwar East Central and Southeastern Europe: Toward a New Transnational Research Agenda." East Central Europe 37, no. 2-3 (2010): 161–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633010x541786.

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This introductory essay provides a first, much needed comprehensive overview of the recent scholarship on fascism and the radical right in East Central and Southeastern Europe in local and international historiography. Its aim is to identify a new research agenda for studying fascism comparatively, potentially contributing to the fine-tuning or substantial modification of the existing explanatory paradigms. It is argued that comparative research on fascism and the radical right in these regions should be set on new theoretical and methodological foundations, as part of an effort toward greater

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Haupt, Adam, and J. Griffith Rollefson. "Fight the power: Hip hop in a time of monsters." Global Hip Hop Studies 6, no. 1 (2025): 3–9. https://doi.org/10.1386/ghhs_00105_2.

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This editorial contextualizes the political and cultural environment in which this open call issue emerges, noting the rise of global fascisms and dangers to free speech. To situate this point in hip hop history, the introduction nods to Chuck D of Public Enemy, who rapped on the classic track, ‘Fight the Power’: ‘Our freedom of speech is freedom or death/ We got to fight the powers that be’. From this background, the short essay introduces the contents of the issue, concluding that we need to build solidarity to protect our freedom of speech and protect each other from being disappeared – as

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Benjamin, H. Welsh. "Framing Culture and Diversity Today: Cultural Hegemony." Journal of Underrepresented and Minority Progress 1, no. 1 (2017): 3–7. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.1165450.

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We should be alarmed (but not surprised) that Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937), Marxist, journalist, politician, and political philosopher, bore witness to a similar political movement in Italy in the early decades of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. Gramsci was active in Socialist and Communist circles circa 1912, at the same time as Benito Mussolini. Then, after Mussolini rejected socialism, embraced nationalism and strong-armed his way into power in 1922, Gramsci witnessed Italy collapse into a one-party fascist dictatorship almost overnight. In five years or less, Mussolini dismantled liberal Italy

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Baioni, Massimo. "Interpretations of Garibaldi in Fascist culture: a contested legacy." Modern Italy 15, no. 4 (2010): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.506295.

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Facing the controversial memory of the Risorgimento, Fascism was compelled to measure itself against Garibaldi, the nation's most celebrated and popular hero. The result was an exaltation of the alleged continuity between Redshirts and Blackshirts, marked by an emphasis on patriotic voluntarism that removed Garibaldi's adherence to the principles of liberty and democracy from his legacy. In the national discourse developed in the press and school textbooks, Garibaldi was harnessed to the ideological needs of the regime and held up as the embodiment of the Italian people's heroic militarism. Ho

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Levi, Neil, and Michael Rothberg. "Memory studies in a moment of danger: Fascism, postfascism, and the contemporary political imaginary." Memory Studies 11, no. 3 (2018): 355–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018771868.

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Inspired by Walter Benjamin’s concept of the “moment of danger,” this essay considers the contemporary return of the memory of fascism and Nazism among both far-right political movements and liberal and left critics of the right. We briefly sketch how memories and symbols derived from the fascist and National Socialist era, among other sources, help constitute new political subjects in our moment of danger, and we look extensively at responses to the election of Donald Trump and evaluate the way the invocation of the fascist era as memory and warning shapes versions of resistant remembrance. W

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Ryan, Eileen. "Violence and the politics of prestige: the fascist turn in colonial Libya." Modern Italy 20, no. 2 (2015): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2015.1024214.

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In 1922–1923, Fascist Party leaders hoped to define a sharp break from previous approaches to colonial rule and imperial expansion in Italy's Libyan territories. Mussolini's nomination of Luigi Federzoni, a leading figure of the Italian Nationalist Association, as the Minister of Colonies at the end of 1922 signalled a new era in Italian colonial administration focused on aggressive expansion and the institution of what was known as a ‘politics of prestige’. This definition of a fascist style of colonial rule appealed to the enthusiasm for violence among blackshirt militias and early fascist s

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Wolff, Elisabetta Cassina. "The meaning and role of the concepts of democracy and corporatism in Italian neo-fascist ideology (1945–1953)." Modern Italy 16, no. 3 (2011): 295–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2010.524887.

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While caution, tactics and compromise characterised the political practice of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement in post-war Italy, a section of the Italian press took a less guarded approach to the 20-year regime (Fascism) and to fascism as a political idea (fascism). A lively debate began immediately after the death of Mussolini; Italians sympathetic to fascism opposed the new Italian republican settlement and their opinions were freely expressed in newspapers and magazines. Neo-fascism in Italy was represented by three main ideological currents (left-wing, moderate and right-wing), and

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Scholtyseck, Joachim. "Fascism—National Socialism—Arab “Fascism”: Terminologies, Definitions and Distinctions." DIE WELT DES ISLAMS 52, no. 3-4 (2012): 242–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-201200a2.

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Because certain movements in the Arab world of the 1930s and 1940s showed similarities to Mussolini’s and Hitler’s regimes, historians have drawn comparisons with the fascist and National Socialist dictatorships. But not even those arguing for the concept of a “generic fascism” are able to wholeheartedly subsume these movements under their fascist rubric. Fascism and National Socialism evolved in Europe, were shaped by the mood at the fin de siècle, became effective after the First World War in a unique political, social, economic and cultural atmosphere, and only lost their appeal in 1945 at

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Domínguez Méndez, Rubén. "Los Límites de las Políticas Culturales y Educativas en la Construcción del Nuevo Hombre Fascista." Social and Education History 4, no. 2 (2015): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2015.1506.

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<div><p class="Body1">Mussolini proposed the creation of a new man who was supposed to serve a general modernization of Italian society. To this end, fascism introduced to the masses in the political, economic, legal and, of course, cultural and educational system defended by fascist doctrine. This paper analyzes the cultural and educational policies developed by fascism in to build the new man. We study the values of this fascist man and the institutions responsible for that “creation” to show, finally, the limitations of these policies to achieve the expected results.</p>&l

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Bandžović, Safet. "Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (2020): 133–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.133.

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At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests

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